método jesuítico en filipinas

Early Jesuit Missionary Methods in the PhilippinesAuthor(s): Nicholas P. CushnerSource: The Americas, Vol. 15, No. 4 (Apr., 1959), pp. 361-379Published by: Academy of American Franciscan HistoryStable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/978866 .Accessed: 08/09/2011 15:18

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EARLY JESUIT MISSIONARY METHODS IN THE PHIlIPPINES

tN 1565, when Spain was sdll on the ascending arc of its colonial ventllres, the first permanent settlement in the Philippines was made. The subsequent decades witnessed, not only a military conquest

by Spanish conquistadores, but a spiritual conquest as well. The efforts of Salcedo, Legazpi and the others were, so to speak, the first stage, ushering in the missionaries, ". . . the real conquerors, who without any Other arms than their virtues, gained over the good will of the islanders, . . . and gave the king two millions more of submissive and Christian subjects." 1

The task of the missionary in the Philippine Islands was, first and foremost, to spread the Catholic Faith. Since Christianity was the foundation stone of Western civilization and it was the acknowledged duty of the Spanish state to extend the Faith, it follows that from the standpoint of both state and Church it was the missionary's first task to convert the heathen.2 But the state benefited from the missionary's labor as well as the Church. For, just as in New Spain, the missionary served, not only to christianize the frontier, but he also aided in extending, holding, and civilizing it.3

The Jesuit missionaries in the Visayan Islands, a central group in the Philippine archipelago composed principally of Leyte, Samar, Cebu, Negros, and Bohol, effected the extension and civilization of the new Spanish frontier through mission schools. Tvhe Jesuit territory was divided into districts and each district provided elementary, and later, secondary instruction, for the native children.4

In the following pages however, we will be concerned with the primary task of the missionary, that of " christiamzing the frontier," implanting a new set of religious principles in place of the old; and

1 Thomas de Comyn, State of the Philippine Islands, wans. William Walton (London, 1821), p. 209.

' Herbert E. Bolton, " The Mission as a Frontier Institution in the Spanish Amencan Colonies," The American Historica] Review, XXIII, no. 1 (October, 1917), 4647, Although the author is speaking of the missionary as a political and social influence on the North American froniier, such was also the case in the Philippine Islands where often the missionary was the sole representative of cross and crown.

8 Ibid. 4 For the influence of Jesuit IIiission education in the Philippines, see Horacio de la

Costa, " Jesuit Education in the Philippines to 1768," PhiZippine Studies, IV, no. 2 (July, 1956), 127-155.

361

362 JESUIT MISSIONARY METHODS

more particularly, with the means by which this was accomplished. It is the purpose therefore, of this article, to set forth the typical Jesuit methods used in the various phases of their missionary work. For from a consideraaon of missionary methods we may obtain an insight into the nature of the " spiritual conquest " and thereby be one step closer to an accurate understanding of the complex relaiionship which existed between the spiritual and military conquests of the Philippines.

In 1595, fourteen years after the arrival of the Society of Jesus in the Philippines, the Jesuits began work among the inhabitants of the Visayan Islands, the territory assigned as their sphere of missionary activity.6 The Augustinians had been in the Visayas ever since their arrival with Legazpi in 1565. For the most part, however, their work was confined to the people of Cebu.7 But around Cebu were several large, well populated islands, whose inhabitants were not being instructed in the Faith. It was amang these people that Jesuit missionaries worked until their expulsion from the King's domains in 1767.

MISSIONARIES AND THE NATIVE DIALECTS

The Jesuit missionaries in the Visayan Islands used the native dialects as a medium for teaching the doctrines of the Catholic Church. There were several reasons for this, the most cogent of which was that it was much easier for one missionary to learn the language of an area than for all the people of that area to learn Spanish. Besides, the teaching of Castilian posed several impraciicalities.8 In addition, the impression

6Robert Ricard's classic study in the field of missionary methods, La "conqueAte spirituelle" da Mexigue, essai sur l'apostolat et les methodes missionaires des ordres mendicants en Nouqnelle-Espagne de IS23 a IS72 (Paris, 1933), has provided a model on which similar studies may be profitably patterned. As is obvious, this brief study has made considerable use of its large-scale model.

6 In a communicaaon dated April 27, 1594, Philip II ordered that the Philippines be divided among the four resident religious groups, the Dominicans, Augusiinians, Fran- ciscans, and Jesliits. The reason for this paration was the speedier inswction and conversion of the Filipines. See E. H. Blair and J. A. Robertson, eds., The Philippine Islands (55 vols.; Cleveland, 1903-1909), IX, 120-121.

7 An Augustinian Father, Alonso Velasquez, worked for a short time in Leyte. He withdrew, however, when the territory was given over to the Jesuits. D. Felipe Redondo y Sendino, Bresc Resena . . . de lo que es la Diocesis de Cebu (Manila, 1886), p. 35.

8See Ricard, op. cit., pp. 69-70; also Evergisto Bazaco, O.P., History oJ Education in the Philippines (Manila, 1953), p. 58. Through the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries a steady stream of royal decrees urged the use of Spanish in giving religious instruction. For the most part however, the missionaries " obedezian, pero no cumplian." In Mexico, the famous Jesuit missionary, Francisco Piccolo, once brought two Indian lads to the bishop to help in his plea for alms. The bishop asked whether they knew their prayers. They recited them perfectly, but could only do so in their naiive

NICHOLAS P. CUSHNER 363

made upon the Filipinos by a stranger speaking their language was extremely favorable and went far to insure the missionary's success. This is well illustrated by Fr. Gabriel Sanchez's account of his visit to the island of Negros in 1599. The people were astounded to hear him speak in their own tongue, and within a month 400 had been to confession and some had received Communion.9

When Fr. Pedro Chirino, along with three companions, inaugurated Jesuit mlssionary activity in the Visayas in 1595, he was already ac- quainted in some degree with the regional dialects. He had catechized on Panay in 1593. His priest companions, however, Juan del Campo and Cosme de Flores, were not, so upon arrival at Leyte they began the study of the language. They realized that if any lasting work was to be accomplished, it would be through the dsalects. It did not take long for Flores to become proficient in the language, for Chirino wrote that a few months later Fr. Cosme de Flores showed great fluency in Visayan and he ". . . spoke it with masterly skill." 10 We are also told that Fr. Flores' rapid mastery of the local dialect was matched by that of Fr. Mariin Henrlquez, who not only learned the dialect of his area in three months, but also prepared a collection of Sunday sermons and a treatise on confession written in the native language.l1

The use of the native dialects became so universal among the Jesuit missionaries that by 1602 the Annual Letter reported that in the mission stations " all the fathers (except two or three who are too old or engaged in governmental work) know the dialects." 12 Fr. Chirino also wrote that:

. . . the facility with which many ministers of the Lord in the four religious orders learned the language used in their respeciive missions, even so as to preach and hear confessions in them, seems a gift from heaven. The most tardy student of them, if he apply himself moder- ately, spends no more than six months; and one of ours, [Jesviit Re-

dialects. Piccolo received a severe reprimand and was ordered henceforth to instruct only in Spanish. E. J. Burrus, S. J., "Francisco Piccolo, Pioneer of Lower California," Hispanic Srzerican Historical Review, XXXV, no. 1 (February, 1955), 61-76. For the ideas of the Jesuit founder, Ignatius Loyola, on the native dialects and the missionaries, see Jesus Maria Granero, S. J., " La accion misionera y los metodos rnisionales de San Ignacio de Loyola," Bibliotheca Hispana Missionum, VI (Burgos, 1931), 143-150; 209-210.

9The account of Sanchez's trip is related in Pedro Chirino's Relacion de las Islas Filipinas, an English translation of which is in Blair and Robertson, op. cit., XIII, 151-152.

lbid., XII, 284. lbid., XII, 222.

12 William C. Repetti, S. J., History of the Society of Jesus in tSe PSilippine Islands (2 vols.; Manila, 1938), II, 326.

JESUIT MISSIONARY METHODS 364

ligious] Fr. Cosme de Flores, learned and mastered this language, so that he could preach and hear confessions, in selrenty-four days, to the astonishment of our people, as well as of the Indians themsellres.... In truth, these languages are not very difficult, either to learn or to pronounce-and more especially now, since there is a grammar, a vocabulaw, and many writings therein.18

The use of the native tongue, however, brought its problems. In its lirnited vocabulary were not to be found the words necessary for an adequate teaching of the principles of the Faith. Such concepts, and corresponding words, for God, grace, redempiion, Holy Spirit, etc., were foreign to the natives, and consequently not found in their language. The question arose then: how were these ideas to be expressed, what words were to be used?

This problem was by no means an entirely new one. It had been met 2nd solved in New Spain decades before. There the Friars saw two possible solutions to the perplexing problem; either introduce Euro- pean words into the native vocabulary, or paraphrase the required con- cept in the native tongue, a rather roundabout process.14

The first solution seemed to take from Christianity its universality and confine it to certain civilizations. The second would seem to avoid this, but it required a thorough understanding of the language with all its intricacies and flexible vocabulary. Likewise, the first alternaave avoided the danger of heterodoxy as well as confusion and misunderstanding on the part of the neophyte. For if the native words were retained there always remained the possibility that the ideas they con- noted were not orthodox.16 St. Francis Xavier encountered this very difliculty in Japan.le

A cedula from Valladolid, dated September 22, 1538, warned against this same danger. It ordered that a catechism in the native dialect be closely examined, lest the terms it used admit of a different meaning * - m t le natlve tongue.

. . . E adveriid mucho en que los que la examinaren que miren los vocablos no traigan incovevenientes (sic) para la doctrina y religion cristiana, por las significaciones que los indios en su lengua les dan.l7

The danger, therefore, was a very real one and so had to be faced.

8 Blair and Robertson, op. cit., XII, 234-235. l' Ricard, op. cit., pp. 72-73. l6 1bid. 16 Ibid.; When St. Francis Xavier faced this difficulty in Japan he used for God only

the Portuguese word Deos in order to avoid equivocal expressions then current among the Japanese sects. The Bonzes however, argued that Deos and their Dasuzo were one and the same thing. Actually Dauzo meant a " Great Falsehood." The difficulty arose, not from nlalice, but from a complete misunderstanding of the two concepts.

17 Ibid.


The solution which the missionaries of the Philippines preferred was the same as that adopted by the Friars of New Spain years before. They simply added to the vernacular languages the words which they needed to explain the concepts of Christianity. In the Visayan version of the Hail Mary, for example, gracia, Dios, Santa, were used for grace, God, and holy. The ente prayer reads as follows: Maghimaya ca Maria napono ca sa gracia An Guinoon Rejoice thou Mary, full thou of grace; the Lord Dios anaa canimo. Guirayeg ca uyamot sa babaihun God is with thee. Exalted thou much among women tanan ug prayeg man an imon anac Jesus. Santa Mana all and exalted also he thy son Jesus. Holy Mary inahan sa Dios, iguiampo mo canii mother of God. Ler us be interceded for by thee us macasasala onia ug sa amun camatai. Amen. Jesus 18

sinners, now and in our death.

Likewise in the Tagalog version of the Doctrina Christiana there appear a number of words which are simply transplanted from the Spanish into the local dialect. Some of them are gracia, Dios, Espiritu Santo, yglesia, catholica, sirgen, cruz, infierno, confesar, comulgorr, do- mingo, fiesta, sacramentos, confirmar, extrema uncion and orden sacerdo.l9

Since the Jesuit missionaries used Visayan as a medium of communica- tion, it was necessary that there be available in the mission some aids for learning the language. What was probably used in the early days of the Visayan mission was the Introduccion a la Lengua Bisaya of Fr. Christ6bal Jimenez. The greater part of the learIiing process, however, was carried on viva qJoce between the learner and a IIiissioner already well versed in the dialects. This method possessed the added advantage of being able to acquaint the newcomer with the slightly different varieties of Visayan, as spoken in the different islands. This was important, in view of the fact that the missionaries frequently moved from island to island; and more often than not, a change of islands meant a change, however slight, in dialect.

l9Blair and Robertson, op. ck., XU, 239. 19 Doctrina C^TiStiABas A facsimile of the copy in the Lessing J. Rosenwald Colleconon;

with an introductory essay by Edwin Wolf, 2nd. (Library of Congresss 1947), passim.

JESUIT MISSIONARY METHODS 366

DISTRIBUTION OF THE MISSIONARIES Prior to the visitation of the Visayan missions in 1599-1600, the

missionaries there more or less chose their own fields of labor.2° When three fathers and one lay brother were sent to Leyte by the Jesuit superior, Fr. Antonio Sedeno, to begin mission work in that region, they established on the island two residences. One was at Carigara on the northern coast of the island, and the other was at Dulac, about 50 miles southeast, also on the coast. Not only did these well situated coastal towns afford the possibility of relatively convenient trips to nearby islands, but also the encomendero at Carigara, Cristobal de Truxillo, was well disposed towards the Jesuits and had himself begun the spiritual instruction of his encomendados.2l The missionaries were fortunate in having such favorable assistance, for although the Spanish Crown had clearly outlined the spiritual role of the encomenderos, their religious zeal often failed to match their pecuniary pursuits.

Leyte, in the early days of the mission, was the quasi-center of activity in the Visayas. Later on Cebu assumed this role. But by the end of July, 1595, Fr. Mateo Sanchez was alone at Carigara, and Frs. Alonso Humanes and Juan del Campo were in Dulac. Fr. Chirino and Bro. Garay, who were in the group sent to Leyte, had been ordered to Cebu where Fr. Sedeno, the superior of the Philippine mission, was dying. The type of work in which the men at Dulac and Carigara were engaged is described by Fr. Chirino:

Father Alonso de Humanes and Father Juan del Campo were the first to instruct the dwellers in and about Dulac . . . In the time that they spent together, they erected the frst church in Dulac; established a school for children, many of whom they baptized; and formed a long list of catechumens, whom they prepared and baptized, with great solemnity and rejoicing, to the increase of reverence for the holy sacrament. Besides this, Father Juan del Campo, travelling throughout the district, gained the good will of all those villages and marvelously influenced them to receive our holy faith....22

Father Alonso Humanes also reported on the work being done at Dulac in this early period:

2° A visitation, as referred to here, is an inspection of the religious communities in a given area. It is usually conducted by a religious appointed by the superior of the order.

21 Francisco Colin, Labor evangelica, ed. by Pablo Pastells? (3 vols.; Barcelona, 1900- 1902), II, 12.

a2Blair and Robenson, op. cit., XII, 282-283.


In September 1595, he [Humanes] and Fr. del Campo spent a few days at the river of Palo where they fouxld the people docile and willing to hear about Catholicity. Care was taken to instruct apt children who would return to their homes and tell their elders what they had learned. Arrivlng in Dulac, they gathered the people of three encomiendas, assisted by the Spaniards who were livlng there. Special attention was paid to the men and Fr. Campo got in touch with the head man of each barrio, an important point, because the people of the barrio follow the lpad of the head man. Before the coming of the Fathers no one had preached Catholicity and the only Chrisiians among the natives were a few servants of the Spaniards who had heard Mass and confessed in Cebu... 23

A church and school were opened and Christian doctrine was taught there on Sundays. However, many did not ask for baposm and the Fathers, on their part, were not eager to baptize until a better knowledge of the native language would enable them to provide better pre- baptismal instruction. It was not until Christmas Eve, 1595, that the first solemn baptisms were held in Dulac. Over 40 adults and children were received into the Church.24

In 1596 an increase of personnel allowed the missionaries to expand their fields of operation. They established themselves in nearby Samar and Bohol, and undertook the conversion of their inhabitants. In all of these islands the same general method of evangelization was used. The missionary founded numerous mission stations, usually covering a wide area, and in these stations he catechized and baptized. A station was erected when a sufficiently large number of people could be induced to live in one accessible place, which was by no means an easy task. The station was also known as a visita, since it had no resident priest, but was visited periodically. At least once a year a station was visited by the priest.25 Some stations were fortunate enough to be visited once a month.26 Such a method was by no means considered totally adequate and it had its critics. Some missionaries argued that when the priest revisited his station either their charges had sunk back into paganism, or they had forgotten even how to bless themselves. What was needed was a priest residing permanently in a given area. Only this could insure a well instructed Chrisnan community: a priest at hand to guard against any possible relapse into paganism.27

The inspection of the Philippine Vice-Province in 1599 by Fr. Diego

28 Repem, Op. cit., II, 21-22. 2 Ibid., II, 22-23. 26 Ibid., , 123. 26 Colin, op. cit., II, 122. 27 Ibid., II, 301.


Garc1a, S. J., who came as the official visitor, resulted in a number of important changes in the distribution of Jesuits in the Visayan Islands. After a thorough tour of the Visayas he ordered that each of the islands was to be divided into seciions, and each section was to have its own central residence where five or sig Fathers and Brothers were to live.28 From these central residences the Fathers were to make their salidas, going out two by two, "in imitation of the apostles." The change was enacted in order to expedite their work, return the Fathers to some form of communicy life, and certairlly for companionship. Hitherto, the missionaries had spread themselves thinly over a wide area, whereas now they were more centralized and their monthly and annual salidas coordinated. As a result, the new Christians could be visited more frequently. On July 7, 1600, Fr. Garc1a reported the recent changes to Fr. General Aquaviva: . . . conformably to the orders of your Paternity, the residences have been reduced so that six of ours may live together. Dulac and Palo have been united and there are three Fathers and two Brothers to whom another Father will be added. Another residence has been formed from Carigara and Alangalang. Those who ordinarily reside in Ormoc have been subordinated to Alangalang with orders that the Fathers be changed every two months....29

The centralization of the men when we compare the respective before and after the changes.

1598: Residence Cebu Alangalang Ogmuc

Palo Dulac

.

Tlnagon

Bohol

1601: Cebu Alangalang Dulac

.

Tlnagon

Bohol

:s and residences is strikingly apparent catalogues of the mission for the years

Fathers 6 (residents) 1

2

4 4 3

Brothers

3 3 4 4 35o

28 Ibid., II, 210-211. 29 Repem, Op. cit., II, 98. 80From the Annual Letters of 1598-1599 and 1601-1602 W. C. Repem's " The Society of Jesus in the Philippines,"

in the manuscript copy of (7 vols.; Washington, D. C.,


In general, the reaction of the missionaries to the revision was favorable. However, the Jesuit superior, Father del Prado, voiced a somewhat dissenting opinion. He wished to extend the centralization project even further, desiring to staff one house in a given area with ten or twelve men, the other residences remaining the same. His plan, however, was judged impractical since the mission was suffering from a manpower shortage. So the onginal plan of Garcla was put into operation. The Annual Letter for 1602 reported:

Each day we experience more and more the importance of the order of your Fraternity (sic) to increase the number in our communities. In some there are six of Ours, in others eight. Once a month, or a little more, they come together for the space of a week during which time their principal business is their own advancement. One or another makes the exercises so that all make them at least once a year. There are exercises of penance and mortification in the refectory, as customary in the Society, and in addition there are praciices of humility such as cooking, sweeping, etc....31

Two years after the visitation of Fr. Garc1a, Fr. Pedro Chinno journeyed to Rome in the capacity of Vice-Provincial procurator. He was to advise the Jesuit superior there of conditions in the islands. In his report was included the work undertaken in the Visayan Islands, for the General mentioned the southern missions in a subsequent directive.

The first potnt treated by the General in this directive was the arrangement of residences and doctrinas in the Visayan missions. It seems that the report to Rome partially described conditions which obtained prior to Garc1a's visit, for the directive says that:

The Father Vice Provincial and other superiors and Fathers of the Philippines have given the informaiion that they can not, and ought not, coniinue the manner of residences and doctrinas which has been followed up to the present, because of the objections they have presented to us, and discover each day.32

In view of this, it was suggested by Rome that the first thing to be undertaken in the Visayan missions was a concentrated effort to gather the people into towns in order to expedite instruction. Where the people refused to be so gathered, they were to ". . . leave them solely

1945-1950), III, 154-176; V, 47-83. The writer wishes to thank Fr. Repetti for perrnission to make use of his manuscript.

al Repetti, History, II, 187. 8 Ibid., II, 194-198.


in the hands of the Bishop for conversion." It was foreseen, however, that this reduction of the people would be opposed by the encomenderos. If such were the case, the king could be petitioned and the encomenderos made to enforce the movement. If they still remained obstinate, they should be deprived of their encomiendas.

The encomiendas would then be left to his Majesty and we would find the work of catechizing and instruction greatly facilitated, as has been found by experience in such encomiendas. It will be of great importance for our work to secure in the court and council, or in Manila from the governor and audiencia, some commutation for the encomenderos of our residences and missions and leave them entirely as the property of his Majesty.33

The Jesuit superior in Rome also insisted that the Society of Jesus in the Philippines was eventually to dispose of all the parishes it held, since the administraiion of parishes was forbidden by Jesuit Consti- tutions. The surrender of perpetual curacies was to take place only after the people in them had been well instructed and converted. Where possible, the residences of the parishes were to be turned into colleges, and the former missionaries were to find their apostolate in this new type of work. On no account were new residences to be opened, but the main preoccupation of the mission was to be schools where the work of the past ten years could be brought to fruition in the instruction of the youth. The General also hoped that from these schools native vocations would develop.34

In addition, a modification was made in the existing governance of the residences. There was to be appointed a superintendent whose only task was to diligently "watch over the most distant residences and villages of the Vice Province."

The duty of the said supenntendent will be, as has been said, continually to visit and inspect the villages, not only as to what concerns Ours, but also what touches the conversion of the natives and the conservation of those already converted. He shall see how the rules, orders and religious discipline are observed.... The superiors of the villages and residences will be subject in everything to this superintendent as to an immediate superior. But the superintendent cannot transfer them without an order from the vice-provincial....35

Such an appoinenent was a wise one in view of the fact that the Vice-Provincial resided more than 300 miles from the Visayan missions.

'8 Ibid. 84 Ibid. *6 Ibid.s II, 197.


His very inaccessibility demanded that there be another superior who would insure the smooth working order of the southern missions by settling immediate local problems.

METHODS OF INSTRUCTION Four requirements had to be met before the sacrament of baptism

was administered to the newly instructed. He was expected to repent of the sins of his past life, afiirming belief in the efl;cacy of baptism. A monogamous union was expected of the married candidate. Adult converts were to be able to recite the Our Father, Hail Mary, Credo and Ten Commandments. They also had to have some idea of the other sacraments and an awareness of the principal obligations of a Christian. Children were required to know from memory the entire catechism.86

The methods used by the missionaries to have their catechumens fulfill these conditions varied. In Ormoc, Leyte, the learning of the Christian Doctrine took place on Sundays. As many classes were had as there were divisions in the subject matter of the catchism, which meant six or seven. One group learned the Sign of the Cross, another the Hail Mary, and so on. When a child or adult learned the particular class matter, he passed to the next class, and so on uniil, as Fr. Chirino says, he ". . . took his degree," and was baptized.37 The instruciion in Palo, Leyte, was carried on with the help of decuriones. The pupils were divided into groups of ten and the more advanced students super- vised the lessons.38 The practice of allowing the well instructed to catechize seems not to have been uncommon. Fr. Alonso Humanes refers to two ninos abiles who instructed those of their own pueblo. Their ofiice, however, was temporary, and Humanes intended replacing them as soon as enough Fathers were available.89 Fr. Chirino also mentions that it was the practice for each residence to have several trained catechists.

In addition to the usual lrocal instruciion of poteniial converts the missionaries made considerable use of visual aids as well. Pictures de- picting the truths of the Faith were used to great advantage, and usually produced the desired results. They were of great-aid to those whose

86 See John L. Phelan, "Pre-Baptismal Insction and the Adnistranon of Baptism in the Philippines during the Sixteenth Century," The Americas, XII, no. 1 (July, 1955), 6.

a7 Blair and Robertson, op. cit., XIII, 96. 88 Ibid., XIII, t. 89 Coi, op. cit., IIs 285.


knowledge of the language was limited. The pictures frequently included a large ariist's conception of Hell, for it was to this motive that the missionaries frequently appealed. We are informed that Fr. Juan de Torres went several steps further. He once arranged with his coadjutor companion that at the most fervent part of his discourse on Hell the Brother should light a pitch fire behind him, " with much fire and smoke," to impress upon his bearers the horrors of the punish- ment which might be theirs.40 The senses as well as the intellect were appealed to by the missionaries.

Sermons to the neophytes usually revolved about four basic topics: 1) Hell or Purgatory, 2) Immortality of the soul, 3) Existence of God, and 4) Reward for Christians in the next life.

The method of preaching these topics was not so much by means of reasoned argument and continuous discourse, for the listeners' powers of concentration were not yet developed to the full. Sermons consisted rather of a series of short spiritual conferences in which one or two important ideas were presented. At the end of the conference the preacher would review the main points he had discussed and by means of question and answer repeat them.ut The listeners were thereby relieved of the tedium of a long discourse and they usually managed to retain the broad outline of the conference.

Preaching played an important part in the life of a missionary, for when he went on a salida or trip into a given area, almost the entire day was devoted to instruction. The morning was taken up with preaching or short discourses to the Christians in the pueblo and teaching catechism to the children. If the Father were fortunate enough to have a Lay Brother companion with him, he was assisted in the task. Fre- quently, though, he was alone. In the afternoon he visited the ranchergas or clusters of homes on the outskirts of the village. Here he repeated the sermons he had preached in the morning. Those who were not Chris- tians and who desired to be so were instructed in the late afternoon. The process was repeated the following day until the mission was satisfied with the progress of his neophytes.

A missionary trip to Barili, a town on the southwest coast of Cebu, affords a view of a wpical missionary salida.

We left Cebu on Monday, June 16, and arrived in Barili on Wednesday before noon. On Thursday a large number, both Chrisiians and pagans,

'° Ibid., II, 396. 41 For detailed accounts of preaching methods used by the missionanes, see Blalr and

Robertson, op. cit., XIII, 62; Repem, Htstory, II, 121-124.


assembled in the church and after a prayer I gave a sermon in which I exhorted them to receive Baptism, and taught them about God and His work of creation. We told them to return on Sunday and they went out to their fields in all directions to distances of one, two or three leagues. The houses in the town are small because tlley are not used much. The people began to come in on Saturday and in the evening we baptized a large number of children. Sunday morning the church could not hold everybody and after Mass I gave a sermon on eterni. That was followed by a solemn baptism of boys. On Monday, the feast of St. John the Baptist, there was another large gathering and 29 adults, exclusive of children, were baptized. Among the adults were some leading citizens and the chief principal who had held out against baptism. His example influenced many others.... On Thursday we set out with the reverend pastor of the district and came to a small village named Carlum and we spent Friday, Saturday and Sunday there. Every morning and evening the people came to the church for instruction. On Saturday we baptized the children and on Sunday 28 adults. On Monday we continued on to Agpile.... From there we went to another town called Tuburan, around which there are two or three smaller villages, the inhabitants of which gathered in the town. The people were peaceable and well behaved because their principal was a good Christian. We were there ten days and morning and evening we were busy prayings teaching, catechizing, so that the people thought of nothing else during that time. They could be heard reciting prayers until midnight.... Besides children, 114 adults were baptized. The confessions of the Christians were heard because there had been no priest there during Lent. The town was thus left purified by baptism and confession, although the baptism of some had to be deferred to another time, God willing, because they were not prepared. In our journey we found many who had not been to confession for years and some who had been Christians for many years but had never confessed. In most of the towns we gave a written form of Baptism to some capable persons to use in case of necessity. We also instructed the Christians to commend themselves to God and how to have re- course to him in case of necessity in the absence of a confessor. The recitation of the rosary was taught and urged as a daily practice. Every evening we had the Salve and Litany of our Lady after the instruction or Baptism because we hoped that through this most holy Lady, the Sun of Justice would shed His rays on this people just as the sun rising in the east sheds its light over the world and dispels darkness.... On our return to Barili we passed through the two pueblos previously mentioned and baptized 11 adults and three children. In Barili we found 16 ready for Baptism, 15 of them being adults. We then ccle-


brated the feast of glorious St. Anne, to whom the church is dedi- cated... 42

Once the Faith was planted and pagans bapiized, the problem arose of how to help the neophytes keep the Faith and maintain a Christian mode of life. In a certain sense, it was not overly difficult to convert and baptize since the Visayans were peaceful and pliable enough to embrace the doctrines of Christianity. But what was more difficults and of weightier responsibility, was to maintain the new Chrisiians in their newly acquired Faith. We do not possess an overabundance of material on how the missionaries attempted this. There were, however, certain standard procedures which were introduced by the missionaries to this end.

One of these methods was the chanting of the catechism by young and old. The time and place varied. In Carigara the Christians assembled in homes each night and together chanted the articles of Faith and the prayers. In Dulac the Doctrina was chanted in church by an assembled congregation no less than four times a day. In Paloc as well Doctrina lessons were held daily. Some even wrote their prayers on camas (strips of reed) in order to remember and continually refer to them.

. . . Not only do they, as good students, write their lessons (Doctrina), mainly in their own characters, and using a piece of reed as a book of memorandum, and an iron point as a pen; but they always carry veth them these matenals, and whenever one ceases his labors, whether at home or in the field, by way of rest he takes his book, and spends some time in study....43

These are by no means isolated incidents but are indicative of a general methodical practice. In fact, one of the first inquiries of the missionary on revisiting a village was whether or not the Christians were faithful in reciting the doctrines of the Faith.

In Tinagon, Samar, the Father's assistant, one Don Gonzalo, proved to be of great assistance in maintaining a Christian amlosphere.

. . . The fiscal maintains with them a regular plan and order: morning and evening, their prayers and procession; and at night before retiring and in the morning before dawn, they also offer their prayers-so that the Spaniards, their encomendero said, and the collectors are notably edified thereby . . . He [Oon Gonzalo] not only looks after the knowl-

*2 Repem, History, II, 274-276. "Blair and Roberuon, Op. Ctt., XIIi, 96.


edge and recitaton of the doctrine, but even trains them in good habits, and punishes them gently when they are at fault....44

Morga commented on this very method of employing lay persons to help preserve the Faith among the newly converted.

In many districts the religious make use, in their visitas, of certain of the natives who are clever and well instructed, so that these may teach the others to pray daily instruct them in other matters touching religion, and see that they come to Mass at the central missions; and in this way they succeed in preserung and maintaining their converts....45

In seeking prospective converts the missionaries tried first to win over the principorles and corciques. If they were successful, it was then only a matter of time before the whole village would be convened. The first baptisms in a village were usually performed with great solemnity in order to impress upon the people the importance and sacred nature of the sacrament. The ceremony often took place on a special feast day. There was a choir, a brass band which included native and European instruments, arquebusiers and that colorful Medi- terranean effervescence which the Spanish so successfully projected into the Filipino culture pattern.

However, not all the villages were equally receptive to the new doctrine. Some were bitterly hostile, and others mildly indifferent. What swung the balance itl several cases was the persuasive presence of the encomendero.46

Before one was adrnitted to baptismal instruciion, he was to give ample proof of his desire for the sacrament. A set of questions was sometimes put to the candidate which followed this general foIm:

Priest: Are you in earnest about receiving the sacrament? Candidate: Yes, Father, I say this with my whole heart. P.: Does the love of God and your eternal salvation prompt

you? C.: Yes Father, nothing else. P.: Are you determined to leave all of your false gods and

to change them for the true God? C.: Yes, Father.

44 lbid., XIII, 64. '6Sucesos of Antonio de Morga, in Ibid., XVI, 153. '6 One of the possible reasons for opposition to the missionaries was that they were

confused with Spanish tax coHectors.

376 JESUIT MISSIONARY 1\/1ETHODS

P.: Are you resolved to serve the true God and be a good Christian, or are you merely speaking words?

C.: No other desire is in my heart than to be a good Christian. P.: Then you are to be congratulated, I admit you as a

catechumen.4t

In spite of all the precautions, however, many were drawn to the sacrament by less worthy motives. From the time of Magellan, the apparently physical curative powers of baptism enticed a certain number.48 What further enhanced the medicinal powers of baptism in the minds of the people was the fact that the missionaries frequently performed the services of the physician. The administration of baptism was thus confused with the administration of curative herbs, with which some missionaries were very skillful. During one epidemic a great number of children were brought to the Fathers for baptism, because it was thought that the sacrament would provide a spiritual immunity against illness.49

In addition to these supposed physical benefits, it was of distinct social advantage to become a Christuan, for Spanish law provided preferential treatment for Christian natives.

DIRECTIVES OF FATHER DEL PRADO

Frequent correspondence between the missionary residences and the superior in Manila was an important feature of mission methods. It enabled the over-all superior to obtain a fairly accurate idea of the accomplishments and problems of the various missioners, and so it was possible to give general directives to the active missionaries. In 1596 and 1598 Father del Prado, the Jesuit Vice-Provincial, issued such a set of directives. They were intended for missionaries as well as local superiors and they were issued only after close inspections of the Vice- Province. The sections dealing with the Visayan missions are presented here in part.

Ordinations of Father Vice-Provincial Raymundo del Prado, in 1596.

2. They must not go to confess or visit the sick in the pueblos unless with a companion, and much less to other distant pueblos; and if, in some house, this can not be observed let them arrange to take some

47Colin, Op. Cit., II, 287. 48 For a discussion of various monves for baposm, see J. L. Phelans loc. Cit., pp. 17-20. 4' Blair and Robertsons Op. Cit.s XII, 88; Phela, loc. cit., p. 18.


native as a companion. If not accompanied by some other Father or Brother they must by no means sleep in such pueblos, but return to sleep in our central house, which should be well placed, arranging to go out in the morning and return in the evening. 12. Baptisms should be conferred with as much solemnity as possible, having as many present as possible, and on some Pascuas with a sermon in which the sacred mysteries and ceremonies are explained. 14. Let some natives be instructed how to baptize in extraordinary circumstances, especially the fiscales, and how to prepare persons for Bapasm. 15. Make special efforts to gain over the chiefs, because their example exerts great good or evil on others, and so we should respect them and cause them to be respected in their pueblos. 16. Holy Water should be used solemnly on Sundays and the Masses and offices should be sung with the greatest solemnity possible. 18. Let the natives be paid justly for their work, likewise for their favors and all that may be taken; likewise pay them according to the just current price, and not like the King or aIcalde mayor, unless it may be seen that it is a just price.50

That which the same Father ordered in his nsitation of 1598 for the Fathers who are

in the Pintados.51

1. To the superiors of the Residences and doctrinas, they are enjoined very exactly on the rule of the Rector that they must not incur debt or borrow anything, nor assume the account of alms of the encomenderos, if it is not known and definite, even though it may be to give alms and help to the natives.

They must regulate matters and act as conformably as possible to what they have and no more, because in another year another Father may succeed them in the Residence and he would have nothing to eat nor anything to give to the poor, and it might be possible that he would leave the Society and the latter would have nothing with which to pay its debts.

Memorial for Father Tomas Montoya, Superior of Alangalang, and the other Fathers and

Brothers. 1. Your Reverence is very specially charged that in your pueblos,

6°The English translation of these directives is in Repetii, "The Society of Jesus," III, 10-17.

61The people of the Visayas and the islands themselves were often referred to as Pintados. They were so called because the natives there tattood themselves.


and more in those under your jurisdiction, the natives be instructed in two things; one, how to bapiize in extreme necessity and that there be many in all places who understand this; secondly, how to turn to God in case of necessity, and in the absence of those who administer the sacraments of baptism and penance, with true sorrow for their sins and a desire for baptism or confession. 2. Those who may be baptized are of three classes: some very old; others, children and youth; and others of middle age. It is not necessary that the first know anything, or very little, by memory, but only that they know the necessary articles of our holy faith. It is necessary that the second group know the entire Christian doctrine by memory. For the third it will suffice if they know the Sign of the Cross, the Our Father, the Hail Mary and the Creed, and this is what is ordinary, that they may not be dispensed in this. 3. Do not put so much stress on the fact that they are baptized as that they may be bapezed well and are Christians, live as such and, although few, that they be models in their pueblos. Two things must be insisted upon with those who are bapiized; first, that they be well imbued th the truth of our holy faith and the falsiw of the idols, believing firmly; secondly, that they be attached to Chrisiian customs and life, telling them especially not to make mangitos, charms, sorceries, etc. 5. Take noiice of the Chrisiians who attend Mass and those who are not at the sermon; and that they be present at both with becoming decency; and for this it will help that the Brother be among the naiives to show them how to act, when they are to kneel, etc. 11. The boys of the schools must be treated with great kindness and must be allowed good periods of iime for play. To them, and to the other natives, some camotes and tuba should be given from iime to iime to awract them to Ours and to the instruciion.52

CONCLUSIONS There are several factors which contributed to the rapid spread of

Christianity in the Philippines, one of which was the presence of large numbers of missionaries. By 1604 the Jesuits alone counted 69 members, a considerable increase from the original four who arrived in 1581. However, we must not forget that the Philippines was a unique mission field, in the sense that it was a 7000-island archipelago extending over 115,000 square miles. Travel between the islands was difficult, danger- ous, and time consuming. Consequently, more missionaries were needed

6 Camotes are the native sweet potato and tuba is a drink obtained from the coconut tree.


than would be required for one continuous frontier, such as was New S. pam.

The procedure and methods which these Jesuit missionaries followed were by no m-eans original with them. They drew heavily on the experience of the Augustintans, Dominicans, and Franciscans, all of whom worked long and successfully, both in New Spain and the Philippines. What might be noted as original was the organization of the residences, as well as certain methods of instruction. And these might be traced to the Constitutions of the Society and itS contemporary European instructional methods.

In any case, the combined effort of all the missionaries which so successfully placed the greater part of the Philippine Islands within the pale of Christendom in such a short period of time was nothing short of remarkable. And although we may look upon it as simply an extension of the spiritual conquest of New Spain, it remains one of the outstanding conquests of Christendom.

NICHOLAS P. CUSHNER, S. J. San Jose Seminary, Cagayan de Oro, Philippines

método jesuítico en filipinas

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