mcdonalds economics and minimum wage
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Raising the Minimum Wage Despite Modern Misconceptions
The classic argument against raising minimum wage is a competitive economic model,
the basic economic model that misconstrues the important and detrimental aspects of the modern
economy and the greed that is employed by large corporations and their prime investors. The
perversion of the model funnels many that are less informed on how economics and ethics work
into holding on to the false belief that minimum wage is an elitist motive disguised as a liberal
and humanitarian idea that actually destroys the opportunities of the less accredited, mostly
citing detriments to the polar extremes of the labor market, the young and the elderly
demographics, who would supposedly be willing to work for less cash than employers are
willing to pay them with a minimum wage standard as they will lose too much profit from
employing and buying their unskilled services. This is a false assumption. There are many
complicated factors that contribute to any change in base and required pay. While there may be
some adverse effect to small business owners, when appropriate measures such as wage increase
that is modest and adjusted to fluctuate with inflation, "wage compression" or decrease in wage
of higher earners, and small price increases are taken, raising the minimum wage causes zero or
statistically insignificant fluctuations in the job market when applied to corporate monopolies
like McDonalds.
The basic competitive model of the potentially adverse effect of minimum wage is
displayed on the left (Wilson). The independent variable is represented with Employment, and
the dependent variable is the Wage Rate. Line DD is the Market Demand curve. When wages are
higher, the demand for the labor at those costs decrease, and when the wage is low, the employer
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will happily hire more employees at a slavish expense, which creates a negative correlation in
this model. SS is the Market Supply curve. When the wage is low, there will not be many people
willing to pimp their labors out for such nominal prices. As wage increases, there is much more
competition for the position to be filled, thus producing a positive correlation in the graph. Wc is
the competitive wage and Ec is the competitive employment, where the demand for labor and
supply of workers in terms of wages creates an equilibrium. When minimum wage is
theoretically increased to Wm in this model of interpretation and market prediction, the
employment at point A is lowered, represented by line Em where the new demand and supply
cross on the Market Demand curve, and also causes an excess supply of laborers (BC) that is
larger than the demand for laborers represented by line AC. The excess supply of laborers
supposedly decreases the number of hours available to work and the number of jobs offered
(AB). This type of study and critique or the economic effect of raising minimum wage is what
influenced Neumark and Wascher's research to presume that "...the preponderance of evidence
supports the view that minimum wages reduce the employment of low-wage workers" (104).
Since this study, economist have been at a bipartisan divide between whether or not
minimum wage truly effects employment, though
it seems that recent research supports the position
that there is no adverse effects of minimum wage
increase under controlled circumstances. Paul
Wolfson and Dale Belman conducted a meta-
analysis (left) of publications from economists on
the debate since 2000, rating different studies by
their variations in rigorous methodologies, concluding that, "The largest in magnitude are...
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positive [and] statistically significant... Several are economically irrelevant though statistically
significant and several others [are] slightly larger but...statistically insignificant" (10) in term of
employment.
How could it be that the abundance of recent studies all show zero to statistically
irrelevant changes in employment, when the competitive model tends to argue otherwise?
According to John Schmitt,” If the only channel of adjustment available is employment, the
competitive model implies that binding minimum wages will reduce employment. But, the
existence of other possible channels of adjustment means that minimum wages could have little
or no effect on employment, even within a standard competitive vision of the labor market,” such
as minor adjustments to pricings, minimal enough to not discourage the consumer, possible
slashes or reductions to non-wage benefits, shifts in the composition of employment and minor
wage equalization to those who make above the minimum (Schmitt 12).
The antiquarian competition model fails to predict trends outside of its simplistic
economic standards. Productivity and value of increased will to provide higher quality labor has
the potential to rise dramatically when employees are offered a wage that they can support
themselves on in a modern age. In a data brief in July 2012 by the National Employment Law
Project, Big Business, Corporate Profit, and the Minimum Wage, the current wage of $7.25 “in
terms of purchasing power,” has a value that is “30 percent lower today than it was in 1968” (1),
while large corporations are reporting record profits in 2011 at a combined $1.97 trillion (Reilly).
If the minimum wage were increased, big businesses like McDonalds could see employees’
efficacy rise to reorganize and restructure work environments to produce higher performance
standards from the increased motivation from employees due to the want to keep their jobs or the
reciprocity of the increased pay, and greater work intensity as well (Schmitt, 12). The
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competitive model also assumes that the workplace is operating at its greatest efficiency with
perfection, having no room for improvement because it is too costly to implement new strategies
and maintain practices that continually maximize efficiency (Kaufman 3). Another important
factor in the increase of the minimum wage is that it gives more spending power to the low wage
workers, increasing the economic stimuli and potentially offsetting the wage increase, though not
entirely. As big companies like McDonalds increase their base pay, “economists generally
recognize that low-wage workers are more likely than any other income group to spend any extra
earnings immediately on previously unaffordable basic needs or services” (Hall, 7), increasing
their profit in the industry through a direct correlation with the increase in wage.
When looking at the statistics of how previous wage increases have affected companies,
we find a very minimal increase to the overall increase in how much a large corporation would
spend in the actual increase of the percentage that a bill passes. In 2009, the minimum wage was
increased to $7.25, a 10.7% increase from 2008’s $6.55 minimum wage. The bill for the wage
increase was 1.9 billion dollars a year through a pool of roughly 2,407,638 people, with the total
sum being 34.5 billion, only a 0.03% increase in the total wage bill for all companies affected by
the bill. According to Schmitt, “relative to the total wage costs in the economy (that is including
the wages of all employees, not just those earning the minimum wage), the wages costs of recent
minimum-wage increases are very small” (15).
The offset in the wage bill that raising the minimum wage would create can be dealt with
through multiple facets, and is not that incredibly complex. There are many regulations that can
be established to ensure financial security that have been thoroughly tested and proven effective.
Of these many possible channels, it is likely that a couple may be implemented, but the benefit of
raising the wage seems to outweigh the costs greatly.
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Since raising the minimum wage does not increase the cost of hiring new workers, and
instead raises the costs per hour of work, many managers would opt to decrease the number of
hours worked by low-wage employees, instead of decreasing the amount of workers on payroll
(Michl 4). Even in a competitive framework market, the standard of living may increase for
minimum wage employees even with decreased hours. If minimum wage were increased 20%
and an employer decreased the number of hours worked by 10%, an employee who was working
20 hours a week, now works 18 yet experiences an 8% increase in his pay. Even if the hourly cut
was so large as to exactly offset the increase in wage, their standard of living would not decrease
until their hours were cut steeper than their rise in wage, and in the evidence deduced by Dube,
Lester, and Reich, “the fall in hours is unlikely to be large" (956).
Employers may also respond to an increase in minimum wage by cutting or reducing
nonwage benefits. In relation to a company like McDonalds, there was usually no cut in the most
common nonwage benefits offered, such as free or low priced meals (Card and Krueger 10).
Raising the minimum wage usually has no effects on nonwage benefits, with Simon and
Kaestner reporting that minimum wage has “had no discernible effect on fringe benefits
(specifically, on the receipt of health insurance, on whether the employer paid the whole
premium cost, on whether family health insurance was provided, and on receipt of employer
pensions)" (67), though it is a possible response to the wage bill increase.
“Upgrading” the level of skill required for the job with a new minimum wage would
allow employers to receive more skilled laborers to increase the yield of productivity from the
same job offered at a lower wage, which would seemingly be at a disadvantage to the youth, the
uneducated, and minorities, unfortunately. Allagretto, Dube, and Reich conducted their own
study covering the employment effect of wage increase on white, black, and Hispanic teens from
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1999 through 2007, however, finding that through three recessions and three minimum wage
increases, there was no statistically significant effect on employment for teens or any of the three
ethnic groups separately (228). Using a similar methodology, Dube, Lester and Reich also
concluded in 2012 that there was no evidence to support a change in the restaurant sector’s
composition in terms of gender or age makeup due to increased minimum wage.
In a purely competitive model, economic theory predicts that at least a portion of the
increased wage will be passed on to the consumers, resulting in a price increase for merchandise.
Sara Lemos reviewed more than 30 academic papers on the price effects of minimum wage, and
found that a “10% US minimum wage increase raises food prices by no more than 4% and
overall prices by no more than 0.4%" (208), effectively increasing the wage of employees and
the price of products without a bid impact on the job market or inflation. The pricings of the food
industries with a high share of low-wage workers such as McDonalds would be likely to
experience prices that increase only slightly, and Lemos, Aaronson, French, and MacDonald
confirm in their studies “that a 10 percent increase in the minimum wage increases prices by
roughly 0.7 percent" (542).
Wage compression would be a huge catalyst for the increase in pay for minimum wage
earners in a business like McDonalds, as the top executive makes $4.1 million a year in
compensation alone, $6 billion in dividends and share buybacks, and about $2,000 an hour in
compensation (NELP). In the wake of a federally mandated minimum wage increase, the
unequivocally and inequitably rich executives could distribute even a fraction of their wealth to
help diminish the gap in profit. Corporations can delay or limit pay raise and bonuses for the
“more experienced” workers who make well above the minimum wage without any detriment to
their standard of living.
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Taking a reduction in profit for a company may also be a minor solution to an increase in
minimum wage, but there is curiously a lack of any research on the effects of this medium of
adjustment, because it is unlikely to happen. Big companies often only make about 1% in profit,
but that profit margin is gigantic. Since the recession of 08, McDonalds has not only recovered
from the financial catastrophe, but are now posting record breaking profits. McDonalds employs
almost a million low-wage workers, and yet their top executive makes over 4 million a year in
compensation alone. If they are comfortable with supporting this elitist agenda for perpetuating
classism, I doubt there would be any way they would dive into their profits to give to their
struggling employees, sadly.
When using a basic competitive model to decode if raising the minimum wage is
a benefit to companies or not, the answer seems obvious. But life is never as simple as a small
graph. There are many options that employers have when facing federal mandate for increased
wages and the financial backlash it may cause. When looking at things statistically though, the
increase is rather modest compared to the expenses paid to the upper echelon who still often
receive huge bonuses and pay increases with no debate as to their effects on the economy and
company as a whole. McDonalds and other huge corporations simply refuse to pay attention to
the needs of those who are less fortunate and undereducated, taking advantage of them at even
turn possible, and lobby against pay reformation. If the minimum were raised and tacked to vary
with inflation, large companies could easily restructure their monetary systems to reach
equilibrium with record breaking profits in the hundreds of millions. It may be harder for smaller
businesses to make some of these changes, which raises the question of perhaps not making the
minimum wage apply to them and perhaps only be applicable to companies that make a certain
amount of profit or employ a certain percentage of low-wage employees. At any rate, the
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standard of living is changing with increased bills, and yet wage remains stagnant. This essay
describes only in brief some of the possible ways that large corporate monopolies could easily
implement and keep up with a wage increase, but I fear greed may never truly let the seemingly
oppressed live in peace.
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Works Cited
Daniel Aaronson, Eric French, and James MacDonald, "The Minimum Wage, Restaurant Prices, and Labor Market Structure" Federal Reserve Bank of Chicago, 2004. Web. Nov. 2013.
Card, David and Alan Krueger. 1994. "Minimum Wages and Employment: A Case Study of the Fast-Food Industry in New Jersey and Pennsylvania." American Economic Review 48.4 (1994): 772-793. Web. Nov. 2013.
David Reilly, “U.S. Tax Haul Trails Profit Surge,” Wall Street Journal, Jan. 4, 2012. Web. Nov. 2013
Doucouliagos, Hristos and T. D. Stanley. "Publication Selection Bias in Minimum-Wage Research? A Meta-Regression Analysis." British Journal of Industrial Relations 47.2 (2009): 406-428. Nov. 2013
Dube, Arindrajit, T. William Lester, and Michael Reich. "Minimum Wage Effects Across State Borders: Estimates Using Contiguous Counties." Review of Economics and Statistics 92.4 (2010): 945-964. Web. Nov. 2013.
Hall, Doug and David Cooper. "How raising the federal minimum wage would help working families and give the economy a boost." Washington, DC: Economic Policy Institute Issue Brief 341. 2012. Web. Nov. 2013.
Kaufman, Bruce E. "Institutional Economics and the Minimum Wage: Broadening the Theoretical and Policy Debate." Industrial and Labor Relations Review 63.3 (2010): 427-453. Web. Nov. 2013.
Lemos, Sara. "A Survey of the Effects of the Minimum Wage on Prices." Journal of Economic Surveys 22.1 (2008): 187-212. Web. Nov. 2013.
Michl, Thomas R. "Can Rescheduling Explain the New Jersey Minimum Wage Studies?" Eastern Economic Journal 26.3 (2008): 265-277. Web. Nov. 2013.
National Employment Law Project. Big Business, Corporate Profits, and the Minimum Wage. July. 2012. Web. Nov. 2013
Neumark, David and William Wascher. Minimum Wages. Cambridge, MA: The MIT Press, 2008. Web. Nov. 2013.
Schmitt, John. “Why Does the Minimum Wage Have No Discernible Effect on Employment.” Center for Economic and Policy Research. Feb. 2013. Web. Nov. 2013
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Wilson, Mark. Downsizing Government: The Negative Effect of Minimum Wage Law. Cato Institute, 2013. Web. Nov. 2013
Wolfson, Paul and Dale Belman. “What Does the Minimum Wage Do?” Upjohn Institute for Employment Research. 2013. Web. Nov. 2013