mea lux, meum desiderium: cicero‟s letters to terentia …
TRANSCRIPT
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MEA LUX, MEUM DESIDERIUM: CICERO‟S LETTERS TO TERENTIA AND
MARITAL IDEALS
Jetta Maria Peterkin
A thesis submitted to the faculty of the University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill in partial
fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Master of Arts in the Department of Classics
(Latin).
Chapel Hill
2010
Approved by:
Dr. Werner Riess
Dr. Sharon James
Dr. James O‟Hara
brought to you by COREView metadata, citation and similar papers at core.ac.uk
provided by Carolina Digital Repository
ii
Abstract
JETTA PETERKIN: Mea lux, meum desiderium: Cicero‟s Letters to Terentia and Marital
Ideals
(Under the direction of Werner Riess)
The marriage of the famed Roman orator Cicero to his first wife Terentia is often
cited as an example of Roman marital relationships because of the letters that survive from
him to her. However, their marriage needs to be compared to other sources that describe
marital interactions to determine if we can use it as a model for other Roman unions. The
lack of a variety of sources from Roman marriages has limited this investigation to
comparing Cicero and Terentia to the ideals that are present in epigraphic and
epistolographic records. The results demonstrate that, within certain socio-economic
parameters, the marriage of Cicero and Terentia would have been considered normative by
other Romans. As such, their relationship is an effective model for how Romans would have
viewed a successful marriage.
iii
Table of Contents
Chapter
I. INTRODUCTION 1
Sources of Comparison 2
Scope 4
Conclusions 6
II. AUDIENCE AND EXPECTATION 8
Letters 8
Epigraphic Audience 11
Conclusions 13
III. GENDERED VIRTUE: THE DICTION OF PRAISE 15
Praise in Cicero‟s Correspondence 16
Everyday Life 22
The Civil War 26
The Ideal Woman in Pliny 28
Arria 29
Calpurnia 30
Fannia 31
Minicia Marcella 33
Conclusions 35
IV. AFFECTION AND DEVOTION 38
iv
Expressions of Affection 39
Pliny‟s Letters 42
Conclusions 45
V. CONCLUSION 47
Children and Divorce 47
The Conservation of Ideals 49
Cicero and Terentia 52
BIBLIOGRAPHY 55
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Chapter 1: Introduction
Though no document written by Terentia survives, her marriage to Cicero is one of
the most studied because of the intimate nature of his letters to her. In his correspondence,
we have relatively unvarnished communication from a husband to his wife. Cicero himself
never edited the letters for publication, and there are few obvious signs that any editor (likely
Tiro) made dramatic changes.1 As a result, these letters are the best extant evidence for
intimate spousal interaction in the Roman world. We can see what were perceived as
positive traits in a wife or husband, at least from Cicero‟s perspective and from his
expectation of Terentia‟s reactions.
The unique nature of Cicero‟s letters, however, prevents a simple generalization of
any interpretations to Roman society. Without any similarly frank, private sources, we must
carefully evaluate the evidence with other information about Roman values and expectations.
Tiro presumably did not include letters that he felt would harm Cicero‟s reputation because
of their embarrassing or untraditional content.2 On the one hand, this editing prevents us
from developing a complete picture of their marriage, but on the other it demonstrates what
Tiro thought would be valued and accepted by a contemporary reader.
Whether Tiro, as a freedman, chose as Cicero would have, is debatable. In order to
properly evaluate whether their marriage was as unusual as the letters, it is necessary to
1 Shackleton Bailey xi.
2 Grebe 128.
2
contextualize the relationship within other sources dealing with Roman marriage. If we do
not see similar interactions, then, while Cicero and Terentia still present an interesting
example, the aspects of their marriage cannot be generalized to the Roman population at
large. Here we will focus on Terentia‟s role in public life to determine whether her activities
fit into a relatively normal pattern for an elite wife.
Sources of Comparison
Before evaluating Cicero‟s letters in the context of other evidence, I will first discuss
the importance of audience and expectation. Because there is so little evidence about the
private lives of the Romans, we must rely heavily on how they perceived marriage rather
than on the actual realities of everyday life. For the sources that we will be comparing, the
composition of the audience will be largely the same, and the cultural expectations will be
informed by the characteristics of that audience. Those expectations are relatively clearly
defined, and so we have a firm cultural delineation of normative values for wives of elite
families.
Of the many sources available for examination, this paper will first look at funerary
inscriptions and the terms of praise that are applied to wives and husbands. Attention will be
paid to the Laudatio Turiae and Laudatio Murdiae because of the comparable levels of
wealth and social status. Typical adjectives for wives include: dulcissima (“sweetest”), pia
(“faithful”), carissima (“dearest”), optima (“best”), and sanctissima (“most pious” or “just”).3
Generally, they are meant to indicate the wife‟s faithful support of husband and family. Men
are also described by the masculine pius and optimus, and further terms such as virtus
(“manly excellence”) and fortitudo (“courage or strength”) are ascribed to them. Husbands
3 Riess, section 3.
3
are devoted to family as well, but they are also implicated in a public sphere by virtues that
are displayed only in military or political settings. Grebe summarizes, “…the ordinary field
of female activity in Rome was restricted to the home, whereas the external public world was
associated with the man…”4 This is a widely held view of gender division in ancient Rome,
5
though it evolves somewhat over the course of Roman history. In particular, we will see that
the late Republic was a period of change in the role of women in the public sphere.
Comparison between the terms Cicero applies to Terentia and those found in
inscriptions will show that Terentia, while occupying the traditionally feminine realm, also
acts in capacities that are associated with the masculine. That is, she works publicly to
secure his interests, as opposed to acting solely in a domestic capacity. However, such
actions are found to be acceptable only under certain circumstances.6 Thus, even though
Terentia appears to violate gender norms, she is in fact fulfilling the permissible, and indeed
even expected,7 duties of a wife during the exile and absence of a husband.
Nevertheless, Cicero also makes it clear that Terentia, even during periods of social
normalcy, acts as an intermediary between him and his clientes.8 Her actions during her
husband‟s exile may have been extraordinary, but it seems that she fulfilled a semi-public
role before and after that. Terentia, then, can be seen participating in the increasing
appearance of elite women in public life.9 Even in this respect she is exemplary of a general
4 Grebe 128.
5 See also, Hemelrijk (2004) 188.
6 Hemelrijk (2004) 197.
7 Grebe 127.
8 Ad. Fam. 14.2.2.
9 Hemelrijk (2004) 197.
4
movement, rather than a singular instance. That is not to say that she wasn‟t an extraordinary
woman, but that, in her capacity as Cicero‟s wife, Terentia closely conformed to both
traditional and developing expectations of an elite wife. She worked for her husband and
family within the bounds proscribed by her society, though within that range she acted
zealously. During periods of crisis, she expanded her typical role to fit new boundaries, but
when the trouble had passed, Terentia returned to her usual duties as Cicero‟s wife. Her
gender sphere fluctuates with necessity and the demands of a frequently mutable political
environment.
Secondly, I will compare Cicero‟s letters to his wife with those of Pliny the Younger.
The situations are not exactly parallel, in part because, over the intervening period, there
would have been changes in society and therefore any expectations.10
However, the
differences are not so great as to render any comparison unhelpful. The consistency in
relative class, wealth, and education as well as the letter-writing genre make Pliny‟s letters a
fruitful point of comparison.
Scope
The outcome of a comparison of Cicero‟s marriage with other sources on Roman
matrimony will necessarily be limited in application. Social expectations, while possibly
consistent, will not be exactly analogous across class, financial, and geographical boundaries.
Some of these factors can be adjusted for, but the circumstances of Cicero and Terentia‟s
separation in the early 50s BCE cannot be paralleled in the lower classes because exile was a
punishment reserved for the elite. There are intractable differences between classes in the
conditions of daily life and therefore social expectations.
10
Dixon (1991) 102.
5
For instance, the relative visibility of lower class women was much greater than that
of elite women in everyday life. These women were more likely, because of financial
considerations or less political participation,11
to hold a job that involved interaction with
non-family members. A list of occupations that women engaged in include:12
prostitution,
gladiatorial games, dancer, musician, acrobat, weaver, dress maker, waitress, midwife,
hairdresser, and others.13
Some of these professions, such as hairdresser or weaver, could be
executed without coming into contact with more than a few extra-familial individuals.14
However, any of the performance jobs, such as dancer or gladiator, would necessitate, if not
direct interaction, then at least the presentation of oneself to an audience. Waitresses would
have experienced more direct contact, and a midwife would certainly have had physical and
professional dealings with at least the women of other households.
For an elite woman, the very fact of employment would violate the basic values of a
marriage: a wife‟s support of her family usually comes through maintenance of a virtuous
household. It was the duty of the husband to provide material resources for his wife and
family.15
Thus, what is tolerated or even valuable among lower-class women does not
necessarily reflect the same considerations for upper-class wives. Any conclusions
11
That is, their husbands do not hold high political positions on which their wives‟ behavior could reflect
positively or negatively.
12 The extent to which these were acceptable as opposed to necessary to alleviate poverty is difficult to
ascertain. However, it seems likely, because of the consistency of inscriptions that praise private virtues over
public, that necessity breeds acceptance, up to a point.
13 Lefkowitz and Fant, Women’s Life in Greece and Rome, Chapter VIII.
14 Weaving done for one‟s own household is the canonical virtue ascribed to women.
15 Grebe 130.
6
developed from comparing Terentia, Turia,16
and Murdia will inform us most directly about
women of a similarly high level of birth, wealth, and education.
Conclusions
The evidence will show that Terentia and Cicero‟s marriage falls within the
expectations for a typical Roman elite couple. Aspects that seem striking are actually a
reflection of general trends in the increase of married women‟s everyday independence: the
growing popularity of sine manu marriages, and the spread of Greek-based education for
both men and women. In light of these social changes, Terentia‟s role fits within the
traditional and the evolving values for a Roman aristocratic wife.
One of the most striking aspects of their relationship, the apparently deeply felt
passion, is seen in other couples, but we have too few sources for daily intimate interaction to
generalize on the emotional investments of most Roman marriages. Dixon suggests that love
beyond concordia becomes a valued part of the ideal marriage in the late Republic and
Empire.17
Thus, their marriage can be seen as surpassing the expectations and ideals for
marriage.
Cicero and Terentia‟s divorce is difficult to evaluate because we do not have statistics
for rates of divorce. However, we do know that divorce was at least superficially considered
problematic, especially in instances where there was no fault attached to either party and if
the couple had children together.18
We do not know the exact circumstances of Cicero‟s
16
The appellation is likely erroneous, but I will use it to refer to the subject of the Laudatio Turiae for
simplification.
17 Dixon (1991) 103.
18 Treggiari (1991a) 40.
7
divorce from Terentia because none of the letters mention the reasons,19
but we can assume
that one or both parties ultimately fell short of the ideal.20
As a result, we will find that Cicero and Terentia‟s marriage is a reasonable example
of an ideal Roman marriage in its reflection of broader trends in marital practice. However,
their divorce would have been considered disappointing and untraditional by other Roman
elites because of their marriage‟s length and the production of their two children. Whether
they reflect a typical reality we cannot entirely determine based on the lack of candid
evidence for the daily interactions of married couples. However, we can see through Cicero
and Terentia a few of the factors that determined a successful Roman marriage and an
unideal separation.
19
This may have been because of Cicero‟s reticence or the reluctance of Tiro to publish letters that reflected
poorly on Cicero.
20 Either through adultery or a desire to no longer be married. Lack of children was not an issue.
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Chapter 2: Audience and Expectation
The audience as perceived and understood by Cicero and other sources is critical for
our understanding of the social ideals under which they are writing and publishing. The
expectations of the reader shaped the information that the author or commissioner included.
In the sources that I will be comparing, the writers are all working very closely within the
social value system as they understood it. Thus, a consideration of the audience will directly
inform us about the ideals under which Cicero and Terentia married, as well as describing the
scope in which we can reliably draw comparisons.
Letters
Cicero‟s expectations of an audience are more limited than those of Pliny, who edited
and published his own letters for a wider group. While Cicero may have anticipated
publishing his correspondence at some point, he himself never actually did. Whether he had
started preparing the letters for publication we can only guess, but he was anticipating at least
the addressee as audience.
The letters that are being considered here are almost exclusively to other members of
the Roman elite. As a close companion of Cicero, Tiro‟s familiarity with the family warrants
greetings from Terentia and the children, but Cicero does not include the detailed references
9
to Terentia that are found in the letters to Atticus.21
Therefore, the letters most relevant to
outlining the nature of the marriage are addressed to Cicero‟s social equals.
Since the correspondents were social peers, they would have shared the same general
values. The levels of wealth and education between them would have been similar,22
so that
similar factors such as social and political pressures would have contributed to their value
systems. In short, these men and women would have been operating under the same external
set of ideals and norms,23
and the outline of that system as revealed by Cicero‟s
understanding of the addressee‟s expectation will inform us about Cicero‟s own values.
Then, we can compare the letters from Cicero to his peers with those to Terentia to see
whether he holds both publicly and privately to a common set of values regarding marriage.
A related, but distinct, question is the publishing decisions that Tiro made after
Cicero‟s death. While the expected audience for the published letters would have had the
same general social characteristics as the actual addressees, it would also have been broader
and more public. One expects that in a personal letter Cicero would have felt more
comfortable revealing a less rigidly conformist mindset, but such a missive might not have
passed the requirements for publication. That is, if Cicero had made revolutionary
comments, it is unlikely that Tiro would have published those letters because they could have
damaged Cicero‟s reputation as a traditional, moral Roman citizen.
21
This is not to say that Tiro was not privy to that information, but it is more likely that he was often by
Cicero‟s side in a way that Atticus was not.
22 Though it is reasonable to assume that Terentia, as the wife of such an erudite man, could have been more
highly educated than other women of comparable status (Treggiari (2007) 157), it is not possible to actually
determine.
23 Their actual thoughts on that system are difficult to reconstruct.
10
This presents us with the problem that the letters we have will probably only be those
that conform closely to the traditional Roman values. However, the difficulty is not
insurmountable. For example, letters were included that describe Cicero‟s mourning for his
daughter Tullia as excessive.24
Some of these contain other information that Tiro presumably
thought important or relevant, but some are mostly devoted to Cicero‟s search for a suitable
property on which to build a monument to Tullia.25
Others specifically mention the harm to
his reputation that his mourning has incurred.26
The reason for this inclusion is unclear, but
we can infer that a slightly negative characterization need not have always prevented a letter
from being published. Therefore, any information in Cicero‟s letters will likely have been
chosen with an eye to a generally positive depiction of the writer, but should also be
evaluated for a lack of strict conformity.
For example, the letters to Terentia show a Cicero who is highly, possibly
excessively, emotional. He describes himself as regularly weeping and having difficulty
controlling his grief.27
We might explain the inclusion of very emotional letters as a result of
the judgment that the overall value of the exile letters outweighed the potential loss of
reputation. Alternatively, the increase in acceptability of a greater degree of attachment to
family and private affairs could have influenced the decision to include these letters.28
At
any rate, there is a definite tension between the consideration of the expected audience and
24
Att. 12.15, 12.16, 12.18, 12.20.
25 Att. 12.12, 12.35, 12.36.
26 Att. 12.38a, Att. 12.40.
27 Ad. Fam. 14.4.1.
28 Dixon (1991) 102-103.
11
the selection of relevant information. We can expect a reasonable level of conformity to
social norms, but at the same time not every letter will conform.
For Pliny‟s correspondence, the audience for the edited, published letters was very
similar. The most significant difference is that Pliny himself chose and polished the letters.
While Tiro worked in the environment of the elite, he was not native to that social class and
so must have had a distinct, albeit related, perspective on propriety and normative behavior.
Pliny, on the other hand, would have had a similar overall experience in terms of education,
wealth, and social class to that of Cicero. The greatest difference would have been in the
change from Republic to Empire, but the overall value system that Cicero and Pliny operated
under would have been largely the same with regards to gender roles and marital ideals.
Epigraphic Audience
The readers of inscriptions would have been a somewhat broader group because the
inscriptions were publicly displayed. The audience must still be literate, but does not need to
have sufficient funds to own a copy of a work or to have a friend who possesses one, like the
reader of the letters would. The open publication of inscriptions expands the potential
audience to include not only literate elites, but also sub-elites and even those in the lower
classes who may have had a basic education. Thus, the pool of potential readers is not only
greater, but it also exceeds the socio-economic characteristics that define the audiences for
literature. Moreover, the originators of the inscriptions, the commissioners, come from a
variety of class and financial backgrounds, as do the subjects. Extant inscriptions represent a
wide array of commissioners and subjects, from freedmen to members of the senatorial class.
Only the absolute poorest Romans are lacking in the epigraphic record.29
29
Hesberg-Tonn 108.
12
The variety of classes represented in inscriptions should increase the number of
differentiated value systems. However, the actual body of social norms demonstrated in the
epigraphic sources is rigidly conformist to a generalized set of ideals,30
and there is little
variation in word choice for inscriptions dedicated to either sex. The system of values
represented in epigraphy is strikingly regular and uniform across socio-economic boundaries,
such that a consistent set can be defined for all classes.31
That is not to say that the realities
of everyday life were similar or undifferentiated, but the basic ideas about life, a person‟s
role in society, and their value to family and others seem to be relatively homogenous.
However, even generalizing those ideals as an integral part of the mindset of every
class of Roman may be too simplistic. The commissioners of inscriptions wanted the reader
to look favorably on the person commemorated, and so they would have wanted to present
the persona that would be acceptable to and approved by the majority of those seeing the
monument. Yet the basic, fundamental ideals represented in epigraphy can also be a mask
for the actual qualities that are being praised.32
That is, the virtues represented, such as
education for a woman, might not have been acceptable without the more traditional Roman
qualities such as wool spinning. A certain amount of freedom in describing the dedicatee
could be allowed as long as the proper, typical formulae were observed.
As a result, epigraphic evidence, through the values that are in every inscription,
defines the core set of Roman ideals, but those same definitions can be mixed with other,
more atypical virtues. The unusual characteristics could contradict the traditional set, but,
30
Riess section 7.
31 As represented by those that chose to erect an inscription.
32 Hemelrijk (1999) 112.
13
instead, it seems to be the case that typical and atypical descriptors can occur together. That
is not to say that the latter occur without problems, since there wouldn‟t be a need to
legitimize untraditional virtues with traditional if there weren‟t a tension between the two.
However, as evident from the Laudatio Turiae and Laudatio Murdiae, any atypical
characteristics in fact are subsumed and absorbed into the presentation of an idealized
subject. That is, the untraditional is found to be supporting the primacy of the traditional.33
Though there are variations in presentation and information, the focus nonetheless remains
on the customary values.
As a result, the overall depiction of excellence is consonant with the ideal picture for
both men and women that can be expected based on other sources. There are elements of
non-traditional virtues, but they do not contradict or obscure the traditional set. Thus, we can
work with a definable group of ideals that persists in spite of class and individual differences.
The extent to which these values were pertinent to everyday life is impossible to assess
directly, but a large body of the Roman people must have internalized them to some extent in
order for such a stunning regularity in inscriptions to occur. Therefore, a marriage that was
reasonably well-aligned with the ideals presented in the epigraphic evidence can be
considered normative from the admittedly superficial vantage point that we currently have.
Conclusions
The expectations of audience for both letters and inscriptions, then, allows us to
explicitly and implicitly define what would have been acceptable virtues of both individuals
and marital relationships. By the very act of publishing and presenting information in a
public context, the author or commissioner would have assumed that it would have resonated
33
Riess section 5.
14
with their readers. Since we do not have evidence that any of the sources being considered
for this paper were presented in an ironic context, it is reasonable to presume that the
resonance was supposed to be generally positive.34
Cicero‟s marriage to Terentia will necessarily not match up to an ideal in all respects,
but if we find that there are several points of close comparison and few of moderate or
striking contradiction, then it may safely be termed “normative.” That is, it would have been
considered a model of a Roman marriage, which other Romans could have looked to as a
semi-idealized example of traditional values. In order to evaluate the system of ideals as
perceived by Cicero, we‟ll compare his letters to his wife and to others. The former is a more
internalized view of the marriage, while the latter is more of a public face presented to peers.
Several of the letters are to close friends, but nonetheless there would have been an element
of semi-public communication that filtered the image of their marriage.
Pliny‟s letters to his wife and others will act as a control for Cicero‟s letters. They
were formally prepared for publication and so deliberately present a socially acceptable
image of marriage. There are certainly other factors at work in Pliny‟s writing, such as a
desire to compliment his in-laws and to present himself in a favorable light. However, these
considerations tend to encourage rather than discourage social conformation.
34
We would not expect, for example, Juvenal‟s depiction of virtue to directly reflect a set of values.
[Type text]
Chapter 3: Gendered Virtue: The Diction of Praise
Inscriptions showcase a very consistent set of words that define the characteristics of
the ideal woman and wife. In letters and narratives, we find descriptions and elaborations on
some of the same behaviors. Naturally, it is possible to use a sentence or a different word to
describe the same idea, but a reader can have difficulty in determining whether an author
meant for the two to be synonymous. As a result, this chapter focuses on individual or pairs
of identical words rather than phrases and sentences. The traditional set of values for
marriage and women are described by words that seem to resonate deeply in the Roman
consciousness. Thus an author is unlikely to use such a weighted word without at least being
aware of its overtones and implications. Diction in inscriptions and literary works can
therefore be compared to determine whether the set of values in each is similar. In the case
of Cicero and Terentia, a comparison will demonstrate whether the same ideals are
considered in practice, i.e., in private communication which initially wouldn‟t have
anticipated the same audience as inscriptions. It is not necessary for the ideals to have been
strictly followed, but rather it is important whether they are in mind as a guide to behavior.
The regular set of values that are ascribed to Roman women in inscriptions stress the
domestic and private nature of their sphere of influence. The most common adjectives are:
“dulcissimae, piae and its derivates, bene merenti, suae, carissimae, optimae, and
sanctissimae,”35
along with bona, proba, frugi, and pudica.36
Other virtues referenced
35
Riess section 3.
16
typically include castitas, and the archetypical Roman woman‟s characteristic, lanificium.37
In the laudationes of women, longer descriptions of the praised include other positive
aspects, but ultimately each can be brought back under the firmly conservative, i.e, domestic,
set of virtues.38
Praise in Cicero’s Correspondence
The letters from Cicero to Terentia begin from his time in exile and end shortly
before their divorce.39
This period encompasses not only Cicero‟s exile but also the civil war
ten years later. As a result, we have examples of their communication in a variety of
circumstances: peace, war, exile, tyranny. Throughout the 24 letters, Cicero praises Terentia
with words that are regularly found in funerary inscriptions: “vestrae pietatis,”40
“amantissime,”41
“uxori meae optimae,”42
“castissime,”43
“suavissima,”44
and “meae
carissimae animae.”45
There are more examples, but they are variations of these words.46
These instances indicate at least a superficial internalization of widespread ideals, because
36
Hesberg-Tonn 124.
37 Hesberg-Tonn 221.
38 Riess section 6.
39 58 to 47 B.C.E.
40 Ad. Fam. 14.1.3.
41 Ad. Fam. 14.2.2.
42 Ad. Fam. 14.3.2.
43 Ad. Fam. 14.4.1.
44 Ad. Fam. 14.5.2.
45 Ad. Fam. 14.14.2.
46 Honestissime (ad. Fam. 14.4.5), fidissima atque optima uxor (ad. Fam. 14.4.6), optatissima (ad. fam. 14.5.2),
merito tuo (ad. fam. 14.6.1), pie et caste (ad. fam. 14.7.1).
17
even in these private letters, affection and praise are couched in terms of those ideals. Pietas
and casta refer to a wife‟s expected devotion and loyalty to husband and family, while
suavis, cara, and amans emphasize the loving and companionable relationship that
developed between spouses. As a group, the standard set of positive attributions for a wife
stress a private, domestic role that is specifically in relation to the husband.
The Laudatio Murdiae reflects the same set of values47
in an explicit enumeration of
womanly qualities: “modestia, probitate, pudicitia, obsequio, lanificio, diligentia, fide.”48
The speaker refers to these as “communia”49
to all women, and so Cicero is identifying
Terentia within the normal, expected female sphere. This universalization does not mean
that he doesn‟t value her as an individual, but that these are the areas in which it is acceptable
for a woman to excel. By using these universal terms, Cicero is praising her for being an
excellent Roman wife. Terentia becomes, in essence, a manifestation of the Roman ideal,
just as the women in inscriptions reflect the conservative values.50
She can be unique in
various aspects, but she must at the same time represent the Roman matron in the typical
ways: chastity, pietas, frugality, and moderation.
Cicero occasionally refers to virtuous wives in his letters to friends. He describes two
women as “gravissima” and “optima.”51
Crassus‟ wife is “praestantissima omnium
47
It is interesting that this inscription is by a son to a mother, yet we see the same words that a husband would
use.
48 l. 28.
49 l. 27.
50 Hesberg-Tonn 223.
51 Ad. Fam. 15.7, Ad. Fam. 15.8.
18
feminarum.”52
In his speeches and other writings, women who behave indecently are
portrayed as “impudicas,”53
“audax,”54
and “immoderata.”55
Exemplary women are
“nobilis”56
and “proba”57
and have their “pudicitia.”58
The language that he uses to praise or
blame women is consistent with the set of values presented in inscriptions. In the De
Republica, Cicero delineates the value of a traditional gendered hierarchy within a marriage,
so he publicly and privately presents a perspective consistent with social expectations.59
However, the range of proper activities for Terentia expands during Cicero‟s absence.
In the letters from exile, Cicero extols Terentia for her “virtus” and “fortitudo.”60
Such
masculine characteristics61
were acceptable in the absence of a husband, but not when he is
home, i.e., not at war or exiled. Terentia, at this time, could actively advocate for the
protection of their property and Cicero‟s return. In addition, Terentia and Tullia together
arranged for the latter‟s marriage to Dolabella, though Cicero, who was a governor at the
time, did have to approve of the arrangements before they were official. The slaves and rest
52
Ad. Fam. 5.8.2.
53 In Verrem actio 2, book 3, section 160, line 6.
54 Pro Cluentio section 18, line 11.
55 Pro Caelio section 53, line 7.
56 In Verrem actio 2, book 5, section 31, line 3; In Verrem actio 2, book 4, section 136, line 6; In Verrem actio 2,
book 4, section 99, line 13.
57 Philippicae oration 13, section 8, line 11; In Verrem actio 2, book 4, section 99, line 13.
58 De Republica book 2, section 46, line 2.
59 Grebe 142.
60 Ad. Fam. 14.1.1.
61 Hesberg-Tonn 237.
19
of the household were under Terentia‟s control,62
and the management of their properties was
administered by her. She also advises him on what to do.63
Her actions may have even taken
her into the forum and other political arenas.64
Regarding these types of actions, Cicero specifically refers to her “virtute…in tantas
aerumnas propter me.”65
Her masculine attributes are intimately tied to unusual
circumstances, in this case the trials of Cicero‟s exile. Those circumstances, though they can
vary, must include the absence of the husband. Otherwise, the wife would be usurping the
masculine role when it is unnecessary and could be censured. Moreover, public activity is
permissible only in the service of the husband’s interests.66
That is, masculine forwardness
can be a positive trait for a woman if she is acting out of dedication to her spouse and family.
Cicero refers to the actions that led to his exile as “non vitium…sed virtus.”67
His
services and duties under normal circumstances are characterized in the same words with
which Terentia‟s during his absence are described. She is, in fact, becoming the active
partner in his place. Their roles are reversed, but it is important that this reversal is
temporary. Cicero‟s use of masculine terms to describe Terentia decreases after the first four
letters.68
With his restoration, Cicero praises her with only the traditional, expected
62
Ad. Fam. 14.4.4.
63 Ad. Fam. 14.3.3.
64 Hemelrijk (2004) 190.
65 Ad. Fam. 14.1.1.
66 Hemelrijk (2004) 191.
67 Ad. Fam. 14.4.5.
68 Whether he did in letters that do not survive is impossible to account for.
20
adjectives and nouns, and the more masculine terms are used again only during the events
and separations of the civil war.69
We see essentially the same sequence of events in the narrative of the Laudatio
Turiae. Turia is characterized by courage, action, and fidelity in her efforts to protect her
husband and his interests.70
Like Terentia, Turia advocated for the return of her husband and
protected what properties she could:
[publicatis bonis repet]itis(?) quod ut conarere virtus tua te
hortabatur/[mira pietas tua me m]unibat clementia eorum
contra quos ea parabas/[nihilo minus tamen v]ox tua est
firmitate animi emissa
You begged for my life when I was abroad - it was your
courage that urged you to this step - and because of your
entreaties I was shielded by the clemency of those against
whom you marshaled your words. But whatever you said was
always said with undaunted courage.71
Yet as soon as his safety and return are secured, she returns to the traditional role of wife
within the domestic sphere.72
The widower says, “pacato orbe terrarum res[titut]a re publica
quieta deinde n[obis et felicia]/tempora contingerunt.”73
After the return to a normal social
structure, Turia‟s masculine qualities are not mentioned: her husband has been restored and
can take up his duties again. Her actions during the dangers to her husband are not
diminished, but they are no longer necessary because he is able to re-assume traditional
masculine roles.
69
Ad. Fam. 14.6, 14.11. The latter is actually a reference to Tullia‟s “virtus.”
70 Laudatio Turiae 2.6A, 2.19.
71 Laudatio Turiae, 2.5a-8a, translation by E. Wistrand.
72 Riess, section 5.
73 Laudatio Turiae, ll. 2.25-6, translation by E. Wistrand.
21
Just so does Terentia assume and then lay aside the role of a male in Cicero‟s
absence. Cicero, during his exile, recognizes that “a te quidem omnia fieri fortissime et
amantissime.”74
She also provides him with advice, which he says he will follow: “ego
tamen faciam quae praecipis.”75
Terentia fulfills public roles that Cicero is unable to. Yet
when social circumstances are normalized, Cicero writes to her about domestic concerns
rather than political.
In Tusculanum nos venturos putamus aut Nonis aut postridie.
Ibi ut sint omnia parata (plures enim fortasse nobiscum erunt
et, ut arbitror diutius ibi commorabimur); labrum si in balineo
non est, ut sit, item cetera quae sunt ad victum et ad
valetudinem necessaria.
We think that we will come into Tusculum either on the Nones
or the day after. There (make it) so that everything is prepared
(for perhaps there will be many with me and, as I judge, we
will stay there for a while); if there isn‟t a tub in the bathroom,
make it so that there is, and the same with the other things
which are necessary for nourishment and health. 76
Instead of giving advice and encouragement, Terentia receives instructions. Her sphere
returns to what we would expect, i.e. principally domestic, which Walter Allen argues is in
fact her normal prerogative as well as duty.77
However, she still acts in the interests and
service of Cicero. That is not to say that she does not also act in her own interest, but the
dynamics of their communication have changed. Cicero has once again assumed a less
subordinate role as he takes up the traditional duties that he could not during times of trial
and absence.
74
Ad. Fam. 14.2.2.
75 Ad. Fam. 14.3.3.
76 Ad. Fam. 14.20.
77 Allen 58.
22
Grebe argues that Terentia‟s actions are extraordinary,78
but comparison with Turia‟s
public advocacy indicates that it was rather the extreme circumstances that dictated a
necessary change in role. Terentia‟s commitment to obtaining security for her family in
Cicero‟s absence may have been particularly notable, as was Turia‟s, but her assumption of
responsibility would appear to be consistent with other examples during the turmoil of the
first century. Moreover, they do not contradict the typical role of a woman because they are
undertaken for the interests of the husband.79
The duties of Turia and Terentia ultimately
preserve the status quo.80
Everyday Life
The actions of Turia and Terentia during times of stress are certainly exceptional
when compared to the rest of their lives. However, at the end of the Republic, it was
becoming more common for prominent elite women to participate more actively in public
life.81
The most common examples include the late second century B.C.E. Cornelia, mother
of the Gracchi, and Fulvia, who lived in the middle first century B.C.E. and was the wife of
Marc Antony. Cornelia was celebrated not only as a traditional Roman matron, but also for
her striking public renown. Her public statue was the model for representations of exemplary
matronae for centuries.82
An active wife could still be praised for the typical feminine
values, but the example of Fulvia demonstrates that there was a fine line between praise and
blame. The infamy of Fulvia, though, may have derived more from the enmity of the future
78
Grebe 142.
79 Hesberg-Tonn 232.
80 Hesberg-Tonn 230.
81 Grebe 127.
82 D‟Ambra 146.
23
Augustus and his propaganda war against Antony.83
We cannot fully evaluate the acceptance
of her activities because of the bias in the sources, but nonetheless we can see that, at the
very least, it was possible for a woman to take such actions and be criticized for them.84
The
markedly public role of the empresses begins shortly afterward with Livia, though her
functions were also viewed with a certain amount of ambiguity.85
Hemelrijk argues that women in the Republican period became more visible, but that
the traditional, domestic roles were still stressed.86
The tension between tradition and
innovation explains the disparity between portrayals of women. Any public image had to be
carefully balanced by the woman or her husband, and it was relatively easy for a political
rival to slant a lady‟s reputation in a negative light. The exemplary virtue of an elite woman,
by augmenting his reputation and strengthening his public clout, could reflect positively on
her husband. 87
However, a wife who overstepped that delicate balance could also easily
have a negative effect on the public face of her spouse. The ambiguity and tension embodied
in a woman as a public figure can thus be understood as a concern for the possible effect that
they could have on her husband‟s political power.
We see this delicate balance in the husband‟s characterization of Turia: though he
wishes to stress her extraordinary qualities, he must still enumerate her traditional virtues:
domestica bona pudici[t]iae opsequi comitatis facilitatis
lanificii stud[ii religionis]/sine superstitione o[r]natus non
conspicendi cultus modici cur [memorem cur dicam de cari]
83
Hemelrijk (2004) 192.
84 Women could manage property, participate in religious cults, and be patrons (D‟Ambra 94 and 166).
85 D‟Ambra 149.
86 Hemelrijk (2004) 188.
87 Riess, section 5.
24
Why should I mention your domestic virtues: your loyalty,
obedience, affability, reasonableness, industry in working
wool, religion without superstition, sobriety of attire, modesty
of appearance? Why dwell on your love for your relatives, your
devotion to your family?88
In order to portray Turia as exceptional in her public role, the husband had to catalog the
expected characteristics, or he risked her being viewed as a threat to the gendered structure.89
The traditional feminine virtues cannot be extricated from the atypical masculine activities.
Otherwise, she would not be favorably characterized. She would simply be portrayed as
male and could be criticized. She would, in effect, be viewed as another type of Fulvia.
As we saw above, Terentia is expected to fulfill the usual domestic duties. She is
tasked with the preparations for Cicero‟s arrival at one of their properties, and he instructs
her, “ut res tempusque postulat, provideas atque administres et ad me de omnibus rebus quam
saepissime litteras mittas.”90
Whatever her role during times of social turmoil, she fulfills the
traditional duties of a wife as well. She occupies her female sphere, though extraordinary
circumstances allow her to move into the masculine realm.
However, it is not only in particular instances that a woman‟s role could expand.
With the general trend in the expansion of women‟s roles in the late Republic, Terentia‟s
typical, everyday duties included an increased public presence with respect to her family.
Moreover, she possesses considerable property of her own, which she manages through her
88
Laudatio Turiae, ll. 2.30-1, translation by E. Wistrand.
89 Riess, section 5.
90 Ad. Fam. 14.21.
25
own administrators. Terentia must still have a guardian to approve certain transactions at this
time, but the tutor is not a serious impediment to enacting her will.91
Cicero describes Terentia as a source of aid, presumably to his clientes or others
seeking his patronage or expertise: “mea lux, meum desiderium, unde omnes opem petere
solebant!”92
Even after his exile, Terentia administers some of the financial concerns, though
she may be acting more as an intermediary for Cicero than truly independently.93
Plutarch
also remarks upon a comment of Cicero‟s that she tended to intrude on politics more than he
did into the domestic sphere.94
Since this observation is the only such commentary on
Terentia‟s boldness, it is unlikely that her actions were too unusual for an elite woman of the
time or there probably would have been more negative references to it. Cicero would
presumably criticize her behavior as he does his sister-in-law when she behaves
inappropriately in public.95
The efforts that Terentia took during Cicero‟s exile, then, can be seen as an
amplification of her everyday, normal duties. They are more extensive and involve more
public interactions than usual, but they are a product of the same trajectory of an increased
female presence in general and specific circumstances. Women are able to participate more
91
Dixon (1986) 100.
92 Ad. Fam. 14.2.2.
93 Ad. Fam. 14.5.2.
94 Shackleton Bailey 22. This dichotomy may also reflect on the general tendency of patriarchal societies to
view a masculine aspect in women as positive, but effeminizing in men as negative and worthy of censure.
Thus most instances of the former, assuming that they are not extreme, will intrinsically be more acceptable
than the latter. (Hemelrijk (2004) 189)
95 Att. 5.1.3-4.
26
fully in the public role of their families as long as they act in the service of husband and
household.
The Civil War
In later letters, Cicero once again emphasizes her masculine virtues during the events
of the civil war. His praise is even stronger in this case, though, because she is now
described as surpassing men in her qualities. “Cohortarer vos quo animo fortiores essetis,
nisi vos fortiores cognossem quam quemquam virum.”96
He again requests her assistance in
his absence: “Qua re quantum potes adiuva; quid autem possis mihi in mentem non venit.”97
Her ability to help him is not limited by her innate competence so much as the general lack of
any avenue of improvement. Cicero relies on the fact that, if there is something that can be
done, she will do it. Terentia‟s role has once again expanded on account of extraordinary
circumstances.
The recurrence of Terentia‟s more active, masculine role indicates that her
assumption of duties was not an isolated incident. Each time political affairs disrupt her
family life, she becomes a more public advocate for its interests. The two situations, in
which her role drastically changes, are quite distinct. The first is exile in 58-57 B.C.E. and
the second is Cicero‟s absence from 49 to 48 B.C.E. during the civil war. Thus a variety of
circumstances could require a broadened range of duties for an elite wife. However, at the
reassertion of normal98
social conditions, Terentia puts these aside to resume her usual
feminine roles. Any unusual masculine attributes are rigidly circumscribed by the ability of
96
Ad. Fam. 14.7.2. This description also refers to Tullia.
97 Ad. Fam. 14.12.1.
98 Though they were not necessarily the same. After the civil war, Cicero‟s public role would necessarily have
been dramatically different than at any other point in their marriage. However, it appears as if her domestic
duties were unchanged.
27
the husband to fulfill his normal duties. Cicero‟s letters suggest that Terentia followed these
social expectations because he mentions any exceptional behavior only in the context of
separation.
The only other woman that Cicero describes as being publicly active is Servilia, the
mother of Marcus Junius Brutus. She is involved in the attempts to restore the Republic after
Caesar‟s assassination.99
Servilia‟s actions are strikingly bold for a Roman woman, but,
again, the context is necessary to how her contemporaries would have perceived such visible
behavior. As with Terentia‟s efforts on behalf of Cicero, Servilia was working for the benefit
of the state. The Roman legends about their history demonstrate that women who took action
for the good of the people were in fact seen as virtuous. The Sabine women and Veturia,
when she turned back Coriolanus, are two examples of positive public deeds performed by
women. However, their actions are honorable only because the women act not for
themselves, but for the state and people.100
In addition, Servilia is working under specific,
extraordinary circumstances, e.g., the restoration of a republican government. As a result,
Cicero‟s neutral presentation of her agrees with his views on the role of women in his other
letters.
The lack of a complete record of their correspondence prohibits us from confirming
whether Cicero and Terentia‟s entire marriage conformed to the established gender hierarchy.
At any rate, the preponderance of the letters we do have firmly match social norms. The
majority of Cicero‟s communications with Terentia refer to her traditional feminine roles,
and the only deviations occur during periods of upheaval. The reality of their relationship is
99
Att. 15.11.1-2, Att. 15.12.1, Att. 15.17.2.
100 Pomeroy 176.
28
difficult to ascertain, but Tiro‟s selection of the letters to publish suggests a concern with
presenting conformity to the public.
The Ideal Woman in Pliny
In Pliny‟s letters, there are distinct portraits of idealized women. Occasionally, he
will mention a positive characteristic in passing, but his eulogistic and panegyric letters
provide a much fuller definition of what Pliny claims is the ideal woman. Most of the letters
deal specifically with the subject‟s role as wife, but letter V. 16 concerns the death of a
young girl who hadn‟t married yet. As a result, there is a broader sense of women in general
as one reads through the entirety of the letters.
The women dealt with most thoroughly are Calpurnia (Pliny‟s wife), Arria the Elder,
Fannia, and Minicia Marcella. The first three are married or widowed women, and Minicia is
the young girl who died while she was betrothed. Pliny claims familiarity with each of them
except Arria, but he asserts an intimate knowledge of her through his relationship with her
granddaughter, Fannia.101
Thus, the reader is to expect that the depictions of these women
come from a trusted source, who can provide personal details of their lives. Even so, the
terms that Pliny uses to describe them regularly fall into the typical patterns of praise that
have already been discussed. The major difference is that Pliny uses some terms to refer to
women‟s intelligence or education, which would have been less acceptable in the Republican
period.102
In part Pliny‟s choice of words reflects a general increase in the education of
women, so that the use of these atypical descriptors in normal, non-crisis situations is
actually much less pronounced. However, Pliny also describes Arria and Fannia using words
101
Carlon 57.
102 Hemelrijk (1999) 94.
29
that would normally be reserved only for men. As with Terentia, though, these women both
experienced crisis situations, including exile. Their masculine virtues are intimately related
to these events. Thus feminine virtues in Pliny follow similar patterns to the examples in
Cicero‟s letters.
Arria
Pliny‟s letter concerning Arria the Elder is his first overtly programmatic statement
about a woman‟s virtues in the corpus. Arria is most well-known for her dramatic suicide,
where she stabbed herself before handing the knife to her husband and saying, “It doesn‟t
hurt, Paetus.” In Pliny 3.16, however, the writer focuses on other events that are not known
to the public, but which he feels more truly display her embodiment of a mature Roman
matron‟s devotion to her husband and family. In fact, Arria‟s most famous deed is
considered less important because she could expect gloria from it,103
whereas the others were
only motivated by her desires to fulfill her duties. Thus, according to Pliny, Arria‟s most
virtuous actions are not those implicated in a public fame, but those that no one knows about
because they were solely focused on her private family.
Pliny 3.16 does not contain many of the usual descriptors that are applied to wives
and mothers, and even then the usage is unusual. Arria is not described as pulcher, but
instead her death is “pulcherrimae,” and another deed is “praeclarum.”104
Pliny also
references her “gloria” and “fama, and her actions are classified as “maiora” and
“clariora.”105
The emphasis in this letter is on the renown that Arria‟s deeds won for her and
103
“Sed tamen ista facienti dicentique gloria et aeternitas ante oculos erant; quo maius est sine praemio
aeternitatis , sine praemio gloriae abdere lacrimas, operire luctum amissoque filio matrem adhuc agere.” (Ep.
3.16)
104 Ep. 3.16.
105 Ep. 3.16.
30
the relative nobility and greatness of those actions. Thus the actual virtues are not strongly
defined by the traditional diction because the purpose of the letter is to expound upon the
relationship of an action‟s fame to moral weight. Descriptors, therefore, invoke public
acknowledgement, and this word choice makes the letter seem strongly masculine (i.e.,
public-oriented) in its praise.
Yet gloria could not have been awarded to Arria if she had acted too publicly or
transgressed too far beyond gender boundaries. Instead, her actions fall more appropriately
within the slightly broader definitions of gender spheres that are dictated by crisis situations.
As noted previously, the absence or restricted political status of the husband can lead to a
necessary increase in the public role that the wife must play. Paetus was exiled and ordered
to commit suicide, and so his and Arria‟s circumstances qualify as extraordinary and
emergency. Even so, Arria demonstrates a commitment to the safety and comfort of her
husband rather than to securing her own circumstances in the midst of crisis. In each episode
that Pliny describes, that commitment is constant, and so her actions are really an extension
of her behavior in everyday life. As a result, Arria the Elder fits neatly within the pattern that
women such as Turia and Cornelia, the mother of the Gracchi, exemplify. They are
extraordinary women who nonetheless behave within the set of social rules that apply to
Roman wives.
Calpurnia
In a letter to his wife‟s aunt, Pliny praises Calpurnia as an exemplary young wife.
Unlike his description of Arria, Pliny uses no words that could/would normally be applied
only to men. He does refer to her “acumen,”106
but this usage is probably reflective of the
106
Ep. 4.19.
31
increase in frequency of women‟s education.107
That is, it would have been more acceptable
and even desirable for a woman to have received a more thorough basic education:108
he is
not simply ascribing an exclusively male characteristic to his wife. A learned woman was
not always considered to be an unalloyed good, but such a wife seems to have been generally
perceived as good for the education of children and administration of the household as long
as the woman didn‟t overstep her social boundaries and display her learning in a too-public
setting.109
Pliny also ascribes to Calpurnia the characteristics of “frugalitas,” “castitas,” and
“sollicitudo.”110
His concern is to present himself as a competent, traditional Roman male,
and so he has to represent his family life as under his control and completely within expected
boundaries. 111
That is not to say that Calpurnia didn‟t have these traits, but this letter, as the
most important document regarding his family life, must portray her as close to the ideal as
possible. Pliny describes her very traditionally and, except for the reference to her
“acumen,” uses epithets and descriptors that would not be out of place in a Republican
inscription. Thus, Pliny presents her and, by extension, himself as exemplary Romans by
using the standard language for feminine virtue.
Fannia
107
As a counterexample, Cornelia, mother of the Gracchi, was known and praised for her extensive education.
Thus the education of women could be acceptable in the Republican period, but it was more likely to be viewed
as positive in the Imperial.
108 Hemelrijk (1999) 95.
109 Hemelrijk (1999) 86-7.
110 Ep. 4.19.
111 Carlon 16.
32
The letter about Fannia, the granddaughter of Arria the Elder, is written eulogistically
even though she is still alive at the time the letter was first written. The format allows Pliny
not only to describe an intimate relationship with her, but also to emphasize her good moral
character, which in turn reflects well on him since he claims to be such a close friend. As a
result, many of the descriptors used are the ones that would be expected in a funerary
inscription. The diction overall, though, is a mixture of masculine and feminine
characteristics. The reason for this combination is twofold. First, Fannia and her husband,
Helvidius Priscus, were exiled, so there are extraordinary circumstances that dictate unusual
actions. It is not surprising, then, that Pliny uses masculine diction for both Arria and Fannia
when they both experienced similar hardships. Secondly, since Pliny knew Fannia
intimately, his letter about her contains more instances of praise words than the one about her
grandmother. Pliny includes more details because he has more at hand, so letter VII.19
presents a wider array of positive characterizations of Fannia than III.16 does of Arria.
Fannia has many of the traits of an ideal Roman woman, including “castitas,”
“veneranda,” “constantia,” and “sanctitas.”112
However, Pliny‟s characterization takes a
striking turn when he refers to her “virtutibus” and “fortitudinis.”113
In light of her family‟s
situation, these virtues correspond to the other instances of masculine ideals being ascribed to
female subjects. A crisis situation, in this case exile and the suppression of her husband‟s
biography, require extraordinary measures on the wife‟s part. Such actions may in fact cross
over into traditionally male spheres, but these tasks are acceptable and even necessary in the
112
Ep. 7.19.
113 Ep. 7.19.
33
husband‟s absence. Hence, it is reasonable to apply male virtues to women who, in order to
support their spouse or family, must act like men.
Minicia Marcella
Minicia is the young teenage daughter of Pliny‟s friend Fundanus. In this instance,
the eulogistic letter 5.16 actually follows her death, and, while the details are vaguer than in
the letter about Fannia, Pliny describes the young woman in glowing terms that indicate a
fairly close relationship with her. The words that he uses to characterize her are a mixture of
ones that are appropriate for a child and some are appropriate for an adult, mature woman.
Indeed, some of the terms are more usually seen describing adult males. In part, Pliny
describes Minicia in this way because she is being closely identified with her father. Praise
of her is in fact praise of her father.114
Thus it is readily intelligible that a few masculine
descriptors are used to refer to her. However, the preponderance is epithets used for children
and women because, even if she is identified with her father, an overly masculine daughter
would not reflect well on him.
For example, Minicia is characterized by being “amabilius” and having “suavitas,”115
words that are typically associated with young children of either sex and young women.116
However, she also possesses “prudentia,” “verecundia,” “temperantia,” “patientia,” and
“constantia,”117
qualities that are usually found in mature matrons and not young women.
Most of these, like prudentia and constantia, are also often used to describe men, so they are
characteristics that are acceptable in both sexes. Thus, Minicia is depicted as a very mature
114
Hemelrijk (1999) 91 and Carlon 156-57.
115 Ep. 5.16.
116 Carlon 151, 153.
117 Ep. 5.16.
34
young woman, with all the positive traits of youth and of adulthood. She is a model daughter
who presumably would have gone on to be an exemplary Roman matron.
Pliny also emphasizes her intellect and educational diligence, which are part of how
he identifies her with her father. It is, in fact, the only way that he can draw acceptable
parallels between a young woman and a mature father using a more stereotypically masculine
characteristic. As noted previously, the increase in educated women was more accepted in
the Imperial period, so this point of comparison would have been positive rather than
problematic. Any other male realm would be inappropriate for a woman, let alone a
teenager. However, he doesn‟t emphasize her use of her education: he simply refers to her
as “studiose” and “intellegenter.” Any implementation would require a transgression of
gender boundaries, for example if she were to be overly involved in dinner conversations or
to pursue a more public role.118
To avoid these implications, Pliny focuses on her
studiousness and quick mind rather than any untoward use to which she might put them.
In contrast, Cicero rarely mentions the education of women in any of his writings.
While many elite women were partially educated, their instruction did not become a part of
the upper-class ideals until the Imperial period. One of the few positive references to a
learned woman in Cicero is his description of the speeches of Laelia.119
Even in this
instance, the emphasis is on her identification with her father. Her speeches are enjoyable
because they are like reading her father‟s orations. Her individual achievements are only
118
Hemelrijk (1999) 97.
119 Brut. 211 and De Or. 3.45.
35
valuable as a reflection of her male family member‟s glory. Cicero briefly mentions
Caerellia and her love of books, but only in passing.120
Overall, though, Pliny uses largely the same sort of language for feminine virtue as
Cicero. There are some differences, such as the increase in female education and the
financial independence of women. These changes were not without controversy,121
but a
moderate level of administration of one's own estates and a basic level of education seem to
have been haltingly accepted by the late Republic and more readily in the Imperial period.122
Conclusions
Terentia‟s sphere of activity in her marriage to Cicero is not a static conception.
Changing circumstances dictate that she take up duties and activities, that would normally be
fulfilled by Cicero. In his absence, either she or a close male friend123
had to advocate for
their family and position. Like Turia, Terentia took up the challenge and worked within
permissible limits to affect positive outcomes for her husband and family. In fact, if she
hadn‟t, she would have been seen to fail in her devotion and support of her husband. Instead,
she worked with male friends to secure his return, suffered public humiliation,124
and
contemplates actions to maintain financial security.125
All these duties were acceptable and
120
Att. 13.2a.4-5.
121 Hemelrijk (1999) 95.
122 Dixon (1986) 99-100 on the financial independence of women and Hemelrijk (1999) 94-5 on the education
of women.
123 Grebe 127, n. 1.
124 “…quem ad modum a Vestae ad tabulam Valeriam ducta esses” (ad. Fam. 14.2.2).
125 “…scribis te vicum vendituram…” (ad. Fam. 14.1.5)
36
even expected within the context of familial support. If Terentia were to act in this manner
for her own benefit, she would have been viewed less favorably.
However, as has been demonstrated, her public role was not strictly limited to
unusual circumstances. Terentia was an integral aspect of Cicero‟s everyday business
dealing with his clientes, and this expanded role was a general trend among elite women of
the late Republic. It must be stressed again that an increased presence in public affairs was
positive in the context of the husband’s daily business and concerns. A rise in Cicero‟s
public capital would have affected her prestige and personal stability, but she could only
engender changes by working within familial concerns.
Terentia thus fulfilled her marital duties, no matter the changing circumstances. Her
devotion and commitment to the fortunes of her husband and family parallel the praise in the
Laudatio Turiae. Grebe‟s claim that the usual gender roles were characteristically reversed
in Cicero and Terentia‟s marriage126
is unsatisfactory because of the varying terms with
which he expresses admiration of her. If a complete inversion of male and female were the
case, I would expect Cicero to refer to her masculine qualities and activities even in ordinary
situations. Instead, we see a vocabulary that changes with the fluctuating political and
familial circumstances. Turia, too, is variably described based on the requirements placed on
her. Both wives are active, zealous advocates who place their own comfort and safety at risk
in order to secure their husbands‟ lives and positions. As such, their spouses adjust the terms
with which they express their admiration of and gratitude to Turia and Terentia to include
positive depictions of masculine activity. Still, at the restoration of normalcy, both women
return to a more subordinate, domestic role. Accordingly, terms of praise are adjusted to
126
Grebe 144.
37
reflect the more traditional social expectations. That does not mean that Terentia does not
have a prominent role, but that Cicero‟s is greater. He is, in fact, the dominant public
partner.
Pliny‟s description of various exemplary women, despite the gap of over 100 years, is
still very consistent with the Republican praises. There appears to be a development in the
acceptance of the education of women, but he still restricts most masculine virtues to women
who endure extraordinary familial circumstances. Calpurnia and Minicia, who both live
basically ordinary lives, are praised with traditionally feminine virtues.127
Thus, the
dichotomy between the praises for women and men is remarkably regular over time. What is
found in the Republican period is still largely true later: the virtues that Cicero ascribes to
Terentia would still have resonated with the Romans down into the Imperial period.
127
Pliny also refers to Fannia and Minicia as “amabilis,” an adjective more usually used to refer to children (see
notes 115 and 116). Since Minicia is just out of childhood, it seems natural to describe her in this way. In
Fannia‟s case, Pliny is likely stressing their personal connections and how much time they spend together rather
than attempting to portray her as particularly childlike.
[Type text]
Chapter 4: Affection and Devotion
The general presence or absence of affection in Roman marriages is necessarily
difficult to determine with any sort of meaningful certainty, since so few pieces of evidence
survive that can attest to unmediated emotion. Cicero‟s letters to Terentia are not completely
unfiltered, but they are one of the best primary sources for matrimonial love because they
were private communications. Some commissioners of inscriptions must have felt the
affection they expressed in writing, but the very nature of publishing something alters the
presentation. Moreover, the standardization of the language of inscriptions tends to obscure
individualization, and this universality obscures how the commissioner felt about the
deceased. Similarly, literary works that discuss affection and love are particularly difficult to
interpret because what is factual and what is literary can be impossible to separate.
Pliny‟s letters to Calpurnia are a natural comparison, but the more artificial and
polished character of Pliny‟s correspondence must be taken into account. In fact, notable
parallels between some of Pliny‟s expressions of desire and the style of elegiac poetry can be
drawn. His emotions may still be genuine, but there are other literary factors that influence
how he expresses them. However, if, as argued in the previous chapter, Pliny‟s goal is to
present himself in a favorable light, then literary concerns do not obscure the image that he
thinks his audience will find most appealing.
As a result, this chapter focuses on how much we can determine about Cicero and
Terentia‟s level of affection from his letters and whether it corresponds with the ideal of
39
marital love in Pliny‟s communications. A variety of ancient sources that discuss affection
and marriage confirm the values and ideals that can be drawn from Pliny‟s letters. While
most sources reflect the view of the elites, the epigraphic evidence suggests that an emotional
attachment in marriage is an idea that resonated across the Roman classes.
Expressions of Affection
In spite of the image of the sternly stoic Roman male, Cicero, in his private
communication with his wife, is surprisingly affectionate and passionate. He doesn‟t express
himself in the learned style of poets like Propertius, but rather he regularly stresses his
feelings with terms of endearment and statements of longing and desire. The extraordinary
circumstances may have influenced the decision to commit these expressions to writing, but
the sentiment behind them appears to be genuine.
Cicero refers to her importance to him when he describes her as a source of support
and comfort. As a member of his immediate family, she is one of the few people from whom
Cicero says he derives true comfort.128
He even claims that he only wants to be able to die in
her arms.129
In terms of support, Terentia is described as helping him with his clientes,
working to secure his return,130
and offering her financial resources for his use.131
These are
not generalizations about women, but rather the qualities and actions that he admires are
specific to her. While the exact nature of their relationship is difficult to define, Terentia
appears to be a real partner in their marriage. That is not to say that their partnership is
completely equitable, but she is a valued and valuable wife for more than her finances and
128
Att. 1.18.1.
129 Ad. Fam. 14.4.1.
130 Ad. Fam. 14.2.2.
131 Ad. Fam. 14.1.5.
40
fertility alone. It is her as person and partner that Cicero appreciates and loves, and that
specificity is what distinguishes his affection from an expression of platitudes and formulae.
As a means of expressing his affection, Cicero is fond of referring to Terentia with
pet love names. She is variously “mea lux, meum desiderium,”132
“mea vita,” 133
and
“animae meae.”134
Terentia is more than a means of producing children: she is also an
important, integral part of his life in her own right. She is both desired and necessary. Each
of his terms for her conveys the significance that he places on her role in his life: enjoyable
and as necessary as his life. Love names cannot always be taken literally, as, for example,
Terentia is a person and not a source of light. Thus we can assume a certain amount of
natural metaphor in Cicero‟s references, but at the same time the desire to emphasize
Terentia‟s significance indicates her importance to him. Moreover, Cicero could go on living
and breathing without her, but her absence is one of the ways that life becomes so unbearable
for him during his exile. Thus, she is not literally necessary, but metaphorically since she is
one of the people that make his life worthwhile.
In addition, Cicero refers to his longing and affection for her in greater detail. He
weeps when he thinks of her and their children and the suffering he has caused them.135
He
debates whether to have her come out to be with him because her presence would be a great
comfort to him.136
Cicero thinks that he sees her when she is not there.137
He wishes to be
132
Ad. Fam. 14.2.2.
133 Ad. Fam. 14.2.3 and 14.4.1.
134 Ad. Fam. 14.14.2 and 14.18.1.
135 Ad. Fam. 14.2.1.
136 Ad. Fam. 14.4.3.
137 Ad. Fam. 14.3.5.
41
with her even if it is only to die in her arms. Moreover, he claims that if they can be restored
to each other, that would be enough for him after his exile.138
Cicero constantly urges her to
take care for her health,139
whether she is healthy or sick. These declarations are brought
about by their longer separations because of exile and war, but we see a consistent thread of
anxiety for and longing for Terentia that absence exacerbates. The level of intensity of his
expression changes, but the underlying emotions seem to be the same. Even when Cicero is
back in Italy after the civil war, he nonetheless plans to write to Terentia, although he has no
idea what he would say.140
The very act of communication between them is important.
Even if we assume a certain amount of exaggeration from unusual circumstances, a
considerable level of positive emotional investment remains. After all, if he had been
exaggerating beyond the level of the believable, Terentia would have been the person most
likely to recognize any faked emotion. However, as confirmation of some level of
affectionate sincerity from Cicero, she not only works for his benefit back in Rome, but she
offers to sell her properties141
and to come out to be with him.142
Considering the level of
discomfort and even danger that travel and exile would entail, it seems that her offer is out of
genuine concern. Terentia could easily continue to stay in Rome and work for his return
from there without censure. Instead, the letters demonstrate a mutual concern for the well-
being of the partner and a desire to be together.
138
Ad. Fam. 14.1.3.
139 Ad. Fam. 14.4, 5, 6, 7, 8, 9, 10, 11, 15, 16, 17, 18, 19, 22, 23, 24.
140 Ad. Fam. 14.16.
141 Ad. Fam. 14.1.5.
142 Ad. Fam. 14.3.5.
42
Cicero himself asserts that their relationship has an element of love. He says that
Terentia would always do things “amantissime”143
in their everyday lives. From what we
can observe, which is limited by the lack of any of Terentia‟s letters to him, there does
appear to be genuine affection beyond the level of concordia. The exact nature and level of
that affection is not completely clear, but it is safe to say that Cicero felt love for Terentia
and she showed him the same love in return.
Pliny’s Letters
The communication between Pliny and Calpurnia displays a similar type of marital
affection, but it is expressed somewhat differently. Perhaps the most striking example is
Pliny‟s depiction of himself as the exclusus amator.144
He alters the topos because the object
of desire is his wife, and she is not deliberately shutting him out so much as simply absent.
Pliny‟s writing is very literary and sophisticated, while Cicero tends toward a
straightforward, elegant prose style. In part, the difference lies in their goals and audience.
Cicero‟s letters are meant for Terentia, but Pliny‟s are for Calpurnia and a larger group of
readers. As a result, Pliny‟s letters reflect the styles of other published works as well as the
epistolography genre.
In his letter to Calpurnia‟s aunt, Pliny praises his wife extensively and affectionately.
A significant focus is given to Calpurnia‟s affection for him. Pliny mentions the many ways
that she shows her love: “amat me, quod castitatis indicium est,” “accedit his studium
litterarum, quod ex mei caritate concepit,” and “Versus quidem meos cantat etiam formatque
cithara non artifice aliquo docente, sed amore, qui magister est optimus.” However, the
143
Ad. Fam. 14.2.2.
144 Dixon (1991) 106.
43
description of her and her virtues is so detailed and warm that the overall impression is one
of mutual love. Pliny not only details typical virtues like “frugalitas” and “castitatis,”145
he
also describes how considerate she is towards him when he is on a case. He also thanks
Calpurnia Hispulla, “ego, quod illam mihi, illa, quod me sibi dederis.”
In letter 6.7, Pliny reiterates her importance to him and his to her. In the absence of
the other, each of them holds their letters close in place of their partner. It is, of course, a
poor substitute for the actual spouse, but the sentiment of attachment and reliance on each
other is clear. Ep. 7.5 also expands on this theme, and Pliny specifically mentions his “amor”
for Calpurnia. He even describes himself as the “exclusus amator” to emphasize the depth of
his pain at the separation from her.
Pliny also expresses great concern for Calpurnia when she is ill and when she
miscarried. There is some confusion over the two letters on the miscarriage because Pliny is
more practical when talking to his wife‟s grandfather and more emotional to her aunt. This is
likely due to the audience he is addressing rather than an indication of coldness on his part.146
Indeed, his references to her aunt‟s joy at the danger that Calpurnia evaded is intended to
reflect his own relief at his wife‟s recovery.147
Letter 6.4 describes his discomfort when she
is away and ill: he is constantly worried and asks her to write to him at least once a day so
that he might know how she is. His concern for her illness seems frantic in comparison to
her miscarriage, which can be understood as worry for a current crisis. When he writes to
her grandfather and aunt, the danger to Calpurnia from the miscarriage had already passed.
145
Ep. 4.19.
146 Carlon 173.
147 Ep. 8.11.
44
Thus the reader is privy to a range of examples that demonstrate a sustained affectionate
relationship.
Yet part of the purpose of Pliny‟s letters is the construction of a public persona, and
so his depictions are at least somewhat uncoupled from reality. It seems unlikely that he
would stray too far from the truth, since presumably some of his primary readers were friends
of his who might be familiar with his marital relationship.148
According to Pliny, Calpurnia
herself would read these because she reads all of his works.149
Furthermore, there isn‟t an
apparent reason to create a fiction of a loving relationship when concordia is the sufficient
ideal. In other words, Pliny would have to say only that their marriage was harmonious for it
to be praiseworthy. Even Arria the Elder describes her relationship as one of harmony rather
than one of love,150
and she was willing to commit suicide with her husband. Moreover, it is
Pliny that mentions Arria and Paetus‟ concordia, so he does not seem to think that love is a
necessary component of an ideal marriage. Fannia, too, is described as a devoted wife, but
love is not explicitly mentioned as a part of her relationship. It can be present, and it can
even be a desirable aspect, but harmony and agreement are the minimum requirements for a
normative happy marriage.
Thus Pliny does not have to depict a relationship of mutual love in order to present
his marriage as ideal. He is in fact going beyond what is necessary to achieve his objective.
This over-acheivement implies that love as a part of a marriage is either acceptable or even
valuable. That is, mention of it would not hurt Pliny‟s program of depicting himself as a
148
His first letter, if it is not merely a literary conceit, indicates that his friend requested the collection of letters
(Ep. 1.1). Whether or not it is fact, Pliny‟s first readers are likely to be those that he gives copies to, i.e., people
he knew.
149 Ep. 4.19.
150 Ep. 3.16.
45
traditional Roman male or it would actually augment his characterization. Since Pliny is
laying claim to something that even the idealized and highly praised marriages of Arria and
Fannia did not have, it seems likely that marital love is counted as valuable. After all, if he
wishes to include himself in the ranks of the moral elite, it would be helpful not only to show
his marriage as equally traditional as some of the most celebrated, but actually to surpass the
most brilliant examples.
In the end, whether they actually loved each other is not a question that is necessary
to this investigation. The most relevant fact is that one of the ways that a writer could
portray a stable, traditional private life is through a marriage that includes affection and not
just a lack of discord. Marital love was desirable and one of the most important aspects of a
marriage. In addition to the production of children, the development of real emotional
attachment is the most significant aspect of a Roman marriage in the letters of Cicero and
Pliny. Concordia is ideal and necessary for a successful marriage, but marital love is
important even beyond that.
Conclusions
In addition to the expression of a consistent set of virtues and values, Pliny expresses
affection for Calpurnia that is comparable to Cicero‟s for Terentia. The circumstances under
which they write are quite different, and this distinction contributes to the varying ways that
they express their emotions. It is important not to overstate how similar the two relationships
might be since we know so little about either of them. However, with the information we do
have, it is reasonable to infer that both couples, as presented, had a level of affection or
passion that was beyond concordia.
46
In the article “The Sentimental Ideal of the Roman Family,” Suzanne Dixon describes
a gradual increase in the acceptance of marital love to the point where, in the Imperial period,
it becomes a firmly entrenched part of the ideal for elite Roman marriages.151
Love as an
integral aspect of a successful marriage is reflected in Imperial authors like Gaius Musonius
Rufus,152
Tacitus,153
and Plutarch.154
Dixon argues that this trend begins in the Republic and
can be seen in such authors as Cicero himself and even Catullus.155
The selection of works
indicates that a trend towards idealizing marital love was not isolated, but in fact appears in a
variety of contexts. Those contexts are heavily biased towards the elite, but there is also
evidence for similar values in the inscriptions of the lower classes.156
Thus, there is a
continuous tradition of idealized affection between spouses from the time that Cicero was
writing to Pliny.157
151
These changes were not entirely without marked dissent, but the greater problem was with women in the
provinces who behaved poorly (Dixon (1991) 103).
152 13A.17-19.
153 Agricola 6.1.
154 Moralia 142E.
155 Catullus 61.209-13.
156 Dixon (1991) 109.
157 This tradition is not limited to the period between Cicero and Pliny, but continues before and after them.
[Type text]
Chapter 5: Conclusion
Children and Divorce
This paper has focused on only two aspects of Cicero‟s marriage to Terentia: praise
and affection. There are, certainly, many other factors that contribute to a relationship. The
presence or absence of children, external friendships, financial security, and any prior or
subsequent unions are just some of the issues that affect the perceived success or failure of a
marriage. While this investigation is not concerned with every aspect of Cicero and
Terentia‟s relationship, at this point a few relative items will be discussed to provide a
broader perspective.
By the standards of the production of legitimate offspring, Cicero and Terentia were
fairly successful. Since childbearing is one of the principal purposes of Roman marriage,
their two children that survived to adulthood would have qualified that aspect as normative.
Both spouses seem to have been actively involved in the rearing of the children and to have
shared in concern for their happiness and well-being later in life. In Pliny VIII.10, a keen
desire to have children of his own is expressed, so the procreative aspect of marriage doesn‟t
diminish in spite of the increasing perception that marriage in and of itself could and should
be beneficial to the spouses. These two ideals coexist, even though individuals might value
one over the other. Turia‟s husband refuses to divorce her on account of their lack of
children.158
Instead, he prefers to remain in their happy union without a legitimate heir.
158
Laudatio Turiae 2.44-47.
48
While divorce among the elite classes was certainly not unheard of, it was acceptable
only when no children were produced or in the case of adultery.159
Many Romans still
proceeded to divorce and remarry, but it was nonetheless the ideal that a marriage lasted until
the death of the partner. In the case of women, the idea of the “univira” extended even past
the death of the husband.160
From this perspective, Cicero and Terentia‟s divorce was not
normative. However, such an injunction against divorce without cause does not seem to have
had much bearing on Cicero‟s decision to remarry and divorce a second time. His second
marriage would have been considered less problematic because there weren‟t any children,
but divorce without sufficient reason could still be negatively perceived.161
Since Cicero‟s
second marriage was so short, it is likely that the divorce would have been viewed as without
cause. There hadn‟t been enough time to produce children, and there is no evidence of
adultery. As a result, the end of Cicero‟s marriage to Terentia was less than the Roman ideal,
and so was his subsequent union.
Thus, we cannot call their marriage completely normative: their divorce is an
obvious rebuttal. It may have occurred after some fault, like adultery, that would have made
separation acceptable, but Cicero never directly refers to the reasons in any letters.
Moreover, none of the proposals by writers like Plutarch162
seem to be based on any solid
evidence. Thus, the divorce as presented is one that would have been considered
unacceptable by the strictly traditional Roman standards.
159
Treggiari (1991a) 38.
160 Hesberg-Tonn 224-25 and Williams 23.
161 Treggiari (1991a) 40.
162 Claassen 212.
49
It is important, then, to qualify just how normative their relationship was. If Cicero
and Terentia were willing to get a divorce in the absence of a “justifiable” reason, this
mindset could well have colored the way that they perceived and fulfilled their marital roles.
Cicero‟s later marriage to Publilia was influenced by a clear willingness to separate without
any indications of fault. That is not to say there wasn‟t fault, but no certain record of any
legitimate reason remains. As a result, the duration of his marriage to Terentia appears, in
the documents that we have, to have been quite normative in terms of affection, legitimate
children, and spousal roles. The end of the union, on the other hand, is distinctly not
normative.
The Conservation of Ideals
The range of time when these values would have been considered ideal is quite
extensive. Roman culture was highly conservative in gender relations, and so the changes
that did occur in marital conceptions happened in small steps over long periods of time. One
of the most important evolutions in Roman marriage was the preference for sine manu unions
that developed in the late Republic.163
Even this monumental change did not fundamentally
alter the wife‟s role as primarily domestic. It did influence the independence of matrons,164
but even that level of freedom was curtailed by social pressures. Any incursion into an
overtly public sphere that was not for the benefit of husband or family risked censure. Such
disapproval did not stop women like Fulvia from a greater interest in politics than was
strictly seemly, but she was then an easy way for Octavian to attack Antony.
163
Hemelrijk (1999) 102.
164 The requirement that a woman have a tutor does not seem to have significantly hampered most women.
50
The introduction of a Greek educational system also influenced gender ideals. In the
letters by Cicero and Pliny, the increase in the acceptability and desirability of educating elite
women is evident. Cicero does not refer to his wife or daughter‟s intellectual capability,
though he does note positive examples of women in other scenarios.165
Pliny, on the other
hand, mentions his wife‟s interest in reading (his works) and the education of two other
women as reflections on the men who educated them.166
Some women were instructed in at
least basic concepts as far back as Cornelia, the mother of the Gracchi, but such education
became much more frequent in the Imperial period. In part, the education of a family‟s
daughters was seen as a status symbol since there was enough money to have both boys and
girls taught. Also, a properly educated woman was thought to have improved morals and to
be an asset in the education of her subsequent children. Not everyone agreed with this
viewpoint, as Juvenal‟s satirical presentation of obnoxiously learned woman attests.167
However, the problematic aspect in most cases is the improper use of education. A woman
who utilized her learning for the benefit of her children and for the moral improvement of
herself168
was beyond reproach. Certainly some families would have educated their children
as a means for encouraging them in intellectual pursuits and to improve their minds, but this
motivation was not mentioned in arguments for educating girls. From the social point of
view, then, the improvement of women for their own sake was not a generally held ideal.
As a result, the emphasis in writers like Pliny is on the ways that a woman‟s
education reflected on her father or husband and supported their family. Once again, the
165
Brut. 211 and De Or. 3.45, Att. 13.21a.
166 Ep. 1.16, Ep. 5.16.
167 Juv. 6.448-56.
168 That is, so she wasn‟t tempted to drink, commit adultery, and otherwise disgrace her family.
51
achievement or natural character of a woman is not principally about or for her. Its relevance
is only in relation to the familial unit or the male relative. The education of women might be
viewed as a liberating movement, except for the fact that socially it was brought back under
the support for the traditional, conservative values. Individually, women like Cornelia
enjoyed the benefits of their education, but publicly it was always associated with the
benefits it conferred on their families. Cornelia was celebrated for being a principle figure in
her children‟s education, even though she surrounded herself with an intellectual circle later
in life. Pliny‟s description of Minicia also reflects the adherence to conservative ideals
because her education is principally a means of identifying her with her father.
On the other hand, the increasing value placed on marital love is based on merits
implicit in having an affectionate marriage. It is celebrated as the best kind of marriage with
a union of harmony and concordia being the next most preferable. It may still be the case
that the changing views on marital love in fact reflect a concern to develop more lasting
marriages, but the presentation in published documents169
is that affection between spouses is
valuable in and of itself. As a result, we see the willing publication of letters that
demonstrate Cicero‟s passionate devotion to Terentia and that celebrate Pliny‟s love for
Calpurnia.
In contrast to these developments, the role that was available to a wife and matron
was consistently restricted throughout the Republic and the Empire. In typical periods, a
wife worked within the domestic sphere with only slight overlaps on a public role as related
to her husband. For example, Cicero mentions Terentia as an intermediary for his clientes.
In extraordinary circumstances, her role might expand to public advocating for the husband‟s
169
See notes 153-156 in Chapter 4.
52
interests or seeking legal justice in the absence of a male relative.170
However, these actions
are always narrowly circumscribed to be for the benefit of husband or family, never for the
woman‟s interests alone. The administration of her properties would have been done through
a male administrator with the advice and permission of the woman‟s tutor. Most women
would not have found these necessities very restrictive, but the appearance of male control
was vital to the image of a proper Roman matron.
Consequently, the circumstances under which typically masculine virtues can be
applied to women are very specific. Either some extraordinary danger threatens the husband
or he is absent, such that his actions are restricted. These constraints create a need for the
wife to act in place of the husband even in public avenues. Thus she temporarily assumes a
masculine role, but then sets it aside when the husband is able to take up his own duties
again. The non-permanence of such situations is crucial, because an unnecessary extension
of a woman‟s role into masculine prerogatives is not virtuous. Rather, it is cause for censure
from society and one‟s family. Accordingly, Cicero applies male adjectives and
characteristics to Terentia only in the events of his exile and the civil war. Pliny, too,
describes the ideal women as masculine only if their families undergo circumstances that
require them to take action for their husbands. Similarly, Turia acts beyond the domestic
sphere only when her husband cannot. Afterwards, her duties remain restricted to the home
and the support of her spouse.
Cicero and Terentia
Overall, Cicero and Terentia‟s marriage is not ideal in every respect. It is likely that
few if any unions were ever successful in this way. However, the normative values would
170
Laudatio Turiae ll. 1.3-1.8.
53
have been important in how other Romans and how they themselves perceived their
relationship and its relative success or failure. That perception in turn would have influenced
their behavior and interactions. The extent of that influence is unknown, but its importance
is reflected in the criticism of women like Fulvia. A refusal to abide by social values could
lead to infamy and complications for the husband‟s political career.
Cicero‟s writings reflect a regular concern with conforming to strict social standards.
His speeches and treatises describe the well-behaved wives with traditional epithets. The
infamous spouses or mistresses, on the other hand, are characterized with antonyms of the
feminine virtues. Some of these descriptions are rhetorically motivated, but Cicero‟s use of
marital and gender standards in his political speeches underscores the overall importance of
those very values. A man‟s domestic life is an extension of his character, and so
inappropriate behavior in his household could harm his political and social aspirations.
However, marital stability not only affected the individual, but it was also perceived as vital
to the well-being of the state.171
Eventually, the association of familial harmony with
governmental stability developed into the correlation of the imperial family with the health of
the state.172
Thus a virtuous household was crucial to both the individual‟s and the state‟s
success.
Cicero uses similar language to praise women in his letters to friends. However, there
are relatively few instances of praise or blame in his correspondence. In fact, references to
women are generally rare with the exception of Cicero‟s own family and Atticus‟ wife and
daughter. The political nature of many of Cicero‟s letters would have eliminated any need to
171
Dixon (1992) 24.
172 Carlon 145.
54
discuss women. Even in the letters of recommendation, he doesn‟t attempt to create the
image of proper Roman citizens by describing their virtuous home lives. Cicero‟s relative
silence on the subject of women reflects the masculine, public orientation of interpersonal
communication between men except with the most intimate of friends.
There is a similar reticence about the education of women throughout Cicero‟s works.
Beyond the basics of reading and writing, Cicero rarely mentions a woman‟s learning or
intellect. Ultimately, though, even his discussion of Laelia is more about praise of her father
and how she is a reflection of his brilliance and eloquence. The education of women was still
evolving and developing in the late Republic, so it is not surprising that Cicero is so
circumspect. Even Pliny, writing when the education of daughters was more established, is
very careful to present that learning is beneficial only for the family, not the individual.
Whether these normative values were consciously or unconsciously internalized,
Cicero and Terentia, as presented in his letters, strongly conform to Roman ideals on gender
roles and marital love. As one would expect, they do not completely reflect social values, as
their divorce especially shows. However, for the decades that they were married, Cicero and
Terentia would have been viewed as a good example of what a Roman couple should be and
how they should behave.
55
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