mirza zulfiqur rahman- mphil synopsis

Upload: deep-jyoti-barman

Post on 07-Apr-2018

214 views

Category:

Documents


0 download

TRANSCRIPT

  • 8/4/2019 Mirza Zulfiqur Rahman- MPhil Synopsis

    1/19

    Indias Foreign Policy and Look East Diplomacy: An Analysis of Indias strategic

    interests in Myanmar vis--vis China and developmental vision for Northeast India

    MPhil Research Synopsis

    Submitted to

    Professor Pushpesh Pant

    Submitted by

    Mirza Zulfiqur Rahman

    MPhil Candidate, Diplomacy and Disarmament Division

    Centre for International Politics, Organization and Disarmament

    School of International Studies

    Jawaharlal Nehru University

    1

  • 8/4/2019 Mirza Zulfiqur Rahman- MPhil Synopsis

    2/19

    Background:

    Myanmars strategic location at the crossroad of Southeast Asia and South Asia provides

    it an opportunity to play a significant role in the regional geopolitics. Huge availability of

    energy resources in Myanmar adds an economic dimension in its strategic significance.

    Myanmars position, as a zone of convergence between Indias Look East and Chinas

    Look South Policy, makes it a key factor in the regional foreign policy agendas of both

    the Asian giants of India and China. Therefore, engagement with Myanmar becomes

    inevitable for both India and China. However, the nature of the engagement of India and

    China vis--vis Myanmar depends on their domestic political scenario and their

    respective foreign policy objectives in Myanmar.

    Indias Engagement in Myanmar

    Historically, relations between India and Myanmar have seen many ups and downs. After

    independence Burmese leadership adopted the policy of close and harmonious relations

    with India. Nehru and U. Nu had shared understandings over various regional and global

    issues. However, Myanmar in 1962 after the military coup came under military rule and

    due to General Ne Wins policy of A Burmese way to Socialism and Myanmars

    unfriendly stand on the Sino-Indian conflict 1962, India-Myanmar relationship became

    strained. However Myanmar never completely sidelined India and avoided being

    identified too closely with China. Therefore, during the regime of Ne Win the nature of

    India-Myanmar relationship was stagnant but cordial on the whole. Ne Win also visited

    India in 1980. However, during Indira Gandhis tenure, India was neutral and

    disinterested in Myanmar, because a commitment to democratic values was prioritized

    ahead of security concerns in Indian foreign policy agenda towards Myanmar. This

    policy of idealism was also continued by the Rajiv Gandhi regime. When the SLORC

    (State Law and order Restoration Council) assumed power in 1988, India strongly

    criticize Myanmars new military regime. New Delhi also offered refuge to anti SLORC

    dissidents and openly sided with pro-democracy activists during the 1990s decade.

    2

  • 8/4/2019 Mirza Zulfiqur Rahman- MPhil Synopsis

    3/19

    Having taken an insight of the strategic imperatives of the engagement of both India and

    China vis--vis Myanmar it can be argued that due to its critical geographical location,

    Myanmar becomes an important component of the regional foreign policy agendas of

    both India and China. Thus, both the countries are bound to engage with Myanmar

    irrespective of its domestic political scenario. While given the trust-deficit between India

    and China interests of both the countries clash in Myanmar, it also offer the opportunity

    for both India and China to cooperate in a sub regional framework including their

    peripheral regions. Therefore, the proposed study aims to make a comparative

    examination of the nature of engagement of both India and China vis--vis Myanmar

    with elaborating the both conflicting and cooperative dimensions the country offers to

    India and China and examine if their interests coincide or collide. It is also important to

    examine if Myanmar has any strategic motive to play one power against the other power.

    A speech by Prime Minister Manmohan Singh in Dispur, Assam on 21 November 2004,

    at the opening of the new secretariat in Dispur, reflected the much awaited inclusion of

    the Northeastern region in Indias overall Look East Policy. This seemed to be a turning

    point in the attitude of the central government towards the Northeastern states of India,

    which had long been ignored in the LEP paradigm. This turn in attitude can be attributed

    to a variety of reasons. The genuine intent of developing the Northeastern region by the

    central government can be one likely reason, emanating from the inclusion of the

    Northeast development concern as an important component of the LEP in the late

    1990s. On the other hand, the more likely reason for this shift could be more strategic

    than for mere developmental purposes. This can be attributed to the China factor, as

    India sees China as a principal source of insecurity and a potential threat to its strategic

    interests in its proximate region. Therefore, closer economic ties with East and Southeast

    Asia through Northeast India are considered viable means to limit Chinas influence and

    balance its expanding power in the region.

    The genesis of Indias LEP can be traced back to the early 1990s when this term gained

    coinage under Prime Minister P.V. Narasimha Rao. The question however remains as to

    3

  • 8/4/2019 Mirza Zulfiqur Rahman- MPhil Synopsis

    4/19

    how the Northeastern states fit into the LEP. We must, at the outset, make a clear

    distinction between the ordinary developmental policies for the Northeast and the

    emergence of the LEP as a way of initiating developmental policies in the Northeast. The

    ordinary developmental policies for the Northeast over the years have been conceived as

    a component of centre-state relations with 10 per cent of all central ministry funds

    being earmarked for Northeastern region with carryover provisions in every budget ever

    since 1996. The initiatives by the central government from 2004 onwards can be dubbed

    as a continuation of the Northeast policy with a new development mantra or paradigm. At

    the centre of this new paradigm of development is Indias LEP.

    The 1990s saw a gradual increase in central governments aid towards the Northeast

    amidst the growing secessionist movements in the region. While the Mizoram insurgent

    movement was successfully resolved with the formation of the Mizo National Front

    government in 1987, insurgencies in Nagaland, Assam, Manipur, Meghalaya and Tripura

    continued to rage on. The central government continued its policy of grants-in-aid to the

    Northeastern states which was in reality a policy of control by appeasement, thereby

    pumping huge amounts of money into the states. This pumping in of money was not

    backed by adequate policies of infrastructure development or capacity building, but rather

    consisted of grants and internal security infrastructure building. As a result, these

    mindless grants gave rise to a lot of corruption in the Northeast. Mizoram, which

    emerged as the model state of an insurgency to peace transition, could not benefit from

    this huge resource inflow, particularly due to the lack of developmental policies and

    initiatives.

    Because of the absence of such policies, a lot of money meant for development was

    unused and returned to the Central Government until a carry over provision was

    introduced in 1996, also stating that 10 per cent of all central ministry funds should be

    allocated to the Northeast. This carryover clause allows unused funds to be transferred to

    the next budget and was needed because of the slow usage of funds which made the

    process of development of infrastructure and capacity building dreadfully slow and in

    some cases, non-existent.

    4

  • 8/4/2019 Mirza Zulfiqur Rahman- MPhil Synopsis

    5/19

    The trend of grants-in-aid to the Northeastern states after 2004 saw a change as the

    Northeast was included in the overall Look East Policy. In recent years, many discussions

    and seminars on the Look East Policy have taken place with a focus on the Northeastern

    region both in New Delhi and in the Northeast. This aims to bring Indias Foreign Policy

    closer to the people of the Northeast, and enunciate strategies that would be pragmatic

    and directed towards the development of the region as a whole, given its geographical

    proximity to Southeast Asian countries. In fact capital cities such as Guwahati, Imphal

    and Shillong have become the hub of such events and discussions based on the LEP in

    the region. The investment fairs conducted by the government and business lobbies have

    huge prospects, as they can boost trade and development. Promotion of the Northeast as a

    safe recipient for investment also took place outside of the region, in events such as the

    North-East India Trade and Investment Opportunities Week held in Bangkok in October

    2007.

    In addition, there were a slew of announcements of developmental projects in many states

    such as Manipur, Assam, Meghalaya and Arunachal Pradesh. These projects were aimed

    at developing infrastructure and connectivity in the Northeastern region with to the aim

    of ultimately linking it with Southeast Asian countries. The 2004 India-Asean car rally

    at the inauguration of which Prime Minister Manmohan Singh made the above-quoted

    speech is seen by many commentators as the turning point when the Indian government

    made it clear that the Northeastern states would be an important component in its LEP.

    The car rally had started from Guwahati in Assam and passed through the states of

    Nagaland and Manipur. It was received by Prime Minister Manmohan Singh in Vientiane

    in Laos during the Asean Summit before the rally culminated in Singapore. This was seen

    as a great success and a boost to the idea of connectivity from Indias Northeast to

    Southeast Asia. An expressway linking Thailand with the Northeast was mooted

    immediately but little progress has been seen since then. Border road connectivity was

    accorded high priority in states such as Manipur and Arunachal Pradesh. The Assam

    Government has listed as one of its achievements in the year 2007 the opening of the

    Stilwell Road on the Indian side. The Special Accelerated Road Development Project for

    5

  • 8/4/2019 Mirza Zulfiqur Rahman- MPhil Synopsis

    6/19

    the Northeast, in which the Border Roads Organization (BRO) has been engaged over the

    past few years, is an indicator of the central governments policies in improving

    connectivity in the Northeastern region. This project which enjoys high priority

    reflects the security angle to Indias concerns in the face of Chinas growing

    infrastructure and connectivity north of the Line of Actual Control separating Arunachal

    Pradesh and Tibet. Hence, BRO was recently withdrawn from other projects in the

    country and dedicated to this specific projects fast and effective implementation.

    Over the years, the Northeastern region has evolved from a component of Centre-State

    relations to an important part of the Look East Policy. This transition from insensitivity

    and neglect to conscious incorporation of the Northeast in the LEP has happened over

    many nuances in policy making.

    Literature Review:

    A comparative study of the engagement of India and China in Myanmar requires a

    thorough review of the existing literature on foreign policies of both countries towards

    Myanmar and various factors involved in it. For this purpose, the review of literature has

    broadly discussed the available literature on evolution of the bilateral relations between

    India-Myanmar and China-Myanmar, changing dynamics of relationships and various

    strategic imperatives that led both India and China to follow a policy of engagement vis-

    -vis Myanmar. Moreover, the review of literature aims to examine the role of Myanmar

    with both the aspects of conflict and cooperation that it tenders to both India and China.

    In order to have a sound understanding about the engagement of India and China in

    Myanmar, it is essential to understand the difference in the nature of the engagement

    policies, if any, of both the countries vis--vis Myanmar. Here it will be better to start

    with separate assessment of the genesis of a paradigm shifts in the policies of both India

    and China which paved the way for their respective engagement policies towards

    Myanmar in the years when the relations among them had numerous facets and turns.

    6

  • 8/4/2019 Mirza Zulfiqur Rahman- MPhil Synopsis

    7/19

    In case of China, elucidating the shifts, Baladas Ghoshal (1994) in his article Trends in

    China-Burma Relations states that the shifts in the Chinese Burma Policy from 1978

    onwards and the Burmese reciprocal cordiality prepared the ground for the gradual

    rapprochement between the two countries. He further argues that a final and more

    fundamental shift in Chinas Burma Policy was witnessed in the 1988 when China

    withdrew its policy of providing material support to Communist Party of Burma (CPB)

    which was involved in a direct struggle with the government of Myanmar. Although, this

    article is very significant to understand the implications of the Sino-Burmese entente for

    the regional security and strategic scenario in South and Southeast Asia, it gives a

    sketchy analysis of the push and pull factors behind the various shifts in Chinas policy

    vis--vis Burma and therefore not seen as a very comprehensive study on the issue. His

    later writings on the various issues of Myanmar and its engagement with India and China

    have also bee examined, but in a nutshell, this contentious aspect remains unanswered.

    John W. Graver (2000) in his book Protracted Contest: Sino-Indian Rivalry in the

    Twentieth Century dedicated a full detailed chapter named Burma: the Backdoor to

    China to analyze the factors which laid the foundation of Chinas policy of strategic

    engagement with Myanmar. The chapter starts with an elaboration of the Chinas

    supporting act to the Communist Party of Burma during Maos period and later on it

    points out the shift in the Chinas strategic vision towards Myanmar after the arrival of

    Deng Xiaoping. The chapter emphasizes that Mao followed a dual track approach in its

    relations with Myanmar, first track was the development of normal state-to-state relations

    with the government of Burma and second track was focused on encouraging fraternal

    relations between Chinese Communist Party (CCP) ruling China and Communist Party of

    Burma (CPB). The Wa tribe in the Myanmar-China border was the communist link.

    The author identifies that this particular balance between these two tracks at any point in

    time was a major characteristics of Chinese policy towards Burma. To answer the

    question of why Mao followed this dual track policy, he argues that the first track of

    developing state-to state relations with Burma was focused to keep Burma away from the

    sphere of influence of any hostile power, particularly the presence of KMT forces and

    7

  • 8/4/2019 Mirza Zulfiqur Rahman- MPhil Synopsis

    8/19

    CIA covert operations against China from the Shan state of Myanmar. On the other hand,

    second track of providing support to the CPB insurgency, he linked it with Maos

    decision to support CPB in the context of intensifying struggle between Chinese and

    Soviet communist parties over the direction of the world communist movements. In his

    book Graver also takes into accounts the factors which led China to withdraw its support

    from the CPB and opt for a policy of strategic engagement between the two countries at

    governmental level; such as the development of the economic relations between Yunnan

    and Myanmar and seek access to the Indian Ocean through Myanmar. However, to make

    a better understanding of his analysis and to place it in an overall context, other sources

    substantiated with the factual details are needed and must be studied further.

    Donald M Seekins (1997) in his article Burma-China Relations: Playing with Fire

    extensively discussed the implications of Chinas strategic economic foray into Myanmar

    after 1990. To explain the consequences of increasing Chinese influence in Myanmar he

    cites the examples of Sinicization of Upper Myanmar and development of Mandalay as a

    high priced China town with an influx of immigrant Chinese population from the

    Yunnan and other provinces of China. He further mentioned that how bilateral trade

    between China and Burma increased manifold in the late years of 1990s but finally he

    characterizes the economic relations between China and Burma as equivalent to the

    relations between a European metropolis and an Asian colony during the early 20th

    century, which was characterized by a general context of colonialism and imperialism.

    In a special issue of Adelphi Paper named Myanmar Foreign Policy: Domestic

    Influences and International Implications Jurgen Haacke (2006) elaborates the

    converging political views of China and Myanmar after the incidents of suppression of

    pro-democracy activists in 1988 in Myanmar and in 1989 in Tiananmen Square of China

    respectively. In his analysis he emphasizes on the fact that China emerged as a most

    trusted friend of Myanmar after 1988 and contributed greatly to the regime and growing

    stability in the early years of the SLORCs rule. China has even protected Myanmars

    interests in the United Nations Security Council several times by exercising veto against

    the resolutions proposed by the US and the West to impose sanctions on Myanmars

    8

  • 8/4/2019 Mirza Zulfiqur Rahman- MPhil Synopsis

    9/19

    military junta.

    However, Stephanie Kleine-Ablbrandt and Andrew Small (2008) in their article Chinas

    New Dictatorship Diplomacy: Is Beijing Parting with Pariahs points out a slight shift in

    Chinas Burma policy which is coupled with Chinas changing approach to deal with the

    pariah states like Burma, North Korea and Sudan. Although China is not going to relegate

    its economic and strategic interests in its policy in dealing with the pariah states but it is

    trying to evolve more sophisticated means to assist the process of positive political

    development concerning these states so that they could gain a level of legitimacy such as

    the six party talks with North Korea. In case of Myanmar too, despite rejecting the

    proposals of sanctions against Myanmar, China supported a statement from the UNSC

    deploring the juntas use of violence against peaceful demonstrators. Moreover, China

    pushed the Myanmarese government to receive the UN special envoy and grant him

    access to the Aung San Suu kyi. However, the author duo admits that it is not possible for

    China to go very far to exert pressure over the junta in Myanmar, given the opposition of

    the hardliners in Chinese leadership to such policies of intervention abroad.

    As far as understanding of the fundamentals of the Indias engagement with Myanmar is

    concerned, study of the French researcher Renaud Egreteaus (2003) book, Wooing the

    Generals Indias New Burma Policy, is a must read. The book contains a

    comprehensive and well researched literature on the evolution of the relationship between

    India and Myanmar from its very beginning to the Indias new policy of Constructive

    Engagement vis--vis Myanmar. The focus of the book is more on changing strategic

    equations in the South and Southeast Asia and how the China factor forced India to be

    constructively engaged with Myanmar. However, the recent bilateral imperatives, such as

    energy cooperation and border trade, do not occupy an important place in his analysis.

    Sudhir Devare (2006) in his book India and South East Asia: Towards Security

    Convergence provides a chapter on strategic importance of Myanmar for India. In this

    chapter he considers Myanmar as a challenging frontier for Indian foreign policy from all

    the perspectives of security whether traditional or non traditional. The author identifies

    9

  • 8/4/2019 Mirza Zulfiqur Rahman- MPhil Synopsis

    10/19

    Myanmar as a link between India and the Association of South-East Asian Nations

    (ASEAN) and suggested that political stability in Myanmar is in the interest of India.

    However some broad questions, Which type of government in Myanmar would serve

    Indias interests better, democratically elected or military? remain unanswered in it.

    To develop an understanding about the Indian and Chinese engagement in Myanmar it is

    also necessary to analyze the Myanmars response to the respective engagement policies

    of India and China. An article by Helen James (2004), Myanmar International Relations

    Strategy: The Search for Security gives a broad understanding of the various determining

    factors of Myanmar foreign policy agenda and its domestic political and economic

    implications. This article attempts to elaborate on the fact that due to the continuing

    sanctions by western powers, Myanmar is left with no option but to pursue its foreign

    policy objectives in Asia and balance profitably and strategically between China and

    India. This has helped create the sense of an imminent Sino-Indian rivalry in Myanmar.

    Definition, Rationale and Scope of the Study:

    Having reviewed the literature on the evolution of the Indian and Chinese engagement in

    Myanmar, in order to elaborate the wide strategic compulsions of the respective

    engagement policies of India and China in Myanmar, the proposed study focuses on the

    Geopolitics of Indian and Chinese Engagement in Myanmar. The review of the existing

    literature reveals that extensive literature is available on the engagement policies of both

    India and China vis--vis Myanmar but separately. Therefore, there is a need to make a

    comparative review of the respective engagement policies of India and China vis--vis

    Myanmar so that the results regarding the role of Myanmar in the regional strategic

    dynamics between India and China and its impact on the political developments in

    Myanmar can be obtained. In order to delineate the engagement of India and China in

    Myanmar, the study would take into account the period from where a significant policy

    shift towards Myanmar can be seen in the Indian and Chinese foreign policy discourse.

    In case of Chinese engagement in Myanmar, the evolution of engagement phase

    10

  • 8/4/2019 Mirza Zulfiqur Rahman- MPhil Synopsis

    11/19

    seemingly, starts ever since China adopted a policy of Good Neighborliness under the

    leadership of Deng Xiaoping. Likewise, to define the Indian engagement in Myanmar,

    the study would mainly focus on the period since India opted for the diplomatic pattern of

    constructive engagement in its foreign policy design vis--vis Myanmar.

    Furthermore, available literature on the Indian and Chinese engagement in Myanmar

    seems inadequate on some accounts and some deeper questions remain unanswered in

    accordance with the emerging trends and changing realities. These questions are related

    to the comparative assessment of the nature of Indian and Chinese engagement in

    Myanmar, continuation of military rule in Myanmar and its implications for India and

    China; pivotal role of Myanmar as a bridge for evolving the structures of economic

    cooperation between the sub regions of India and China. Thus, it is needed to review all

    the aspects of Indian and Chinese engagement in Myanmar with a comparative

    perspective. The proposed study will try to bridge the existing gaps, bringing about a

    critical understanding of the dynamics of China and Indias engagement in Myanmar.

    The study will bring out the dynamics of Indias Look East Policy and the question of the

    development of Northeast India and the accumulated failures of New Delhi to give a

    genuine and workable vision for development of Northeast India through the Look East

    Policy paradigm. This requires a grand connected vision of Indias external dealings with

    Myanmar and its internal policies related to Northeast India.

    Research Problem/Question and Hypothesis:

    Research Problem/Question:

    Why do Indian foreign policy objectives and the Look East Diplomacy seem to face

    enormous hurdles in Myanmar and compete and collide with Chinese strategic interests,

    and not cooperate and compliment each other; and why has the Look East Policy and

    11

  • 8/4/2019 Mirza Zulfiqur Rahman- MPhil Synopsis

    12/19

    overall vision not been able to bridge the development deficit seen in Northeast India?

    Hypotheses:

    The scramble for resources in resource rich Myanmar has got intense, and as the growing

    energy needs of India compound amidst the current global energy crunch, India see

    intense competition to their strategic and economic interests in Myanmar.

    Both China and India see each others presence in Myanmar as a counter to their

    respective strategic and economic interests in the country and the larger region, because

    each country feels that Myanmar constitutes their natural sphere of influence, and each is

    trying to impede on the other by their respective processes of engagement with Myanmar.

    India has envisioned the Look East Policy towards acting as a means to bridge the

    development deficit seen in Northeast India, but has failed to address the underlying

    problems which have affected the Northeastern states of India for decades on end.

    Research Methods:

    The study would both be analytical and descriptive in nature, and in order to

    meaningfully explain the knowledge gained, the study is required to be dealt with

    theoretical application and methodological rigour. To successfully identify the answers of

    the research problem/question related to the topic, the study would be relied upon both

    primary and the secondary sources and rely on reviewing extensive existing literature.

    The study would begin with an understanding of the research theme evolved from the

    help of secondary sources such as books, articles and news reports. However, given the

    contemporary and dynamic nature of the topic, the information gathered by the secondary

    sources needs to be substantiated with the help of the primary sources to make the study

    more authentic. For this purpose, primary sources mainly the interviews of the

    government officials particularly diplomats who have served in Myanmar and

    12

  • 8/4/2019 Mirza Zulfiqur Rahman- MPhil Synopsis

    13/19

    academicians and researchers having knowledge regarding Myanmar would be used in

    the study. Sino-Indian relations will also be assessed through interview of various

    diplomats and academicians following the trajectory of bilateral relations closely.

    The reports of concerned ministries in countries, press releases, joint statements

    published by the government of respective countries shall also be cited as primary

    sources. Moreover, given the empirical nature of some parts of the study like current

    status of various projects, problems in border-trade, comparative assessment of the

    linkages between the border areas of India-Myanmar and Myanmar-China demands a

    sound understanding of the existing realities. Thus field trips of concerned areas seem

    essential to complete the study and these need to be conducted primarily in Myanmar,

    assessing the nature of interaction of Myanmar with Chinese and Indian diplomats and

    officials, and trying to decipher the thought-process and the orientations of the ruling

    class and government officials of Myanmar in its interaction with China and India

    respectively. The various dimensions including political, economic and strategic of China

    and India in Myanmar would be assessed from all three points of view, and domestic and

    cultural roots would be examined, especially assessing people-to-people interactions.

    Tentative Chapters:

    Chapter 1: Introduction

    The first chapter will outline a background to set the stage for analyzing the politico-

    strategic imperatives of the respective engagement policies of India and China with

    Myanmar, and analyze the military juntas policy of engagement with these nations. This

    will outline the Look East Diplomacy of India and highlight the vision for the

    development of Northeast India within the Look East Policy.

    13

  • 8/4/2019 Mirza Zulfiqur Rahman- MPhil Synopsis

    14/19

    Chapter 2: Indias Look East Diplomacy: Myanmars Domestic predicaments and

    Indias perception

    It will be discussed in this chapter in detail that how India perceive the domestic politics

    of Myanmar. The second chapter will scrutinize the Indian over the issue of democratic

    transition in Myanmars domestic polity.

    Chapter 3: Role of Look East Policy in the development of Northeast India

    This chapter will take into account the overall vision and role of the Look East Policy

    towards bridging the development deficit seen in Northeast India.

    Chapter4: A Comparison of the Economic and Security Engagement of India with

    Myanmar

    Elaborating the status and objectives of Indian economic engagement in Myanmar this

    chapter will make an attempt to present a holistic outlook of Indias economic

    engagement and interests in Myanmar including energy stakes and overall gains. This

    chapter will also analyze Indias security cooperation with Myanmar with regard to

    insurgency in Northeast India and huge flows of arms and narcotics smuggling.

    Chapter 5: Conclusion

    The concluding chapter would try to answer the research question and bring forward the

    debates on conflict and cooperation between China and India in Myanmar, and further

    analyze the road ahead for a prospective constructive policy for the vision to be

    successful for the genuine development of Northeast India. It will analyze the Look East

    Diplomacy in its overall strategic and developmental dividends over the years.

    14

  • 8/4/2019 Mirza Zulfiqur Rahman- MPhil Synopsis

    15/19

    Bibliography:

    Ablbrandt Stephanie Kleine and Andrew Small (2008), Chinas New Dictatorship

    Diplomacy: Is Beijing Parting with Pariahs,Foreign Affairs, 87(1): 38-56.

    Acharya, Amitav (2001), Constructing a Security Community in Southeast Asia: ASEANand the Problem of Regional Order, London and New York: Routledge.

    Ahmad, Talmiz (2006), Gas Supply in Indias Diplomacy for Energy Security,EnergySecurity Insights, 1(2): 26-31.

    Aiyar, Mani Shankar (2005), Energy Cooperation: India and Its Neighbors, in IP

    Khosla,Energy and Diplomacy, New Delhi: Konark Publishers Pvt. Ltd.

    Ajibewa, Isola Aderemi (1998), Myanmar in ASEAN: Challenges and Prospects, TheIndonesian Quarterly, 26(1): 28-36.

    Amer, Ramses (1999), Conflict Management and Constructive Engagement in

    ASEANS Expansion Third World Quarterly, 20(5): 1031-1048.

    Aye, Kyaw (2003), Energy Cooperation among the BIMSTEC Countries,Biiss

    Journal, 24(4): 45.

    Banerjee, Dipankar (1996), Myanmar and Indian Security Concerns, Strategic

    Analysis, 19(5): 691-705.

    Bezbaruah, MP (2007), India-Myanmar Border Trade: The Stakes for Northeast India,Dialouge, 9(1): 83-104.

    Bhagat, Rasheeda (2002), In a Vicious Circle,Frontline, 19(15): 42-45

    Bhaskar, Uday C (2000), Myanmar in the Strategic Calculus of India and China, in

    Kanti Bajpai and Amitabh Mattoo, (eds.), The Peacock and the dragon: India China

    Relations in the 21stCentury,New Delhi: Har Anand Publishers.

    Bhaumik, Subir (2006), Burma Policy and its Impact on Indias Northeastern Region,

    in C. Jashua Thomas, (ed.), Engagement and Development: Indias Northeast andNeighboring Countries, New Delhi: Akansha Publishing House.

    Batabyal, Anindya (2006), Balancing China in Asia China Report 42(2): 179-97

    Bhaumik, Subir (1997), The External Linkages in Insurgency in Indias Northeast, in

    B. Pakem, Insurgency in Northeast India, New Delhi: Omsons Publication.

    15

  • 8/4/2019 Mirza Zulfiqur Rahman- MPhil Synopsis

    16/19

    Bouquerat, Gilles (2001), Indias Confrontation with Chinese Interests in Myanmar, in

    Grare, Frederic and Amitabh Mattoo, (eds.), India and ASEAN: Politics of Look East

    Policy, New Delhi: Manohar Publishers.

    Chetty, AL (2005), India Myanmar Partnership: Need for Widening and Deepening in

    K Raja Reddy, (ed.),India and ASEAN: Foreign Policy Dimensions for the 21st

    Century,New Delhi: New Century Publication.

    Choudhary, LK (2005), Indo-Myanmar Relations: Retrospect and Prospects, India

    Quarterly, 61(4): 143-164.

    Dadwal, Shebonti Roy (1999), Energy Security: Indias Option, Strategic Analysis,

    23(4): 653-70.

    Datta, Sreeradha (2000), Security of Indias Northeast: External Linkages, StrategicAnalysis, 24(8): 1495-1515.

    Devare, Sudhir (2006), India and South East Asia: Towards Security Convergence,

    Singapore: ISEAS.

    Egreteau, Reanaud (2003), Wooing the Generals: Indias New Burma Policy, New Delhi:

    Author Press.

    Energy Security in India: Key issues multiple strategies, A Report Prepared by TERI,Energy Security Insight, Introductory Issue, October, 2005.

    Gavin, James (2006), China and India battle for Myanmars Gas, Petroleum

    Economist, 73(5): 17-18.

    Ghosal, Baladas (1994), Trends in China-Burma Relations, China Report, 30(2): 187-

    202.

    Gibson, M Richard and John B Haseman (2003), Prospects for Controlling Narcotics

    Production and Trafficking in Myanmar, Contemporary Southeast Asia, 25(1): 1-19.

    Haacke, Jurgen (2005), Enhanced Interactionwith Myanmar and Project of a SecurityCommunity :Is ASEAN Refining or breaking with its Diplomatic and Security Culture?,

    Contemporary Southeast Asia, 27(2): 197.

    Haacke, Jurgen (2006), Myanmars Foreign Policy towards China and India, Adelphi

    Papers, 46(381): 24-39.

    Haacke, Jurgen (2006), The Political- Security imperative and Foreign Policy Goals,

    Adelphi Papers, 46(381): 13-23.

    Hueper, F. Paul (2001), Gas Exports up and Running,Petroleum Economist, August.

    16

  • 8/4/2019 Mirza Zulfiqur Rahman- MPhil Synopsis

    17/19

    Hangao, Cheng (2006) Cooperation and Prospects of Yunnan India Trade, In Prabir De

    and Jk Ray (ed.) India and China in the Era of Globalization.

    Kaul, Man Mohini (2006), Regional Grouping: An Overview of BIMSTEC and MGC,South Asian Survey, 13 (2): 313-21.

    Khosla, IP, (ed.) (2004),Energy and Diplomacy, New Delhi: Konark Publishers.

    Lamy Steven L (2005), Contemporary Main Stream Approaches: Neo-Realism and Neo

    Liberalism, in John Baylis & Steve, Smith, (ed.), The Globalization of World Politics,

    New Delhi: Oxford University Press.

    Leahey, Joe (1996), Round One to Rangoon,Far Eastern Economic Review, August 1,

    159(31): 14-15

    Mahalingam, Sudha (2005), Accessing Neighborhood Energy: Thinking out of the

    Box, in IP Khosla,Energy and Diplomacy, New Delhi: Konark Publishers Pvt. Ltd.

    Mases, Gopen (2007), Drug Use, HIV/AIDS and Human Trafficking in the North-East,

    Dialouge, 9(1): 161-174.

    Maung, Mya (1997), Burmas Economic Performance under Military Rule, Asian

    Survey, 37(6) 503-524.

    Michael Vatikiotis (1997) Friends and FearsFar Eastern Economic Review, May 8,

    160(18): 14-15.

    Moller, Kay (1998), Cambodia and Burma; The ASEAN Way Ends Here, Asian

    Survey, 38(12): 1087.

    Muni, S. D. and Girijesh Pant (2005), Indias Energy Security: Prospects for

    Cooperation with Extended Neighbourhood,New Delhi: Rupa & Co.

    Muni, SD (2002), Chinas Strategic Engagement with New ASEAN: An Exploratory

    Study of Chinas Cold War Politics, Strategic and Economic Relations with Myanmar,

    Laos Cambodia and Vietnam, Singapore: Institute of Defense and Strategic Studies.

    Pachauri, RK (2006), Foreign International Trade in Natural Gas: The GeopoliticalChallenge of Regional Complexities,Energy Security Insights, 1(2): 2-6.

    Rao, PV (2005), Sub-regional Strategies of Co-operation in ASEAN: The Indian

    Approach, in K Raja Reddy, (ed.), India and ASEAN: Foreign Policy Dimensions for

    the 21stCentury, New Delhi: New Century Publications.

    Yahya, Faizal (2003), India and Southeast Asia Revisited, Contemporary Southeast

    Asia, 25 (1):79-98.

    17

  • 8/4/2019 Mirza Zulfiqur Rahman- MPhil Synopsis

    18/19

    Singh, Manmohan (2004), PMs address at the inauguration of New Capital Complex of

    Assam, speech delivered on 21 November, 2004 at New Secretariat Complex: Dispur,

    Assam, [Online: web] Accessed 21 August 2009, URL:http://pmindia.nic.in/lspeech.asp?id=48

    Background of NLCPR, Ministry of Development of North Eastern Region, [Online:web] Accessed 21 August 2009, URL: http://www.mdoner.gov.in/index2.asp?sid=192

    Business Summits, Ministry of Development of North Eastern Region, [Online: web]Accessed 21 August 2009, URL: http://www.mdoner.gov.in/index2.asp?sid=240

    Prime Minister Dr. Manmohan Singh flags off the first India-ASEAN Car Rally, whichstarted in Guwahati, Assam on 22 November, 2004, in Vientiane, Laos on 30 November,

    2004, [Online: web] Accessed 21 August 2009, URL:

    http://pmindia.nic.in/photo_gallary/d-ser28-30nov2k4.asp

    Mukherjee, Pranab (2007), Keynote Address by Shri Pranab Mukherjee, External

    Affairs Minister, Government of India on Indias Look East Policy: Implications forThailand and South East Asia, speech delivered on 14 September, 2007 at the Institute

    for Security and International Studies (ISIS), Chulalongkorn University: Bangkok,

    Thailand, [Online: web] Accessed 21 August 2009, URL:http://www.mea.gov.in/searchhome.htm

    North Eastern Vision 2020, Ministry of Development of North Eastern Region and NorthEastern Council, 13 May, 2008, Agartala, Tripura [Online: web] Accessed 21 August

    2009, URL: http://mdoner.gov.in/index2.asp?sid=242

    Singh, Manmohan (2004), PMs speech at Itanagar Public Rally, speech delivered on

    31 January, 2008 Itanagar, Arunachal Pradesh [Online: web] Accessed 21 August 2009,URL: http://www.pmindia.nic.in/speeches.htm

    Express News Service (2008), India, Myanmar ink Kaladan multi-modal transport pact,The Indian Express, New Delhi, 03 April 2008, [Online: web] Accessed 21 August 2009,URL: http://www.indianexpress.com/news/india-myanmar-ink-kaladan-multimodal-

    18

    http://pmindia.nic.in/lspeech.asp?id=48http://pmindia.nic.in/lspeech.asp?id=48http://pmindia.nic.in/lspeech.asp?id=48http://www.mdoner.gov.in/index2.asp?sid=192http://www.mdoner.gov.in/index2.asp?sid=240http://pmindia.nic.in/photo_gallary/d-ser28-30nov2k4.asphttp://pmindia.nic.in/photo_gallary/d-ser28-30nov2k4.asphttp://www.mea.gov.in/searchhome.htmhttp://www.mea.gov.in/searchhome.htmhttp://mdoner.gov.in/index2.asp?sid=242http://www.pmindia.nic.in/speeches.htmhttp://www.indianexpress.com/news/india-myanmar-ink-kaladan-multimodal-trans/291787/http://www.mdoner.gov.in/index2.asp?sid=192http://www.mdoner.gov.in/index2.asp?sid=240http://pmindia.nic.in/photo_gallary/d-ser28-30nov2k4.asphttp://www.mea.gov.in/searchhome.htmhttp://mdoner.gov.in/index2.asp?sid=242http://www.pmindia.nic.in/speeches.htmhttp://www.indianexpress.com/news/india-myanmar-ink-kaladan-multimodal-trans/291787/http://pmindia.nic.in/lspeech.asp?id=48http://pmindia.nic.in/lspeech.asp?id=48
  • 8/4/2019 Mirza Zulfiqur Rahman- MPhil Synopsis

    19/19

    trans/291787/

    Baruah, Amit (2001), The roads to Myanmar, The Frontline, New Delhi, 03 March

    2001, [Online: web] Accessed 21 August 2009, URL:

    http://www.thehindu.com/fline/fl1805/18050490.htm

    Anand, Byas (2002), A-I Guwahati-Bangkok flight is off, The Times of India, New

    Delhi, 27 September 2002, [Online: web] Accessed 21 August 2009, URL:

    http://timesofindia.indiatimes.com/articleshow/23398601.cms

    19

    http://www.indianexpress.com/news/india-myanmar-ink-kaladan-multimodal-trans/291787/http://www.thehindu.com/fline/fl1805/18050490.htmhttp://www.thehindu.com/fline/fl1805/18050490.htmhttp://timesofindia.indiatimes.com/articleshow/23398601.cmshttp://www.indianexpress.com/news/india-myanmar-ink-kaladan-multimodal-trans/291787/http://www.thehindu.com/fline/fl1805/18050490.htmhttp://timesofindia.indiatimes.com/articleshow/23398601.cms