International Journal of Sociology and Social PolicyPakistani model of diversity management: rediscovering Jinnah's visionJawad Syed

Article information:To cite this document:Jawad Syed, (2008),"Pakistani model of diversity management: rediscovering Jinnah's vision", InternationalJournal of Sociology and Social Policy, Vol. 28 Iss 3/4 pp. 100 - 113Permanent link to this document:http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/01443330810862179

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International Journal of Sociologyand Social PolicyVol. 28 No. 3/4, 2008pp. 100-113# Emerald Group Publishing Limited0144-333XDOI 10.1108/01443330810862179

Received 24 April 2006Revised 8 July 2006Accepted 12 September 2006

Pakistani model of diversitymanagement: rediscovering

Jinnahs visionJawad Syed

University of Kent, Canterbury, UK

Abstract

Purpose The paper endeavours to propose a Pakistani model of diversity management that isconsistent with Pakistans unique culture and socio-political context.Design/methodology/approach The paper offers an analysis of the speeches and ideology ofMuhammad Ali Jinnah, the founder of Pakistan, in an attempt to outline his vision of diversity andequality of opportunities in Pakistani society.Findings The analysis identifies four key dimensions of Jinnahs vision: first, democratisationensuring the participation of all groups of people in socio-economic and political spheres of life.Second, an egalitarian version of Islam, considered consistent with the principles of social justice andequal opportunity. Third, the implementation of a strict rule of law with no room for favouritism anddiscrimination. And fourth, special protective measures for minorities, women and otherdisadvantaged groups. The four dimensions are on the whole inclined towards a social case ofdiversity management.Practical implications A diversity management model based on Jinnahs principles may helpPakistani organisations to more effectively manage the countrys diverse human resources. With itsfocus on Islamic egalitarian principles, the model may also be useful for diversity management inother Muslim majority countries.Originality/value The concept of diversity management remains largely unexplored in Islamicsociety. In this respect, the paper offers a unique socio-economic perspective of the population andworkforce diversity.

Keywords Diversification, Equal opportunities, Islam, Pakistan

Paper type Research paper

Introduction and theoretical backgroundGiven the plurality of socio-economic discourses and practices in the world today, aculturally sensitive perspective towards work organisation is gaining importance inacademic and management circles. Many scholars (e.g. Ray and Sayer, 1999; Escobar,2001; Williams and Windebank, 2003) are investigating the growth of interest in cultureand the turn away from economy in the social sciences, and its possible implications forwork and organisation. Williams (2005) argues that far from following unified capitalisticstructures of economy, societies today (particularly those with a post-socialist or post-colonial background) remain grounded in a form of work organisation characterised by aplurality of economic practices both on societal and household levels. Williams studysuggests that a multitude of trajectories are being pursued both at the level of the nationstate and the level of the household. Indeed, many nations today do not necessarily agreewith the historical social unaccountability of businesses in the industrialised world (as isevidenced by the current stand-off on the Kyoto protocol an international treaty onclimate change between the USA and Australia vs rest of the world). Similarly, issuesof discrimination in employment, individualistic aspirations for material prosperity, andthe resulting societal inequalities are gaining attention worldwide.

Equal opportunity in employment is an important area of socio-economic research.Income inequalities exist everywhere in the world in part due to employment

The current issue and full text archive of this journal is available atwww.emeraldinsight.com/0144-333X.htm

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discriminations and social stereotypes. Wang and Kleiner (2001) attribute lower socialstatus of some groups (such as ethnic and religious minorities) to their generally lowerincomes, which determine their ability to buy goods and services. Lower incomes areoften the result of unfair organisational decisions caused by job discrimination (Cohn,2000). Thus, social inequities can have their start in job discrimination (Wang andKleiner, 2001, p. 116). For instance, Apodaca and Kleiners (2001) study highlights thatsexual harassment and discriminations at the workplace result into an overall femaledisadvantage in a society. A number of theories have been offered to explain the socio-economic disparities associated with the workforce diversity.

Social categorisation theory posits that individuals seek to define themselves througha process of self-categorisation on any salient characteristic such as sex, race/ethnicityand age, which is then reflected in individual self-perception and behaviours (Tuner et al.,1987). Most studies on diversity have used self-categorisation theory and social identitytheory (Tajfel, 1982) to explain diversitys implications for organisations, individuals andoverall societies. These studies suggest that greater diversity may cause workgroupmembers to employ divisive social categorisations based on their salient demographiccharacteristics instead of using the inclusive workgroup boundary as the basis forcategorisation (Northcraft et al., 1995). Similarity/attraction theory contends thatindividuals form into in-groups and out-groups, whereby members of the in-group sharesimilar social categorisation traits. This categorisation causes people to accentuateperceptions of their similarities with in-group members as well as their differences fromout-group members (Brewer, 1979). Such inter-group categorisations may increasedysfunctional conflict and turnover while undermining cohesion and social integration(Tsui et al., 1992; Pelled et al., 1999). Within the workplace contexts, ineffectivemanagement of social categorisation in diverse workgroups can result in diminishedproductivity levels and poor quality of work life for individuals in out-groups. This inturn leads to further societal disadvantage for such individuals or groups because oftheir lower incomes and corresponding lower social status.

Though, diversity of the population is a global phenomenon, there is some evidencethat the concept of diversity management and its enactment are predominantlyoriented towards the demographic and socio-economic realities of mainly Westernsocieties and organisations. Cassell (1996) notes that much of the literature on diversityand equal opportunity has been written and published in North America, which is areflection of the changing demographics in that part of the world. The concept ofdiversity management, which originated in the United States, takes the form of avoluntary corporate approach to human resource management (Kandola and Fullerton,1994; Agocs and Burr, 1996). A US-centric discourse on diversity, however, cannotsimply be transferred to organisations of other cultures (Jones et al., 2000). Each culturehas its own unique set of realities. Naqvi (2003) suggests that it would be nave totransplant a foreign model of diversity management into another cultural contextwithout the necessary customisation. The present paper seeks to identify some broaddimensions of a Pakistani model of diversity management, which is consistent withPakistans unique culture and sociopolitical context. The paper offers an analysis of thespeeches and ideology of Muhammad Ali Jinnah, the founder of Pakistan, in an attemptto identify his vision of diversity and equal opportunity for Pakistani society.

Diversity in Pakistani societyEqual opportunity and managing diversity are new concepts to Pakistan, a countrycomprising heterogeneous groups of people from different linguistic, ethnic or religious

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backgrounds. The Muslim population in Pakistan is divided into 77 per cent Sunnisand 20 per cent Shiites. The differences in beliefs and practices of these Islamic schoolshave resulted in major sectarian differences and violence in Pakistani society that hasclaimed hundreds of lives over the last two decades (UNDP, 2004). As well as these twomajor sects, there are a few non-Muslim communities that remain largely concentratedin the Thar area of Sind province (a Hindu community) and in the central parts of thePunjab province (a Christian community) (CIA, 2004). There are at least six majorlanguages spoken in different parts of Pakistan including Urdu, Punjabi, Saraiki,Pashtu, Sindhi and Balochi along with numerous other smaller languages and dialects.Pakistan, which is administratively divided into four provinces, also administratesother regions (including the Federally Administered Tribal Areas and the NorthernAreas, the latter being involved in the as yet unresolved Kashmir dispute). Everyregion is comprised of people who are ethnically and linguistically different to thepeople in the next region. Most ethnic groups constitute a majority in their area oforigin and are indigenous to it, but constitute a minority within other regions, and alsoin comparison to the entire population (Ali and Rehman, 2001, p. 3).

The variety of languages spoken in Pakistan is an expression of the diverse culturaland ethnic backgrounds of the people who speak these languages. The linguisticdiversity is generally isomorphic with ethnic diversity, which is mainly found in all thefour provinces and various other regions within each province, and otheradministrative areas. Linguistic and ethnic identification in Pakistan is, according toJaffrelot (2002), characterised by power politics, and social discrimination vis-a`-visemployment opportunities. Table I presents an overview of cultural diversity inPakistani society.

Why Jinnahs vision?Quaid-i-Azam Muhammad Ali Jinnah (b. 1877 d.1948) is one of the most powerfulcharacters in the history of South Asian Muslims. He was the founder of Pakistan, itsfirst Governor General, and the liberator of the Muslims of the Indian subcontinent. Inthe words of Stanley Wolpert (2002, p. 1): Few individuals significantly alter the

Total population 159.196 millions

Religious affiliationMuslims 97% (Sunnis 77%, Shias 20%)Christians 1.6% (mainly in north-eastern Punjab)Hindus 1.59% (mainly in eastern Sindh)Others 0.2% (Parsees, Sikhs, Schedule Castes, etc.)

Languages spokenPunjabi 48%Sindhi 12%Saraiki 10%Pashtu 8%Urdu (official) 8%Balochi 3%Hindko 2%Others 9%

Source: Based on data from GOP, 2004; CIA, 2004; and USDOC, 2004

Table I.Religious and ethnicdiversity in Pakistan

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course of history. Fewer still modify the map of the world. Hardly anyone can becredited with creating a nation-state. Mohammad Ali Jinnah did all the three.

For almost all Pakistanis, irrespective of religion, race or creed, he is simply theQuaid-i-Azam or the Great Leader. Whatever their political affiliation, they believethere is no one quite like him (Ahmed, 1997). In todays Pakistan, a society constantlywrecked by linguistic conflict, ethnic divisions and sectarian violence (Naqvi, 2003;UNDP, 2004), Jinnahs personality ranks high among the few signs of unity andnational solidarity. For these reasons it was considered pertinent to rediscover someof his ideas about diversity and equal opportunity in Pakistani society. The ideas canthen become the basis of a diversity management model, one that is much needed byPakistan, its society, and its various organisations.

MethodThe paper has adopted Hodders (2002) approach to the interpretation of documentsand material culture to explore and identify Jinnahs perspectives about humandiversity within (pre-partition i.e. pre-1947) Indian and (post-partition) Pakistanisocieties. With this aim, Jinnahs speeches, public messages, interviews and otherverbal and non-verbal messages were analysed in order to delineate his vision ofdiversity and equal opportunity. The inclusion of non-verbal messages in the analysiswas to acknowledge the fact that politics is not just conducted through language(Fairclough, 1989, p. 23).

Data collection and selectionA large number of speeches, interviews, letters and messages composed by Jinnahwere accessed through a collection of Jinnahs speeches by Zaidi (2002) five volumes,Ahmed (2002) four volumes, Government of Pakistan (GOP, 2003), and other individualresources mentioned in references. The analysis involved searching for key themes ondiversity, discrimination and equal opportunity, which has been recommended to avoidprejudicial bias (Brewton and Millward, 2001). The approach was particularly helpfuldue to a paucity of research on diversity and equal opportunity in Pakistani society andorganisations (Naqvi, 2003). The key terms used for locating diversity related themesincluded the names of the provinces, regions, racial/ethnic groups, religions, sects,languages, and tribes present within different regions and provinces in Pakistan (and thepre-partition India). These terms (along with the issues related to gender) were used asmarkers of diversity in Pakistani (and the pre-partition Indian) society, identified on thebasis of a pretest with 10 randomly selected speeches from Zaidi (2002).

In total, one hundred speeches and messages were randomly selected whilereflecting a variety of resources (such as books, newspapers, and the official website ofthe Government of Pakistan), text types (such as speeches and interviews), and timeperiods (pre- and post-independence). It was a convenience sample first few textswithin each source/section were analysed to locate diversity related themes. Most of theselected sample pertained to the 1940s because of two main reasons: (a) Pakistan cameinto being in August 1947 and Jinnah became its first Governor General until his deathin September 1948. It was important to examine Jinnahs discourse on diversity as theleader of the newborn country; and (b) most of Jinnahs recorded speeches belong to theera after he returned from England to India and assumed leadership of All IndiaMuslim League in the late 1930s. A copy of Jinnahs first address in Pakistanslegislative assembly on 11 August 1947 was specially secured from the offices of DailyDawn, Karachi (a newspaper founded by Jinnah) because of its historic importance as a

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policy statement about inter-communal relations in this newly created country. Basedon the identification of key themes on diversity, 17 speeches and other texts werelocated for final analysis, six from the pre-1947 and eleven from the post-1947 periods.The selected texts had at least one or two themes related to diversity includingreligious, ethnic and gender diversity.

Following is a break up of these texts by type: two speeches were delivered inLegislative Assemblies, two are based on Jinnahs interviews and broadcast messages,seven were delivered in public rallies, two are Jinnahs political letters, three are basedon his speeches during his meeting with minority groups, and some othermiscellaneous statements (Table II).

By transcribing the full text (or the maximum part available) of each speech intoWord documents, the texts were qualitatively analysed based on diversity relatedthemes. This was done to gain a rich non-structured understanding of Jinnahsdiscourse on diversity. Table III offers a verbatim overview of Jinnahs discourse ondiversity and equality.

AnalysisIn line with Fosss approach (1983, p. 283), the analysis offers one perspective onJinnahs texts and the paper argues in support of that perspective. Argument is theprimary criterion for assessing the reliability and validity of this research. The bulk ofthe discussion articulates how the key themes (based on the oft repeated phrases andwords as reflected in Table III) led to a view of Jinnahs perspectives on diversity andequality. It is however admitted that the claims made through the analysis may not

Table II.Diversity-related themesin a selection of Jinnahsspeeches

Year Occasion Theme

1912 Speech in the Imperial Legislative Council insupport of Gokhales Elementary Education Bill

Social justice

1920 Annual meeting of Indian National Congress inNagpur, in which Jinnah warned Gandhi for hisultra-constitutional tactics

Rule of law

1937 Annual meeting of All India Muslim League Minority rights1944 Letter to Gandhi Minority rights1944 Statement about womens role in society Womens rights1946 Statement in the year of communal frenzy,

when religious exploitation would have beenthe best tool for political expediency

Social justice

1947 Presidential address to Pakistans firstConstituent Assembly

Social justice, minority rights

1947 Interview with Reuters Duncan Hooper Social justice, minority rights1947 Speech in the last meeting of All India Muslim

LeagueRule of law

1948 Speech during a tour of riot affected areas ofKarachi

Minority rights, rule of law

1948 Address to Karachi Bar Association Minority rights, rule of law, social justice1948 Address to the Parsi community of Sindh Minority rights, rule of law1948 Address at Sibi Darbar Social justice, women rights1948 The broadcast talk to the people of Australia Minority rights1948 Mass rally at Dacca Minority rights, rule of law, social justice1948 Meeting with the Scheduled Caste Federation Minority rights, rule of law1948 Message to his countrymen and women Womens rights

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always be successful in convincing the reader to accept the claim being made about theartefact (speeches), but the reader should be able to see how the critic arrives at aparticular view of and conclusions about the artefact (Foss, 1996, p. 19). The aim hereis to demonstrate how these texts led this author to an identification of Jinnahs visionabout managing diversity in Pakistani society.

1. DemocratisationJinnah wanted Pakistan to be a democratic society based on the rule of law and socialjustice, a country in which all citizens would be equal irrespective of caste and creed.He had no place for intolerance and bigotry in his scheme of Pakistani society (DailyDawn, 2000). Jinnah believed in Islamic values that are in congruence with democracy,social justice, and the rule of law (Ahmad, 1995). He expressed similar ideas in a speechhe delivered in 1948 in the Sibi Darbar, Balochistan:

Table III.An overview of Jinnahs

discourse on diversityand equality

Minorities Women Rule of law Social justice

Distinctive culture andcivilisation, languageand literature, art andarchitecture, names andnomenclature, sense ofvalues and proportion,legal laws and moralcodes, customs andcalendar, history andtradition, aptitude andambitions; distinctiveoutlook on life; manycastes, many creedsand many languages;many non-Muslims Hindus, Christians andParsis; by virtue oftheir belonging toparticular faith, religionor race; all Pakistanis;same rights andprivileges as any othercitizens; minorities;creed; community;provincialism; Muslims;sectarianism, Shia,Sunni; as regardsMuslims you havePathans, Punjabis,Shias, Sunnis and soon. . .Among the Hindus youhave Brahmins,Vashnavas, Khatris;also Bengalis, Madrasisand so on

Comrades in everysphere of life; the primearchitects of thecharacter of the youth;side by side with (men);victims of evil customs;crime against humanitythat our women areshut up within the fourwalls of their houses asprisoners; (womenshould help) their lessfortunate sistersoutside (their ownhomes)

First duty of agovernment is tomaintain law andorder; life, property andreligious beliefs of itssubjects fully protectedby the state; we shallmaintain peace, lawand order; protect andsafeguard every citizenof Pakistan withoutany distinction of caste,creed or community;members of everycommunity will betreated as citizens ofPakistan with equalrights and privilegesand obligations;minorities will besafeguarded andprotected; sullied bythe sudden outburst ofcommunal frenzy;protect your Hinduneighbours; cooperatewith the Governmentand the officials inprotecting your Hinduneighbours; Pakistanshall . . . do all it can tocreate a sense ofsecurity and confidencein the non-Muslimminorities; we shalltreat the minoritiesfairly and justly

Principles of justiceand fair-play; withoutany prejudice or ill-will;complete impartiality;justice and fairplay toevery body; corruptionis a curse; great evil,the evil of nepotismand jobbery; thehighest sense ofintegrity; the affairs ofthe state shall beguided by discussionand consultations;democracy; equality ofman . . . our social lifeand our economic life;freedom; tolerance;educate the masses;downtrodden people;majority and minoritycommunities; solidarity;complete unity; nomatter what relationshe had with you in thepast; all citizens andequal citizens of onestate; we do notprescribe anyschoolboy tests fortheir loyalty; we shallnot say to any Hinducitizen of Pakistan ifthere was war wouldyou shoot a Hindu?

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Let us lay the foundations of our democracy on the basis of truly Islamic ideals andprinciples. Our Almighty has taught us that our decisions in the affairs of the state shall beguided by discussion and consultations (14 February 1948: Sibi Darbar).

And a few days later,

Islam and its ideals have taught us democracy. It has taught equality of man, justice andfairplay to every body. In any case Pakistan is not going to be a theocratic state, to be ruled bypriests with a divine mission. We have many non-Muslims Hindus, Christians, and Parsis but they are all Pakistanis. They will enjoy the same rights and privileges as any othercitizens and will play their rightful part in the affairs of Pakistan (cited in Ahmad, 1995).

Jinnahs belief in democratic principles was also reflected in his decision to quit thepresidency of the All India Muslim League on the eve of his appointment as the firstGovernor-General of the State of Pakistan.

I cannot in good conscience continue to be the president of a self-avowedly communalorganisation and the Governor-General of Pakistan at the same time (17 December 1947: Lastmeeting of All India Muslim League).

2. Egalitarian version of IslamJinnah believed in an egalitarian interpretation of Islam that involved respect andtolerance for people from all religions, races and ethnicities. He invoked Islamic idealsas informing the policies and practices of the state and its governments. Instead ofentertaining a narrow version of an Islamic code of life, he believed in Islamic valuesthat are in congruence with democracy, social justice, and rule of law (Ahmad, 1995).Thus, in those years of communal frenzy, when religious exploitation would have beenthe best tool for political expediency, Jinnah asked (1946):

What are we fighting for? What are we aiming at? It is not theocracy, not for a theocraticstate. Religion is dear to us. All the worldly goods are nothing when we talk of religion. Butthere are other things, which are very vital our social life and our economic life, and withoutpolitical power how can you defend your faith and your economic life (cited in Ahmad, 1995).

Jinnahs Pakistan was intended for all faiths and religions, though the Muslimcommunity became the vehicle of creation of such a state. Jinnahs vision was inclusiveand socially liberal, despite the fact that the Muslim minority in India was the primaryconstituency for his struggle. He cherished an idea of a country in which Muslims,along with all other ethno-religious communities, would be free to follow their religionsand cultures, and would not suffer discrimination at the hands of any.

I would like to tell those who are misled by propaganda, that not only the Muslims but non-Muslims have nothing to fear. Islam and its idealism have taught us democracy. Islam hastaught equality, justice and fairplay to everybody. What reason is there for anyone to feardemocracy, equality, freedom on the highest sense of integrity and on the basis of fairplay andjustice for everyone? Let us make the constitution of Pakistan. We will make it and we willshow it to the world (25 January 1948: Address to the Karachi Bar Association).

Jinnah reiterated his vision of social justice based on Islamic principles in his broadcastto the people of Australia:

But make no mistake; Pakistan is not a theocracy or anything like it. Islam demands from usthe tolerance of other creeds and we welcome in closest association with us all those who ofwhatever creed are themselves willing and ready to play their part as true and loyal citizensof Pakistan (19 February 1948: The Broadcast Talk to the People of Australia).

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Social justiceThe principle of social justice is hard to achieve in feudal societies, which are generallydependent on mass illiteracy and social stratification for their maintenance (Engineer,2002). Jinnah was well aware of this fact, which was clearly reflected in his speech tothe Imperial Legislative Council in April 1912 in support of Gokhales ElementaryEducation Bill. Jinnah reproached the British for their neglect of elementary educationin India. He opined that there could be no salvation for the masses unless the principleof compulsory education was introduced. Jinnah referred to Sir Harcourt Butler, anopponent of the Bill, who had stated that India could not be compared to othercountries of the world as in certain respects its conditions differed radically. In Jinnahswords, Indian people belonged to the same species of human beings and in that respectthey resembled all other nations of the world.

Conditions may well have been different and that is where the statesmen and the politicianscame into play. It was up to them to meet those special conditions and provide the necessarysafeguards. Elementary education has nothing to do with the fact that India has many castes,many creeds and many languages. Provision had to be made for them (cited in Cowasjee,2001).

Jinnahs opponents argued that there were insufficient school buildings, and notenough teachers to cater for compulsory elementary education. And there was nomoney. Jinnah challenged them:

All I can say is this, find money! Find money!! Find money!!! I appeal to the president, not aspresident but as the Finance Minister. I say, find money. If you say you have not got enoughmoney, discover and tap new sources. . .

Some feudal lords in the Assembly opposed the bill on the pretexts of political andsocial dangers. It was argued that were the people to be given education, it would breedsocialism and agitators who would organise strikes. Jinnah termed the argumentridiculous: how can you equate education with sedition? He believed that frank andindependent criticism of the government was the duty of every member of the state andthat fair, free and independent criticism of the acts of government could in no wayconstitute sedition. In response to another fear of the feudal lords that the people wouldbecome too big for their boots, that they would not follow the occupations of theirparents, that they would demand more rights, that they would agitate, and that theywould become socialists, Jinnah asked:

Is it your intention to keep millions and millions of people downtrodden merely out of fearthat they may demand more rights? Are they to be kept in darkness and ignorance for all agesto come in case they stand up, after realizing that they do have certain rights, and ask forthose rights? It is only those who are influenced by selfish reasons who are urging thatuniversal elementary education is a mistake (cited in Cowasjee, 2001).

Jinnah insisted that it was those who could be numbered in the better social echelonsof life who were largely responsible for the evils of corruption and social inequalitiesin society:

Corruption is a curse in India and amongst the Muslims, especially among the so-callededucated and intelligentsia. Unfortunately, it is this class that is selfish and morally andintellectually corrupt (cited in Ahmad, 1995).

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3. Special measures for the disadvantagedWomenJinnah was a staunch supporter of the equality of women with men in all walks of life.He encouraged active functioning of the Womens Wing of the Muslim League, whichwas led by his sister and political aide, Fatima Jinnah. Fatima Jinnah was a dentist byprofession in a time when not many Muslim women were encouraged to attend collegesand universities. Her brother not only encouraged Fatima and other Muslim women toparticipate in politics but also clearly declared his support for womens role in societyon many occasions. Balochistan is one such example where even British malepoliticians discouraged their womenfolk from taking a public role due to theconservative and patriarchal nature of Balochi society. However, after Pakistan wascreated, Jinnah invited his sister Fatima to sit beside him on the stage at the SibiDarbar, the grand annual gathering of Baloch and Pukhtun chiefs and leaders. Jinnahfinely made his point: Muslim women must take their place in history. The SibiDarbar broke all precedents (cited in Ahmed, 1997).

Jinnah obviously did not agree with the patriarchal institution of sexual segregationand womens confinement within the four walls (Chardiwari). In 1944, three years priorto Partition, he stated:

No nation can rise to the height of glory unless your women are side by side with you. We arevictims of evil customs. It is a crime against humanity that our women are shut up within thefour walls of their houses as prisoners. There is no sanction anywhere for the deplorableconditions in which our women have to live. You should take your women along with you ascomrades in every sphere of life (cited in Nawaz, 1976).

Religious and ethnic minoritiesHaving won his case for the rights of Muslims in India, Jinnah was obviously sensitivetowards the rights of minorities in the newly-created State of Pakistan (Ahmad, 1995).He wanted Pakistani law and society to be fair and equitable for all groups of people sothat the former minority now majority Muslims would infringe neither upon the rightsof the non-Muslim minorities nor on any socially disadvantaged groups such aswomen or ethnic minorities. Jinnah thus explained his vision of minorities Pakistan:

Islam demands from us the tolerance of other creeds and we welcome in closest associationwith us all those who, of whatever creed, are themselves willing and ready to play their partas true and loyal citizens of Pakistan (19 February 1948: The Broadcast Talk to the People ofAustralia).

As a sign of his commitment to minorities, Jinnah appointed Jogindranath Mandal, ascheduled caste Hindu, to a Muslim League seat out of five Muslim League seats, andas Law Minister in the Interim Cabinet of 1946-1947. This decision reflected the factthat Jinnahs struggle for Pakistan was not only meant for Muslims but for all of theminorities in India who were fearful of a Hindu hegemonic Congress Party (Hamdani,2003).

Jinnah delivered his most famous speech on the 11th of August, 1947. It was hispresidential address to Pakistans first Constituent Assembly, a speech that has beenreinterpreted by successive regimes in Pakistan to fit their own agendas. In his speech,Jinnah clearly pointed out that minorities would enjoy total equality and freedom in allspheres of life:

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You are free, free to go to your temples; you are free to go to your mosques or to any otherplaces of worship in this state of Pakistan. You may belong to any religion or caste or creedthat has nothing to do with the business of state (Daily Dawn, 1999).

In extending his role as champion of minority rights in British India, Jinnah wasequally sensitive and careful about the rights of minorities in the newly createdPakistan:

We stand by our declarations that members of every community will be treated as citizens ofPakistan with equal rights and privileges and obligations and that minorities will besafeguarded and protected (23 March 1948: Meeting with the Scheduled Caste Federation).

Minorities do not cease to be citizens. Minorities living in Pakistan or Hindustan do not ceaseto be citizens of their respective states by virtue of their belonging to particular faith, religionor race. I have repeatedly made it clear, especially in my opening speech to the constituentassembly, that the minorities in Pakistan would be treated as our citizens and will enjoy allthe rights as any other community. Pakistan shall pursue this policy and do all it can to createa sense of security and confidence in the non-Muslim minorities of Pakistan. We do notprescribe any schoolboy tests for their loyalty. We shall not say to any Hindu citizen ofPakistan if there was war would you shoot a Hindu? (25 October 1947: interview withReuters Duncan Hooper).

4. Rule of lawRule of law ranked highest among Jinnahs priorities. It was one of the major reasonsfor his disagreement with the Indian National Congress in 1920 when he warnedGandhi during the Congress Nagpur session. Gandhi had proposed the attainment ofSwaraj (freedom) by the people of India by all legitimate and peaceful means, withinthe British Empire if possible and without it if necessary (Tendukar, 1967). Jinnahsaid: You are making a declaration (of Swaraj ) and committing the Indian NationalCongress to a programme, which you will not be able to carry out. Jinnah felt thatGandhis extra-constitutional methods could only lead to political lawlessness andchaos, without serving any good to the struggle for freedom (Wolpert, 2002).

Jinnah wanted Pakistan to be a democratic society based on the rule of law andsocial justice, a country in which all citizens were to be equal irrespective of caste andcreed (Daily Dawn, 2000). He was a staunch believer in the rule of law with no room fordiscrimination and bias. In his first presidential address to the future legislators andadministrators of his country, he stated: The first duty of a government is to maintainlaw and order, so that the life, property and religious beliefs of its subjects are fullyprotected by the state. He told them that he would not tolerate the evils of bribery,corruption, blackmarketeering and this great evil, the evil of nepotism and jobbery,the daily bread of power mongers (Daily Dawn, 1999).

Jinnah was obviously aware of the presence of religious extremists in Pakistanisociety whom he termed fifth columnists and cliques. He made it clear that suchelements would be dealt with through the power of government:

Muslims! Protect your Hindu Neighbours. Cooperate with the Government and the officials inprotecting your Hindu Neighbours against these lawless elements, fifth columnists andcliques. Pakistan must be governed through the properly constituted Government and not bycliques or fifth columnists or Mobs (9 January 1948: Tour of Riot Affected Areas of Karachi).

Even in the darkest hours of Partition (1947) when religious and sectarian violence wasrampant, Jinnah made no distinction between religion, race or class when it came to theenforcement of law. Ahmad (1995) comments on a rare note of admiration expressed by

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Lord Louis Mountbatten in a confidential memo dated 24 June 1947 to Evan Jenkins:I talked to Jinnah last night and he begged me to be utterly ruthless in suppressingtrouble in Lahore and Amritsar. He said I dont care whether you shoot Muslims or not,it has got to be stopped. It thus becomes evident that Jinnah believed in strict and non-discriminatory implementation of law irrespective of ones personal traits or religiousbeliefs.

Discussions and conclusionsOn the basis of the analysis of Jinnahs speeches and other texts, four key dimensionsof his approaches to diversity and equal opportunity in Pakistan can be identified: (a)democratisation, (b) an egalitarian version of Islam, (c) special protective measures forminorities, women and other disadvantaged groups, and (d) strict rule of law (seeFigure 1).

The four dimensions seem to resonate some important aspects of modern diversitymanagement discourse. The first dimension, democratisation, offers the sociopoliticalframework necessary for equal opportunity in a society. There is a clear link betweendemocracy, social justice and equal opportunity (UNDP, 2004). The issues ofdiscrimination and disadvantage are unlikely to be resolved unless these issues areaddresses at a socio-political level in a society . . . through a pluralistic way of life. Thesecond dimension, egalitarian version of Islam, highlights Jinnahs belief in Islamicvalues that are in congruence with egalitarian principles of social justice. Jinnahsvision of Islam, which involves the highest sense of integrity, is based upon equality,justice and fairplay to everybody. His stance against the exploitation of the backwarddowntrodden class by feudal lords and the intelligentsia reflects his commitment toaffirmative action, though often at the cost of political popularity. Jinnahs repetitiveappeals to the Legislative Council (Find money! Find money!) for compulsoryelementary education clearly reveal his inclination towards the social case of diversity

Figure 1.Jinnahs vision ofdiversity management inPakistani society

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management with an aim to uplift the downtrodden class. The fact is also highlightedby his nomination of a non-Muslim to one of the five seats held by Muslim League inthe interim Cabinet prior to Partition. The third dimension, special measures for thedisadvantaged groups, signifies Jinnahs commitment to both minorities and women.This is evident in his decision to keep his sister Fatima by his side during his politicalcareer, marking his personal conviction vis-a`-vis the role he wanted women to play inPakistani society. He strongly disapproved of the repressive tradition of femaleconfinement in the four walls of home, which he termed an evil custom. Jinnah wasequally sensitive to the rights of minorities: he wanted Pakistani law and society to befair and equitable for all groups of people so that the hitherto (Indian) minority turnedmajority Pakistani Muslims would not infringe upon the rights of the new nationstates non-Muslim minorities. Finally, the fourth dimension, rule of law, deals with thepractical aspects of managing diversity and its implementation. Jinnah believed in theenforcement of law in a way that was blind to ones ethnic or religious background.Jinnahs firm belief in the rule of law is also reflected in his comments about communalviolence that were reported by Lord Mountbatten: I dont care whether you shootMuslims or not, it has got to be stopped.

To summarise, the four dimensions are on the whole quite inclined towards a socialcase of diversity management. Jinnahs vision, supported by the forces of Islamicegalitarian principles of social justice and the rule of law, offers a mechanism for theinclusion of minorities, women and other disadvantaged groups in the countrysmainstream socio-economic and political organisations. The dimensions can become abasis for a future diversity management model for Pakistani organisations, whichcurrently lack a coherent approach towards the issues of diversity and equalopportunity (Naqvi, 2003). Such a model will be clearly tilted towards the sociallyresponsibility diversity management (as opposed to the business case of diversitymanagement which is predominantly focused on increasing productivity by makingbest use of diverse human capital). However, in a society characterised by acutereligious, sectarian and ethnic differences, it is important to safeguard the interests ofall individuals and groups, particularly those from non-mainstream backgrounds andlower socio-economic order. From Jinnahs perspective, social justice has a priority overany other objectives including business related objectives. Jinnahs principles clearlyrequire active social and legal intervention to manage the population diversity tocreate a society in which everyone enjoys equality of opportunity without unduedisadvantage, fear, and discrimination. By virtue of its focus on Islamic egalitarianprinciples, the model may also be relevant to other Islamic contexts. Can this model beused in other Islamic contexts? It is acknowledged that much time has elapsed sinceJinnahs death in 1948, and that there is a possibility that some aspects of his visionmay be no longer valid in todays Pakistan. For instance, factors such as globalisation,international business, and the war on terror are new realities of everyday life inmany parts of Islamic society. Do the principles identified by Jinnah remain valid in thenew era? Do they need some modification?

Most of the speeches analysed in this paper pertain to the last ten years of Jinnahslife in which he was most active and influential as a leader of Indian Muslims and thefounder of the newborn nation of Pakistan. It will be interesting to examine andcompare Jinnahs discourse on diversity and equal opportunity before his separationfrom the Indian National Congress when he was known as the ambassador of Hindu-Muslim unity.

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Research is also needed to identify the practicalities of diversity management inPakistani organisations, which are reported to have equal opportunity as very lowamong their priorities (Naqvi, 2003). In the twenty-first century, there is a dire need todevelop context-specific discourses on diversity in each society. Are Pakistaniorganisations able to deal with the economic as well as social implications of theworkforce diversity, or should I pose the question: are they are willing to deal withthese issues?

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Corresponding authorJawad Syed can be contacted at: thejawad@yahoo.com

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