migration and its impact in riau province, …angisj/angis(japan)_en/jangis4_hp...limitations of...

Migration and Its Impact in Riau Province, Indonesia:

An Analysis of Population Census Data and Topographical Maps

Yusuke KOIZUMI

The University of Tokyo

Abstract: Although recent economic development in Indonesia is based on urbanization and industrialization, the palm oil

industry continues to contribute to economic growth. Large-scale development by plantation companies has

seriously impacted the natural environment and rural livelihoods. The outer islands of Indonesia, particularly

Sumatra and Kalimantan, are affected by many issues such as the recent haze problem. Moreover, as NGOs have

criticized, plantation companies are powerful enough to take over local people’s land.

However, the number of smallholders is increasing and their economic position is improving to an unprecedented

extent. In the last half-century, the expansion of oil palm cultivation by both plantations and smallholders has

drastically changed livelihood strategies and the landscape of rural societies in the outer islands of Indonesia.

To explain the transformation associated with oil palm cultivation, especially in Riau Province where oil palm

cultivation by smallholders has expanded most substantially, this study maps social changes based on population

census data and examines geographic dynamics using large-scale topographic maps. Riau Province has seen

substantial in-migration in recent years and in-migrants especially from North Sumatra Province are the main driver

of the expansion of small-scale oil palm cultivation. This study concludes that the migration of Christian Bataks

from North Sumatra Province into Riau Province is largely connected with the established infrastructure of the Trans-

Sumatran Highway.

Keywords: Riau Province, Oil palm, Migration, Indonesian population census, Topographical maps.

1. Introduction

As the demand for edible and vegetable oils has increased on

the world market, the area dedicated to oil palm cultivation in

Southeast Asia has dramatically expanded. Indonesia and

Malaysia are the leading producers of palm oil and dominate 80%

of the market. In 2006, Indonesia surpassed Malaysia in regard to

total palm oil produced.

Although urbanization and industrialization are at the core of

recent economic development in Indonesia, the palm oil industry

still contributes to economic growth to a certain extent. Large-

scale development undertaken by plantation companies has

seriously impacted the natural environment and rural livelihoods.

The outer islands of Indonesia, particularly Sumatra and

Kalimantan, are affected by many issues, such as the recent haze

problem caused by fires for forest clearing. Moreover, as NGOs

have criticized, plantation companies are powerful enough to take

over the land of local people. At the same time, it is, however,

also true that the number of smallholders is increasing and their

economic position is improving to an unprecedented extent.

Historically, private and governmental companies had

monopolized the palm oil industry because substantial capital is

required to plant, fertilize, harvest, and process oil palms. Only

plantation companies have had the technical capability to build

palm oil mills able to process fresh fruit bunches of oil palms in

order to obtain crude palm oil. Smallholders have cultivated

rubber, cacao, and coconut on their own land since the 19th

century, but none could even try to cultivate oil palms for a long

time.

This situation changed under the regime of President Suharto

(1968–1998). He initiated a rural development project called

Nucleus Estates and Smallholders (NES) at the end of the 1970s

that was strongly supported by the World Bank and international

donors. People who participated in this project, who were called

“plasma smallholders”, were given two-hectare plots inside

company plantations on which to cultivate cash crops such as

rubber or oil palms. The NES projects were implemented at

several times and in several places in Indonesia and made small-

scale oil palm cultivation in Indonesia possible for the first time.

In the 1990s, independent smallholders, a new type of

smallholder, appeared to increase in number in Sumatra.

Independent smallholders were attracted by large profits from oil

palm cultivation and influenced by plasma smallholders whose

successes they had witnessed. In the last half-century, oil palm

cultivation by both plantations and smallholders has expanded;

this has drastically changed livelihood strategies and the

landscape of rural societies in the Indonesian outer islands. Based

on the 2013 Census of Agriculture, smallholders cultivated

3,133,711 hectares with oil palms in Indonesia1. As can be seen

from the map of the distribution of areas of cultivation, Sumatra

is at the core of this expansion (Figure 1).

This paper examines the adaptation of rural societies to the

expansion of oil palm cultivation in Indonesia by focusing on

Riau Province, where oil palm cultivation by smallholders has

expanded most substantially.

2. Reviews of previous studies and the analytical

framework of this study

Several studies have already noted the consequences of the

expansion of oil palm cultivation in Southeast Asia. McCarthy

indicated that the resignation of President Suharto in 1998

Journal of Asian Network for GIS-based Historical Studies Vol. 4 (Dec. 2016) pp. 3-10

3

ushered in a “laissez faire period” in which oil palms were more

largely introduced into villages and a process of differentiation

deepened (McCarthy 2010: 824). Rather than explain the process

of differentiation by using the simple terms of “inclusion” and

“exclusion,” McCarthy based his approach on the concept of

“adverse incorporation” to argue that local people engaged with

the oil palm boom on terms that were disadvantageous to them

(McCarthy 2010: 824). Many other scholars have also critically

indicated that differentiation occurred in rural villages where oil

palms became a significant presence in everyday life and

strengthening the concept of capitalist labor process.

By contrast, Rist et al. inquired as to why local people were

so attracted by oil palm cultivation despite the fact that NGOs

frequently reported that oil palms negatively impacted rural

societies. They found that oil palm cultivation significantly

improved livelihoods in many rural communities, though it was

also possible for indigenous people to become impoverished by

selling their land (Rist, Feintrenie, and Levang 2010: 1019).

Another study showed that oil palm development brought new

jobs and income opportunities to local people (Feintrenie, Chong,

and Levang 2010: 394). These studies have demonstrated that oil

palm cultivation does not necessarily play a negative role in rural

societies; it can also be a positive force for raising incomes.

In a case study of the oil palm frontier in Papua New Guinea,

where global capital in the form of oil palm production is

interacting with local communities, Curry and Koczberski

pointed out that the indigenous system of land tenure for

traditional landowners has been modified but continues to be

maintained in a new style (Curry and Koczberski 2009: 108). In

the similar case of Riau Province, Potter and Badcock conducted

a field survey in two villages and found that local people were

slow to embrace new opportunities by adapting their livelihoods

and had even sold their land for temporary income, though it is

contrary to tradition (Potter and Badcock 2004: 354). Although

the land rights of local people are in danger of being taken over

by plantation companies, local elites, and outsiders, who are

typically in-migrants (Colchester 2011), oil palm cultivation is a

new opportunity for local people, who can adapt oil palm

cultivation to their traditional forms of land management.

As these previous studies have indicated, the expansion of oil

palm cultivation by smallholders can create differentiation and

stratification in rural societies; on the other hand, the oil palm

economy can also raise incomes and bring new employment

opportunities to rural economies. In addition, the social impacts

are not simply negative—local people are able to adapt their

customary ways of life and forms of land management to new

systems.

However, it is still unclear who the key players of small-scale

oil palm cultivation are. This is partly because few previous

studies have taken a broader point of view on their research,

though many have conducted detailed field survey in rural

villages. It is definitively important to examine micro-level

changes in a profound way, but the dynamics of rural societies at

the meso-scale, which I define here as provincial-level, should

explain the geographical patterns of oil palm smallholdings.

Based on this meso-scale perspective, this study tries to reveal

who plays the leading role in oil palm smallholdings in Riau

Province.

A path-breaking study by Nagata et al. investigated the social

and geographic configuration of Riau Province by mapping its

population distribution, including by ethnicity, based on the 2000

population census (Nagata, Arai and Manurung 2015). But the

study’s conclusions pertained only to the dynamics of population

itself; the study did not examine oil palm cultivation by

smallholders, which is what is actually driving changes in social

and geographic configuration in Riau Province. To address the

Figure 1 Areas of oil palm cultivation by smallholders in various districts (kabupaten).

Source Indonesian 2013 Census of Agriculture. The data are available on the Statistics Indonesia website (http://st2013.bps.go.id/).

Note The figure divides Indonesia into districts. Districts where oil palms are cultivated by smallholders are shaded in dark green.

Districts where smallholders cultivate more than 1,000 hectares of oil palms are indicated by orange circles corresponding in

size to the total area cultivated in that district.


4

http://st2013.bps.go.id/

limitations of previous studies, the following sections consider

social dynamics in Riau Province caused by oil palm cultivation

in rural villages based on an analysis of population census data

and topographical maps.

This study encompassed two analytical procedures. First,

contemporary social changes in Riau Province were mapped,

with a special focus on migration from other provinces, based on

the 2010 population census. Until the 1980s, the population

density of Riau Province was low and land had still not been

opened up for plantations or cultivation by smallholders. In-

migrants primarily from North Sumatra Province and Java Island

are currently eager to clear the land for oil palm cultivation in

Riau Province.

Second, rural social dynamics were investigated in detail

through an analysis of topographical maps at the 1:50,000 scale.

These detailed topographical maps, which display vegetation,

roads, houses, and religious establishments, provide information

crucial for understanding social changes associated with the

expansion of oil palm cultivation. Symbolic geographical

features were analyzed as indicators of how in-migrant

communities have developed.

3. Characteristics of in-migrants to Riau Province

Riau Province has an area of 89,150.16 km2 and is located in

the middle of Sumatra Island. It shares its northern, western, and

southern borders with North Sumatra Province, West Sumatra

Province, and Jambi Province, respectively (Figure 2). On its east

side, it is divided from Peninsular Malaysia by the Strait of

Malacca. There are several small islands on the southern edge of

the strait, including Batam, Bintan, and Lingga Islands, which

were split off from Riau Province to form a new province, Riau

Islands Province, with the promulgation of Indonesian Law No.

25/2002 (Undang-Undang No. 25 Tahun 2002).

Hemmed in between the Strait of Malacca on its east side and

the Barisan Mountains on its west side, Riau Province has

expansive lowlands mostly covered with peatland. Because of

four main rivers (the Rokan, Siak, Kampar, and Indragiri Rivers),

Riau Province has a bumpy, swampy landscape. From Figure 3,

which draws vegetation and land coverage in Riau Province,

swamps can be found on the east coast. On the other hand, south

east side of mountainous area is covered with forests. In the

midland, there are huge development area of plantations and farm

land; both of them are mostly oil palm cultivation. The pink

colored area is Industrial Plantation Forests, where timber

companies and pulp and paper companies plant teak and acacia

for their commercial purpose.

Figure 2 Map of Sumatra Island

Source For the digital elevation model, the data of Global

Multi-resolution Terrain Elevation Data 2010 (Data

available from the U.S. Geological Survey) is used.

Figure 3 Land coverage of Riau Province

Source Data of land coverage in 2011 downloaded from the

website of Direktorat Jenderal Planologi Kehutanan,

Kementerian Kehutanan Republik Indonesia

(http://appgis.dephut.go.id/appgis/download.aspx).

Although revenues from oil and gas dominate the Riau

Province economy, profits are not necessarily redistributed to

locals because only big companies are involved in the oil and gas

industry. By contrast, oil palm cultivation is relatively open to all.

Consequently, oil palm cultivation attracts not only large

plantation companies, who engage in large-scale cultivation, but

also locals, who engage in small-scale cultivation. Figure 4 shows

the areas in which plantation companies and smallholders


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engaged in oil palm cultivation between 2004 and 2013. The

figure shows that the area cultivated by smallholders exceeded

that cultivated by private and governmental companies.

Independent smallholders with little support from the local or

national government play a leading role in oil palm cultivation.

It is generally said that in-migrants from other provinces

comprise the bulk of independent smallholders engaged in oil

palm cultivation. To determine the impact of in-migrants that

have come to Riau Province to engage in oil palm cultivation, this

section provides a preliminary outline of their characteristics

based on an analysis of 2000 and 2010 population census data.

Figure 4 Areas of oil palm cultivation by the main actors in

Riau Province.

Source Statistics of Estate Crops in Riau province from 2004

to 2013.

The first population census in Indonesia was conducted in the

1930s by the Dutch colonial bureaucracy. The modern population

census was initiated in 1961 and has since been conducted every

10 years (in 1971, 1980, 1990, 2000, and 2010). Because of

Indonesia’s huge population and size, some critics have alleged

that data collected and maintained in the census are inaccurate for

analysis (Hull 2010). However, for researchers, the raw data from

the 2000 and 2010 censuses have the merit of being available to

the public. Taking inaccuracy into account, these raw population

census data (individual data) are worth examining to analyze rural

social dynamics at the meso-scale.

The total population of Riau Province was 3,755,485 in 2000

and 5,538,367 in 2010. Over the decade between 2000 and 2010,

the population growth rate was 47%. This rapid increase is the

result of both natural population growth and migration from other

provinces. As aforementioned, in recent years, there have been

many in-migrants to Riau Province from North Sumatra, West

Sumatra, and Java Island. Most of these in-migrants are seeking

opportunities to become oil palm smallholders.

Table 1 shows the population by birth province; as shown in

the table, the number of in-migrants has consistently increased.

The most surprising point is that the number of in-migrants born

in North Sumatra Province doubled in a decade. Land prices in

North Sumatra are several times higher than those in Riau

Province; in-migrants from North Sumatra Province typically

seek to purchase land for oil palm cultivation. In-migrants from

Java Island also pursue oil palm cultivation in Riau Province

through the government’s internal migration project

(transmigrasi), which has sought to move landless and land-poor

people from densely populated areas in Java Island to less

populous areas such as Sumatra and Kalimantan Islands.

Furthermore, the number of free migrants from Java Island has

increased as well in recent years. In-migrants from West Sumatra

Province, who comprise another relatively large group and are

primarily Minangkabau, tend to settle in the capital of Riau,

Pekanbaru, or in suburban cities of Kuantan Singingi District in

order to engage in commerce and trading.

Because migration from other provinces began centuries ago,

people born in Riau Province also vary in ethnic background:

according to the 2010 population census, the population is 48%

Melayu2, 20% Javanese, 9% Minangkabau, 8% Batak, and 6%

Banjar; people of other ethnicities comprise 9%3.

Furthermore, it must be noted that birth province does not

necessarily correspond with ethnicity. While migrants from West

Sumatra Province and Java Island are almost all Minangkabau

(91%) or Javanese (93%, including Sundanese), respectively, in-

migrants from North Sumatra are highly ethnically diverse: 45%

are Javanese, 40% are Batak, and 15% are other ethnicities (Table

2). There is a historical reason for the high proportion of Javanese

among people from North Sumatra Province: Javanese began to

migrate to the northern part of Sumatra to work as plantation

laborers at the end of the 19th century. Current Javanese in-

migrants from North Sumatra Province are thought to be

descendants of people who had originally migrated from Java

Island.

In-migrants to Riau Province significantly differ in regard to

social background and ethnicity. Furthermore, they have taken

multiple migratory paths, as evidenced by the second-generation

Javanese migrants from North Sumatra Province. The next

section considers the correlation between migration from other

provinces and small-scale oil palm cultivation in Riau Province.

Table 1 Population of Riau Province by birth province.

Birth province 2000 2010

Riau 2,608,240 69% 3,626,607 65%

North Sumatra 401,861 11% 914,716 17%

Java 399,081 11% 483,875 9%

West Sumatra 237,367 6% 334,256 6%

Other provinces 108,936 3% 178,913 3%

Total 3,755,485 100% 5,538,367 100%

Source Indonesian 2010 population census.

Table 2 The proportion of ethnicity according to respective

birth province.

2010 Birth province

0

400,000

800,000

1,200,000

1,600,000

2004 2006 2008 2010 2012

Smallholders (total) Independent Smallholders

Private company Governmental company

(hectares)


6

Riau North

Sumatra

West

Sumatra Java

Melayu 48% 4% 3% 1%

Javanese 20% 45% 2% 84%

Minangkabau 9% 2% 91% 2%

Batak 8% 40% 2% 1%

Banjar 6% 1% 0% 0%

Sundanese 1% 0% 0% 9%

Nias 1% 5% 0% 0%

Others 7% 3% 1% 3%

Total 100% 100% 100% 100%

Source Indonesian 2010 population census.

4. Meso-scale analysis of the impact of migration

In Riau province, an “oil palm plantation belt” extends from

the province’s northwest to its southeast. This is partly for

geographical reasons; the west side is hilly, the east side is

swampy peatland, and neither is suitable for oil palm cultivation.

Most oil palm cultivation by smallholders is in line with the

plantation belt. Figure 5 shows areas of oil palm cultivation by

smallholders in each sub-district (kecamatan) in 2010 based on

statistical data on estate crops from the Regional Office of

Plantation in Riau Province4. We can see from this figure that

there is a large cluster of oil palm smallholders in the northwest

and a small cluster in the southern part of Riau Province.

This situation in Riau province raises the question of what the

key driver in the expansion of small-scale oil palm cultivation in

Riau Province is. To tackle with this question, the correlation

between migratory patterns and the expansion of oil palm

smallholdings was examined.

Figure 6 shows the proportion of in-migrants from North

Sumatra Province, West Sumatra Province, and Java Island in

each sub-district (kecamatan) overlaid on the map from Figure 5.

The distribution of areas of oil palm cultivation by smallholders

is clearly correlated more strongly with the pattern of in-

migration from North Sumatra than with that from West Sumatra

or Java Island (Table 3). In contrast, people who were born in

Riau Province are scattered throughout the province, but sub-

districts (kecamatan) outside of the plantation belt, such as those

in coastal areas, have a higher proportion of people born in Riau

Province.

Figure 7 shows that people from West Sumatra Province have

moved into the capital of Riau Province, Pekanbaru City and

suburban cities in Kuantan Singingi District. Looking at Figure 6,

we can find several spots where the proportion of Javanese is high.

This is largely a result of the government’s migration project

(transmigrasi).

Figure 5 Areas of oil palm cultivation by smallholders in each

sub-district in 2010 (in hectares).

Source Statistics of Estate Crops in Riau province in 2010.

Note Sub-districts with less than 1,000 hectares of oil palm

cultivation by smallholders were omitted from the

analysis.

Figure 6 Areas of oil palm cultivation by smallholders and the

proportion of in-migrants from North Sumatra

Province in each sub-district (2010).

Source Statistics of Estate Crops in Riau province in 2010

and Indonesian 2010 population census.

Note This choropleth maps show the ratio (percentage) of

in-migrants from North Sumatra Province relative to

the total population in each sub-district, respectively.


7


proportion of in-migrants from West Sumatra

Province in each sub-district (2010).




in-migrants from West Sumatra Province relative to

the total population in each sub-district, respectively.


proportion of in-migrants from Java Island in each

sub-district (2010).




in-migrants from Java Island relative to the total

population in each sub-district, respectively.

Table 3 Correlation analysis of oil palm cultivation area and

the number of in-migrants in each sub-district.

Oil palm area (Ha)

North Sumatra 0.69 *

West Sumatra 0.10

Java Island 0.27

Others 0.13

Source Indonesian 2010 population census and Statistik

Perkebunan Provinsi Riau Tahun 2010.

Note n=151, * p<0.05 statistically significant.

In summary, these three maps show that in-migrants from

North Sumatra Province in particular have driven the expansion

of small-scale oil palm cultivation. It is, of course, true that not

all in-migrants from North Sumatra Province engage in oil palm

cultivation. However, as described in Potter and Badcock’s case

study in Rokan Hulu District, which is located in the northern part

of Riau Province, Batak in-migrants come down across the border

to buy up land and engage in small-scale oil palm cultivation

(Potter and Badcock 2004: 350-353).

In analyzing patterns in in-migration from North Sumatra

Province, one unique characteristic was revealed: more than half

of the in-migrants were Christian (55%), a typical characteristic

of the Toba Batak ethnic group. Although in-migrants from North

Sumatra Province include a large number of Javanese, it is

possible to distinguish between Batak Christians and Javanese

(also Batak) Muslims by religion. Most other in-migrants, as well

as people born in Riau Province, are Muslim; hence, based on the

presence of churches, it is easy to distinguish communities of

Christian Batak people. Therefore, by focusing on the migratory

patterns of Christian Bataks, social and geographical patterns in

migration from North Sumatra Province could be partially

elucidated. Unfortunately, the Indonesian Bureau of Geospatial

Information (Badan Informasi Geospasial) provides only limited

digital data in regard to topographical maps. Thus, it should be

taken into account that Riau Province in its entirety was not

analyzed in this study.

Figure 9 shows the distribution of churches and mosques, as

well as main roads and vegetation. Although areas denoted as

dedicated to estate crop cultivation include not only areas

dedicated to oil palm cultivation but also those dedicated to

cultivating rubber, cacao, and coconut, most of the area (at least

on the west side) is dedicated to oil palm cultivation.

We can see that mosques are scattered everywhere except for

the forest area and are more concentrated on the east side, which

may be considered an area of riverside villages inhabited by many

local Melayu people. Churches have been established on the west

side, where Christian Batak communities may have developed.

Churches have been built along an arterial road, the Trans-

Sumatran Highway, which originally ran from Aceh Province

down to the south end of Lampung Province. Some of the

churches that can be found on the west side might have been built

within plantations, as a certain number of Christian Batak

laborers reside in the area as well.

This is evidence that the migration of Christian Bataks as


8

smallholders and laborers was strongly facilitated by the

existence of the established infrastructure of the Trans-Sumatran

Highway. Furthermore, the oil palm plantation belt in Riau

Province extends along the arterial road. Thus, it can be said that

people from North Sumatra Province have pursued oil palm

cultivation opportunities along the highway to take up small-scale

cultivation around the outside of the large plantations of

companies.

As aforementioned, the migratory pattern of the Christian

Bataks is not necessarily representative of that of all in-migrants

from North Sumatra Province. It is, however, quite certain that

in-migrants from North Sumatra Province, who are driving the

expansion of small-scale oil palm cultivation, are coming down

through established major infrastructure.

Figure 9 The distribution of churches in the north-central part

of Riau Province.

Source All of the data were downloaded from the Indonesian

Geospatial Portal, Badan Informasi Geospasial

(http://portal.ina-sdi.or.id/). These digital data were

created by Badan Informasi Geospasial in the 2000s.

5. Discussion and conclusion

Many studies have focused on the meaning of and

mechanisms by which smallholders have engaged in oil palm

cultivation in Southeast Asia. Indeed, such studies have explained

important phenomena such as rural differentiation and

determined critical implications of impacts on rural societies.

Based on the results of these previous studies, this study

investigated the connection between migration from other

provinces and the expansion of small-scale oil palm cultivation,

as well as the dynamics of this connection thereof. Furthermore,

inspired by the study approach taken by Nagata et al. and the term

“geographical configuration” coined in their paper (Nagata, Arai

and Manurung 2014), this study aimed to provide a broader

(provincial-level) perspective on rural changes based on an

analysis of population census data and topographical maps.

Riau Province has seen substantial in-migration in recent

years and in-migrants especially from North Sumatra Province

are the main driver of the expansion of small-scale oil palm

cultivation. It is revealed from this study that the migration of

Christian Bataks into Riau Province is largely connected with the

established infrastructure of the Trans-Sumatran Highway. This

analysis suggests that migratory patterns from North Sumatra

Province, as exhibited by the Christian Bataks, will expand to the

southern part of Riau Province, where evidence of small clusters

of in-migrants from North Sumatra Province can already be

observed (Figure 6).

Additionally, since oil palm has to be processed at mills in 24

hours after cultivated, it is greatly important for smallholders to

get easy access to the mills. In 2010, there are 146 units of mills

in Riau province which are distributed in all the places where the

smallholders cultivate oil palm. The increasing number of mills

also attracts smallholders to expand their cultivation area.

The analysis performed in this study has certain limitations:

for example, a field survey was not performed and cultural and

economic factors that drive migration from North Sumatra

Province could not be elucidated. However, it may be concluded

that the meso-scale analysis in this study supports the micro-level

research that has constituted the bulk of previous studies. And the

descriptive analysis of population census data with visualizing in-

migrants’ distribution also widens our view for the rural societies

in Indonesia. These meso-scale study and descriptive analysis

may also provide empirical proof for these micro-level studies

and can generally serve as a starting point for rural studies.

Acknowledgement

This study was supported by the International

Program of Collaborative Research at the Center for

Southeast Asian Studies, Kyoto University.

References Colchester, Marcus. 2011. Palm Oil and Indigenous Peoples in

South East Asia: Land acquisition, human rights violations

and the indigenous people on the oil palm frontier, Forest

Peoples Programme and International Land Coalition.

Curry, George N. and Gina Koczberski. 2009. “Finding Common

Ground: Relational Concepts of Land Tenure and Economy

in the Oil Palm Frontier of Papua New Guinea”, The

Geographical Journal, 175(2), pp. 98–111.

Dinas Perkebunan Provinsi Riau. 2004-2013. Statistik

Perkebunan Provinsi Riau Tahun 2010 (Statistics of Estate

Crops in Riau province in 2010).

Feintrenie, Laurène, Wan Kian Chong and Patrice Levang. 2010.

“Why do Farmers Prefer Oil Palm? Lessons Learnt from

Bungo District, Indonesia”, Small-scale Forestry, 9(3), pp.

379–396.

Hull, Terence H. 2010. “Estimates of Indonesian population

numbers: first impressions from the 2010 census”, Bulletin

of Indonesian Economic Studies, 46(3), pp. 371-375.

McCarthy, John F. 2010. “Processes of Inclusion and Adverse

Incorporation: Oil Palm and Agrarian Change in Sumatra,

Indonesia”, The Journal of Peasant Studies, 37(4), pp. 821-

850.


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http://portal.ina-sdi.or.id/

Nagata, Junji, Sachiho W. Arai. and Gulat M.E. Manurung. 2014.

“Social Map of Riau, Indonesia: Frontier Development and

its Outcomes”. Komaba Studies in Human Geography. 21.

pp. 101-134.

Potter, Lesley and Simon Badcock. 2004. “Tree Crop

Smallholders, Capitalism, and Adat: Studies in Riau

Notes

1 The 2013 Census of Agriculture targeted agricultural

households (rumah tangga pertanian) with members engaged

in agriculture, either by growing products for sale on land that

they themselves managed or by working on land owned by

other households.

Province, Indonesia”, Asia Pacific Viewpoint, 45(3), pp.

341–356.

Rist, Lucy, Laurène Feintrenie and Patrice Levang. 2010. “The

Livelihood Impacts of Oil Palm: Smallholders in

Indonesia”, Biodiversity and Conservation, 19(4), pp.

1009-1024.

2 The category of Melayu encompasses the sub-categories of

Melayu and Melayu Riau.

3 Regarding religion, 88% are Muslim (mostly Melayu and

Javanese), 10% are Batak Christians, and other religions

account for 2%.

4 Statistik Perkebunan Provinsi Riau Tahun 2010 (Dinas

Perkebunan, Pemerintah Propinsi Riau).


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