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Adriana HummelTyler Kubik

Maureen Spillane

June 30, 2015HIST 7030 – Dr. Baker

WHY STUDY POPULATIONS AND MOVEMENT?• Economics

• Geography

• Political science

• Sociology

• Demography

• Linguistics

DIMENSIONS OF MIGRATION STUDY

• Within nations or between nations

• Coerced or voluntary

• From or to

• Push or pull

• Economic or other

• Initiation or continuation

MARRIAGE AS MIGRATION

Quale studied the historical trends of marriage from hunter/gatherer societies to agricultural:

Spiraling trend of individual choice

• Importance of establishing cultivation rights

• Marriage as an alliance

HISTORY OF THE FAMILY

Haraven overthrows some beliefs about traditional family history:•Nuclear families existed in Medieval Times• Families consciously limited during economic hard times• Kinship ties strengthened through migration• Industrial Revolution = Social breakdown?

WHY MARRY?

In A Treatise on the Family, Becker explores the economic reasons people marry:

• Gains must be better from marrying Division of labor

• Economic reasons behind having childrenSecurity in old ageCost of child worth the benefits

HOW HAVE ECONOMIC CHANGES AFFECTED MODERN MARRIAGES?

• Women in the work forceMarriage is not always beneficial/appealing so divorce might be better (Becker)

• Welfare programsSecurity in old age not dependent on children

Reduced cost of a child (Becker)

ECONOMIC MIGRATION INITIATION THEORY - 1Neoclassical macro economic theory:

Unskilled individuals migrate “from labor-abundant to labor-scarce countries.”

• If wage differentials end, so will the movement of labor; therefore, to control migration flows, change the labor markets in sending and/or receiving jurisdictions.

• Highly skilled worker migrations are “flows of human capital [and] respond to difference in the rate of return… which may be different from the overall wage rate.”

ECONOMIC MIGRATION INITIATION THEORY - 2Neoclassical micro economic theory:

Individuals rationally decide to migrate because they expect a positive return: the costs of moving are less than the expected benefits.

• Individual factors that improve expected returns (education, language skills) or reduce expected costs (access, technology) can increase migration.

• Differentials in expected returns determines the size of migrant flows.

ECONOMIC MIGRATION INITIATION THEORY - 3New economics of migration theory:Households or families, not individuals, make rational decisions to have one or more members migrate.

• Migrant worker remittances are a form of insurance against crop failure, inflation and unemployment, and a source of capital in the sending country.

• Risk mitigation drives migration - not wage differential - so labor market controls may not affect migration.

ECONOMIC MIGRATION INITIATION THEORY - 4Dual labor market theory:“International migration is caused by a permanent demand for immigrant labor that is inherent to the economic structure of developed nations.” (Massey referencing Piore)

• Because recruitment of immigrant labor is demand-based in the receiving country, social and institutional mechanisms do not allow wages to increase when labor supply drops but wages may decrease when labor supply increases.

• Labor flows are not influenced by wage change policies in either the sending or receiving countries.

ECONOMIC MIGRATION INITIATION THEORY - 5

World systems theory:“International migration follows the political and economic organization of an expanding global market.”

• Previous colonial links (linguistic, administrative, transport, etc.) contribute to transnational markets and cultural systems.

• Labor, like other raw materials, flows from the periphery to the core, opposite from the flow of capital and goods.

• To influence migration rates, flows of capital and goods must be controlled.

ECONOMIC MIGRATION PERPETUATION THEORIES• Network Theory

• Institutional Theory

• Cumulative Causation Theory

• Migrations Systems Theory

4000 years of Urban Growth

• Overview of the population of cities from 2250 BCE to present

• Maps show where the most populous cities were in the world during a historical period

(Tertius Chandler)

URBANIZATION – DEVELOPMENT OF CITIES

• Admits that his numbers cannot be 100% accurate but has taken into account as much as possible

• Better to look at the tapestry as a whole than focus on the smaller holes

Censuses were not popular until around 1850; how did he find all this data? Reports of war or natural

disaster (how many killed or captured) used to determine the population of the whole city

Journals of travelers and their estimations

Tax reports

CHANDLER’S METHODS

EXAMPLE OF CHANDLER DATA SHEET

• Majority located in Asia

• As industrialization occurs, the larger cities begin to cluster in northern Western Europe

WHERE WERE THE LARGEST CITIES?

CITIES AND CIVILIZATION

• Cities, especially planned cities, are a sign of a ‘civilized culture’

• Allowed rulers to consolidate power

• Growth of cities seen as progress usually

Medieval Towns•Most people believe that they were unhygienic and poorly planned•Middle Ages considered the “Dark Ages” and the cities reflected this• Cities did not properly develop or planned until the industrial Revolution

IDEAS ABOUT THE MIDDLE AGES

CULTURE OF CITIES – LEWIS MUMFORDBursting some myths:

• Medieval towns/cities were formed during the middle ages

• Towns were properly planned out according to their needs (narrow, winding tunnels to cut off winds; overhanging buildings to increase space for inhabitants as well as cover streets for pedestrians walking)

• More open - agricultural gardens and common land

• Unhygienic - most medieval cities were open enough to allow for hygienic practices

HOW CITIES CHANGED PRIOR TO INDUSTRIAL REVOLUTIONBaroque cities:

• Focused on the ruler and court (centralized power)

• Started to become overcrowded; fewer cities created, focus on the capital city

• Emphasis on luxury and privacy

Centered around the factory

Improvised as population grew quickly: slums

Unhygienic• Life expectancy dropped• High infant mortality rate

INDUSTRIAL CITIES

CLIMATE

• Impetus for both internal and international migration

• Not voluntary; survival driven

• Historic example of Estonia 536-541

• Disproportional impact of climate on migrants

DISEASE

• Impetus for both internal and international migration

• Survival driven

• Disproportional impact of disease on migrants

20TH CENTURY GENOCIDE

187 million killed by political violence (Levene, 305)

Rummel: 169,198,000 murdered in the Twentieth century (through 1987); later revisions would bring his total into the two hundred millions.

HOW DO WE ACCOUNT FOR GENOCIDE?

1. Return to Barbarism

2. Out of Control Bureaucracy

3. Modernity

4. Ordinary Citizens

DEFINING GENOCIDE - 1• Can the Revolutionary Jacobin killings of French

on French be considered genocide—people of the same ethnic/cultural group?

• Is mass killing itself genocide?

• Do we need killing at all for something to be genocide?

• Do those committing genocidal acts have to have the intent to exterminate a national, ethnic, racial or religious group on the basis of this group status?

DEFINING GENOCIDE - 2

Genocide v. Genocidal Process

Democide v. Politicide v. Genocide

Crimes Against Humanity v. Genocide

DEFINING GENOCIDE - 3

• Genocide codified on December 9, 1948 by the Convention on the Prevention and Punishment of the Crime of Genocide, accepted by 142 countries

• Defined as “the intent to destroy ‘in whole or in part’ a population defined by race, nationality, religion, or ethnicity.” (Weitz, 9)

• The definition adopted by the convention excluded groups defined by their political or class orientation

• Alienation

THE GEOGRAPHY OF GENOCIDE - 1

• Allan W. Cooper argues that while groups are targeted based on their affiliation to some particular community, it isn’t that there’s something “about these constructions of social identity that lend themselves to genocide”.

• Genocides never begin in industrial centers or coastlines

• Always begin in territorial interiors

• But it doesn’t necessarily begin in interiors

• Emasculating moment sparks the genocidal campaign

THE GEOGRAPHY OF GENOCIDE - 2

• Government-sponsored mass killing does increase the size of a state’s displaced population

• 1979 Myanmar: 160,000 displaced

• 1988 Burundi: 500,000 displaced

• 2003-2010 Sudan: 400,000 displaced

• Afghanistan: 8 million displaced, 700k/yr.

THE GEOGRAPHY OF GENOCIDE - 3

The women [from Aleppo] would put one or two mecidiyes in the husband’s hand and, putting the child in a carriage, mother would cry, regret what they did, and wish to run after the carriage, but it would already have left. ... I saw a woman go mad a few hours after selling her two children. Others fell into a sort of lethargic, stupid state, silent, their gaze distant, sitting for hours on the ground. You’d think that their feelings and consciousness were dead; they’d become animal-like. ... Thousands of boys and girls were sold in Sabil in this way to Arabs, Turks and Jews from Aleppo. The small children of about 7–10 years old were usually considered to be valuable, especially the girls.

(Watenpaugh, 285 [Odian 2009: 99–100])

THE GEOGRAPHY OF GENOCIDE - 4

• There is “no statistically significant relationship between genocide and forced migration.” (Uzonyi, 237)

• “On average, genocides generate 688,000 forced migrants per year, while politicides create 1.92 million displaced persons each year. These patterns indicate that politicides tend to create 279% more forced migrants than genocides.” (Uzonyi, 236)

THE GEOGRAPHY OF GENOCIDE - 5• Human rights abuse, civil war and numerous

avenues for escape abroad increase the number of individuals within a state willing to flee their homes in search of better security.

• Economic development decreases the size of a state’s forced migrant population.

• Large geographical spaces reduce the number of forced migrants.

• Democracy, population size or neighborhood democracy is not significantly correlated with the size of the displaced population.” (Uzonyi, 238)

Afghanistan 1978–1992 Politicide

Angola 1975–1994, 1998–2002 Politicide

Argentina 1976–1980 Politicide

Bosnia and Herzegovina 1992–1995 Genocide

Burundi 1988, 1993–1994 Genocide

Cambodia 1975–1979 Genocide

Chile 1975–1976 Politicide

China 1975 Politicide

Democratic Republic of Congo 1977–1979 Politicide

El Salvador 1980–1989 Politicide

Equatorial Guinea 1975–1979 Politicide

Ethiopia 1976–1979 Politicide

Guatemala 1978–1996 Genocide

Indonesia 1975–1992 Politicide

Iran 1981–1992 Genocide

Iraq 1975, 1988–1991 Politicide

Myanmar 1978 Genocide

Pakistan 1975–1977 Politicide

Philippines 1975–1976 Politicide

Rwanda 1994 Genocide

Somalia 1988–1991 Politicide

Sri Lanka 1989–1990 Politicide

Sudan 1983–2010 Politicide

Syria 1981–1982 Politicide

Uganda 1975–1986 Genocide

Vietnam 1975 Politicide

(Uzonyi, 235)

CASES OF GENOCIDE AND POLITICIDE 1975-2010

WAS THE HOLOCAUST UNIQUE?

1960s Ernst Nolte wrote Fascism in its Epoch

• It asserted that Nationalist Socialism was the result of a revolt against modernity, with the Jewish people for Hitler as the embodiment of these elements of modernity Hitler despised, like Bourgeois, Capitalism, Communism, and Liberalism.

• Later criticized from the left for ignoring social and economic motivations, but it did displace many of the class-based hypotheses--such as that National Socialism was a revolt of the middle class (Marxist and Liberal views).

• He would later turn to seeing Nazism as a mere image of Soviet communism.

COMPARATIVE GENOCIDE

• Similarities between ideologies underpinning regimes

• Numbers?

• Lethality/Rate/Percentage of Population?

• Technology?

• Unrestrained?