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1 From Morphology to Syntax: Remarks on the evolution of Romance Imperatives. Montserrat Batllori ([email protected]) Universitat de Girona 1. Introduction This paper aims at providing a preliminary explanation for the main changes undergone by Old Romance imperative configurations concerning information structure distribution. To this purpose, it offers a detailed description of Old Romance imperative structures in contrast with Old Romance root declarative clauses. According to Rivero and Terzi (1995), natural languages may accommodate to two different patterns regarding the syntax of imperatives: 1) languages the imperatives of which display a distinctive syntax, and 2) languages in which main clauses and imperative constructions follow the same syntactic requirements. (1) a. Class I: Imperative verbs have a distinctive syntax. b. Class II: Imperative verbs lack a distinctive syntax. [Rivero-Terzi (1995: 301, e.g. 1)] Old Romance languages follow the second pattern, whereas most Modern Romance variants exhibit the first one. 2. Imperatives in Modern Romance languages: an overview Suppletive forms (mostly with negative markers) across Romance: i) Subjunctive ii) Infinitive iii) Stare ‘remain’ + infinitive (in Veneto and Friulian). iv) Gerund or AUX + gerund (southern Italian varieties) [Giurgea-Remberger (2016: 873) and Poletto (2016: 841)] Negative markers: In Romance, preverbal negative markers do not co-occur with true imperatives, postverbal negative markers do. [Zanuttini (1997: 111)] Some exceptions: The Raeto-Romance variety of Cortina d’Ampezzo [Poletto (2016: 841), Vai (1996)] (2) a. Laora! work b. No laora! not work The Ladin variety of San Leonardo di Badia [Poletto (2016:841)] (3) a. No ma l li not ma it read ‘Do not read it!’ b. Maria ne vagn nia a ciasa Maria not comes not to home Maria is not coming homeAn explanation concerning the co-occurrence of imperative forms with negation:

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Page 1: Montserrat Batllori (montserrat.batllori@udg.edu) Universitat de …habilis.udg.edu/~info/Activitat_Docent_Recerca_Gestio/... · 2018. 5. 2. · Anónimo, Libro de Alexandre. ESPAÑA

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From Morphology to Syntax: Remarks on the evolution of Romance Imperatives.

Montserrat Batllori ([email protected])

Universitat de Girona

1. Introduction

➢ This paper aims at providing a preliminary explanation for the main changes

undergone by Old Romance imperative configurations concerning information

structure distribution. To this purpose, it offers a detailed description of Old

Romance imperative structures in contrast with Old Romance root declarative

clauses.

➢ According to Rivero and Terzi (1995), natural languages may accommodate to

two different patterns regarding the syntax of imperatives: 1) languages the

imperatives of which display a distinctive syntax, and 2) languages in which main

clauses and imperative constructions follow the same syntactic requirements.

(1) a. Class I: Imperative verbs have a distinctive syntax.

b. Class II: Imperative verbs lack a distinctive syntax.

[Rivero-Terzi (1995: 301, e.g. 1)]

➢ Old Romance languages follow the second pattern, whereas most Modern

Romance variants exhibit the first one.

2. Imperatives in Modern Romance languages: an overview

➢ Suppletive forms (mostly with negative markers) across Romance:

i) Subjunctive

ii) Infinitive

iii) Stare ‘remain’ + infinitive (in Veneto and Friulian).

iv) Gerund or AUX + gerund (southern Italian varieties)

[Giurgea-Remberger (2016: 873) and Poletto (2016: 841)]

➢ Negative markers: In Romance, preverbal negative markers do not co-occur with

true imperatives, postverbal negative markers do.

[Zanuttini (1997: 111)]

➢ Some exceptions:

• The Raeto-Romance variety of Cortina d’Ampezzo [Poletto (2016: 841), Vai

(1996)]

(2) a. Laora!

work

b. No laora!

not work

• The Ladin variety of San Leonardo di Badia [Poletto (2016:841)]

(3) a. No ma l li

not ma it read

‘Do not read it!’

b. Maria ne vagn nia a ciasa

Maria not comes not to home

‘Maria is not coming home’

➢ An explanation concerning the co-occurrence of imperative forms with negation:

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• Imperative forms display a negative marker no which is identical to the pro-

sentence negation [Poletto (2016: 841)]

• At least some Romance varieties have retained the possibility of negation

occurring in the left periphery of the clause, which is similar to Latin in

relation to negative elements such as NE ‘in order that not’ [Poletto (2016:

842)]

➢ Co-occurrence with Emphatic polarity particles triggers ungrammaticality:

(4) a. *Vine poc / poc vine (Modern Catalan)

comeimp notindeed notindeed comeimp

b. *Vine prou / prou vine (Modern Catalan)

comeimp yesindeed yesindeed comeimp

c. *Vine bé / bé vine (Modern Catalan)

comeimp yesindeed yesindeed comeimp

d. *Ven bien / bien ven (Modern Spanish)

comeimp yesindeed yesindeed comeimp

➢ Co-occurrence with Wh- elements is not attested, etiher:

(5) a. *¿Quién ven? (Modern Spanish)

who comeimp

b. *Qui vine? (Modern Catalan)

who comeimp

➢ Co-occurrence with topics and corrective focus (in situ):

(6) a. El formatge, encarrega-li-ho aviat. (Modern Catalan)

the cheese ask-for-CLDat-CLAc soon

‘Cheese, ask him for some soon’

b. El pan, encargádselo pronto. (Modern Spanish)

the bread, ask-for-CLDat-CLAcc soon

‘The bread, ask him for it soon’

(7) a. El pa deixa’l sobre la taula, el vi posa’l a la nevera (MCat)

the bread leaveCLAcc on the table, the wine putCLAcc in the fridge

‘Put the bread on the table and the wine in the fridge’

b. El pan ponlo en la mesa, el vino déjalo en la nevera (MSp)

the bread putCLAcc in the table, the wine leaveCLAcc in the fridge

‘Put the bread on the table and the wine in the fridge’

(8) a. ?EL FORMATGE, encarrega-li (i no el vi) (Modern Catalan)

THE CHEESE, ask-for-CLDat (and not the wine)

‘Ask him for cheese, not for wine!’

b. Encarrega-li EL FORMATGE (i no el vi)! (Modern Catalan)

ask-for-CLDat THE CHEESE (and not the wine)

‘Ask him for cheese, not for wine!’

(9) a. ?*EL PAN, encargadle (y no las patatas) (Modern Spanish)

THE BREAD, ask-for-CLDat (and not the potatoes)

‘Ask him for bread, not for potatoes!’

b. ¡Encargadle EL PAN (y no las patatas)! (Modern Spanish)

ask-for-CLDat THE BREAD (and not the potatoes)

‘Ask him for bread, not for potatoes!’

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➢ Clitic Left Dislocations and Contrastive topics are OK as shown in (7) and (8).

➢ Fronted corrective focus is excluded by most speakers, but in situ corrective focus

is acceped [Frascarelli and Jiménez-Fernández (2017)]

3. Old Romance languages

➢ In Old Romance main clauses, clitic pronouns are preverbal whenever there is a

trigger of proclisis – that is, focused constituents and certain adverbs, among

others [Batllori, Iglésias and Martins (2005)].

➢ Old Romance imperative structures are subject to the same requirement (see

Keniston 1937 for Old Spanish, Martins 1994 for Old Portuguese, Wanner 1987

for Old Italian, and Foulet 1923 for Old French, for instance).

• Enclisis in main and imperative V1 clauses relates to the fact that in Old

Romance Pol has a strong feature which triggers the movement of the verb to

this position (see Rodríguez Molina 2014, for more arguments in favour of

Old Spanish having a strong Pol feature).

• This movement is blocked when there is fronting of another element.

3.1. Old Spanish

3.1.1. Old Spanish root declaratives

3.1.1.1. V2 in Old Spanish root declaratives

➢ Enclisis – Topic in Spec.TP [Jiménez-Fernández & Miyagawa (2014), Batllori

(Forthcoming)]

(10) a.el rrey don alfonso y […] el Rey abenyuçaf […] y demandole quele

the king sir Alfonsoi & the king Abenyaçafj & proj askedCLDat-i thatCLDat-j

diese mjll xpistianos que fuesen con el y el diole a don fernand perez

gave 1.000 christians that went with him & hei gaveCLDat-j sir Fernand Perez

‘King Abenyuçaf asked King Alfonso to give him a thousand Christians to

go with him and King Alfonso gave him Sir Fernand Pérez (Ponce who was

there with six hundred knights).’

[CORDE: c 1340-1350. Fernán Sánchez Valladolid, Crónica de Alfonso X. España. 19.

Historiografía]

b. et demando al almirant de la pelea de la mar, en que manera

and proj asked to-the admirali of the fight of the sea, in what way

era estada, et el contole todo

was been, & hei toldCLDat-j all

‘And he asked the admiral about the sea battle, how it had been like, and he

told him everything.’

[CORDE: 1376 – a 1391. Juan Fernández de Heredia, Gran crónica de España, III. BNM,

ms. 10134. España. 19. Historiografía]

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➢ Proclisis – Informative Focus → Unmarked Focus [Benincà (2004)]

(11) a. Anthonio tomo muchas personas et mucho hauer […] Et quando

Anthonyi took many people & a-lot-of things & when

el uino a Cesar con tanto poderio […] el le dio grant sperança

hei came to Caesarj with such power hei CLDat-j gave great hope

‘Anthony captured many people and took a great booty … And when he came

before Caesar with such a power … He was hopeful again.’

[CORDE: 1379 – 1384. Juan Fernández de Heredia, Traducción de Vidas paralelas de

Plutarco, I. España. 19. Biografía]

b. E despues fue al papa gregorio don bernaldo / & fallolo muerto &

& after went to-the pope Gregory Sir Bernaldi & metCLAcc dead &

alçaron papa a vrbano segundoj & eli lej dio el palio

appointed Pope to Urban second & he CLDat gave the pallium

‘And afterwards Sir Bernald went to see Gregory, the Pope, and found him

dead, and Urban the Second was appointed Pope and he gave him the

pallium.’

[CORDE: 1443 – 1454. Alfonso Martínez de Toledo, Atalaya corónicas. British L 287]

➢ Triggers of proclisis [Batllori-Iglésias-Martins (2005)]

NEGATION

(12) a.El cauallero no lo quiso atender E començo a fuyr

the kinght no CLAcc wanted to-hear & started to escape

‘The knight didn’t want to attend him and started to escape’

[CORDE: c 1414. Anónimo, Traduccción de Lanzarote del Lago. ESPAÑA. 12. Relato

extenso novela]

CLLD, TOPIC, FOCUS

b. A la mugier en esto GRANT GRACIA li acrovo

to the ladyi in this great grace CLDat-i rendered

‘This rendered great homage to the lady’

[CORDE: p 1236 - 1246 Gonzalo de Berceo, Loores de Nuestra Señora. ESPAÑA. 22.

clerical]

FOCUSED ADVERBS

c.AQUI le dixo el Çid. Sennor. non me semeia guisado de uos yo

here CLDat said the Cid. Sir, not CL seem wise of you I

conseiar que uayades contra el mandamiento de uuestro padre

advise that go against the order of your father

‘Here the Cid said: “Sir, I don’t think it would be wise to advise you against

the orders of your father’

[CORDE: 1270 – 1284. Alfonso X, Estoria de España, II. ESPAÑA. 19. Historiografía]

FOCUSED ADVERBS

d. ASSI la otorgo yo, como don Pero manda

thus CLAcc give I, as Sir Peter orders

‘I give it in this way, just as Sir Peter orders it to be done’

[CORDE: 1228. Anónimo. Carta de venta [Documentos del Reino de Castilla]. ESPAÑA.

10. Documentos notariales]

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FOCUSED QUANTIFIERS

e. TODO lo conquerién quanto delant trobavan

all CLAcc conquered what before found

‘They conquered everything they found’

[CORDE: 1240 – 1250. Anónimo, Libro de Alexandre. ESPAÑA. 22. Clerical]

FOCUSED NPS

f. & las manos le soltaron que traya atadas

& the hands CLDat untied that had tied

‘They untied his hands, which were tied together’

[CORDE: a 1284. Alfonso X, General Estoria. Quinta parte. ESPAÑA. 19. Historiografía]

A WH- PHRASE

g. ¿Quién te lo dixo?

who CLDat CLAcc told

‘Who told it to you?

[CORDE: c 1400 – 1498. Anónimo, El baladro del sabio Merlín … ESPAÑA. 12. Relato

extenso]

3.1.1.2. V1 in Old Spanish root declaratives

➢ Enclisis – V to Pol [Martins (1994), Rodríguez Molina (2014)]

(13) a.Dixome el sennor otra uez. ve & llama en las oreias de iherusalem

toldCLDat the Lord another time go & call in the ears of Jerusalem

‘And the Lord told me again, go and tell it to the people of Jerusalem’

[CORDE: c 1280. Alfonso X. General Estoria. Cuarta parte. España. 19. Historiografía]

b. el Rey salio […]e dixome que […] le mandaua que fuesse y

the king went-out & toldCLDat that … CLDat ordered that went there

cada dia con los otros físicos

every day with the other physicians

‘the king went out … and told me that … he had ordered him to go there with

the other physicians every day’

[CORDE: 1303. Anónimo, De Don Juan Manuel a Jaime II, comunicándole propósitos de

propósitos de Fernando IV. ESPAÑA. 10.Documentos notariales]

3.1.1.3. V3, V4 in Old Spanish embedded and root declaratives

(14) a.creyóla e tomó una soga que le ella enbió

believedCLAcc and took a rope that CLDat she sent

‘He believed her and took a rope that she had sent to him’

[XV, Corbacho, 80, Batllori-Sánchez-Suñer (1995: 192, 7f)]

b. Et acaesçe así commo a los cabellos que, quando los omne tiene

& happens thus as-with to the hairi that when CLAcc-i one have

en la cabeça, péinalos et úntalos con las mejores unturas

in the head, combsCLAcc-i & getsCLAcc-i with the best tonics

‘And it is the same that happens with your hair, when you have it y comb it

and get the best tonics all over it.’

[XIII, Calila, 107, Batllori-Sánchez-Suñer (1995: 192, 8b)]

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(15)a.¡Ya nunca vos yo mas veré!

already never CLAcc I more will-see

‘I won’t see you any more yet!’

[XIV, Chenery (1905: 123), Batllori-Iglésias-Martins (2005: 150)]

b. Todos se luego ayuntaron

all CL immediately got-together

‘They all got together immediately’

[XIV, Chenery (1905: 123), Batllori-Iglésias-Martins (2005: 150)]

c. Asi les Dios aluengue los dias de las vidas

hope CLDat God lengthen the days of the lives

‘Let’s hope God lengthens their lives and days’

[XIV, Chenery (1905: 123), Batllori-Iglésias-Martins (2005: 150)]

3.1.2. Old Spanish imperatives [Batllori-Rost (2017a) and (2017b)]

3.1.2.1. V2 in Old Spanish imperatives [CLLD, Vocatives]

o Enclisis

(16)a.y a mí mandadme en qué vos sirva

& to mei orderCLDat-i in what CLAcc serve

‘And tell me what I should do for you’

[CORDE: 1482 – 1492. Garci Rodríguez de Montalvo, Amadís de Gaula, libros I y II.

ESPAÑA. 12.Relato extenso]

b. e vos venidme a besar en la boca

& you comeCL to kiss in the mouth

‘And, you, come and give me a kiss in the mouth’

[CORDE: 1511. Anónimo, Traducción de Tirante el Blanco de Joanot Martorell. España.

Relato extenso]

➢ Triggers of proclisis [Batllori-Rost (2017a) and (207b)]

CLLD, TOPIC, FOCUS

(17) a. Señor, mandad llamar a Gandalín, porque en presencia vuestra

Sir, order to-call to Gandalín so-as-to in presence yours

le mande lo que diga a la Reina mi tía y a Melicia mi cormana

CLDat order the that said to the Queen my aunt & to Melicia mi sister

y aquello le encargad vos

& that CLDat order you

‘Sir, let’s call Gandalín so that in your presence I order him what I tell to the

Queen, my aunt, and to Melicia, my sister, and charge him with that task.’

[CORDE: 1482 – 1492. Garci Gómez de Montalvo, Amadís de Gaula, libros I y II. ESPAÑA.

12. Relato extenso]

b. fazetnos luego saber con este mensagero lo que todo ello montare […]

makeCLDat then know with this messenger the that all it costed

E con este mensagero nos responded a todo

& with this messenger CLDat answer to all

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‘Let us know about the cost of it all by means of this messanger … and with

the same messenger give us an answer to everything.’

[CORDE: 1497. Anónimo. Los Reyes Católicos al corregidor de Burgos. España. 10.

Documentos notariales]

c. Cierto, señor, esso no faré yo -dixo él-;

Sure, sir, this not will-do I –said he-

antes, con vuestros hombres buenos os consejad

before, with your men gook CLAcc advise

‘Be sure, sir, that I won’t do this – he said-; seek advice from your good

vassals.’

[CORDE: 1482 – 1492. Garci Rodríguez de Montalvo, Amadís de Gaula, libros I y II.

ESPAÑA. 12.Relato extenso]

FOCUSED ADVERBS

d. Agora me mandad, padre, lo que haga

now CLDat tell, father, the that should-do

‘Now, tell me, father, what I should do’

[CORDE: 1482 – 1492. Garci Rodríguez de Montalvo, Amadís de Gaula, libros I y II.

ESPAÑA. 12.Relato extenso]

e. señora, siempre me mandad en qué os servir pueda

Miladyi always CLDat order in what CLDat-i serve can

‘Milady, you shall always tell me what I can do for you’

[CORDE: 1482 – 1492. Garci Rodríguez de Montalvo, Amadís de Gaula, libros I y II.

ESPAÑA. 12. Relato extenso]

FOCUSED QUANTIFIERS

f. Mucho le encargad, de nuestra parte, que venga

A-lot CLDat order, of our part, that came

‘Tell him that we want him to come’

[CORDE: 1491. Anónimo, Isabel ordena a mosén Luis Ferrer hable con el cardenal de los

Cuatro Santos Coronados… ESPAÑA. 10. Documentos notariales]

FOCUSED NPS/DPS

g. Sennor / dios … tu me perdona. si /yo en esta entrada erre.

Lord / God … you CLAcc forgive if I in this thing mistook

‘My Lord … you should forgive me if I made a mistake in doing this.’

[CORDE: 1270 – 1284. Alfonso X. Estoria de España, II. ESPAÑA. 19. Historiografía]

3.1.2.2. V1 in Old Spanish imperatives

(18)a. e dixol: - Dame d'este tu manjar

and saidCLDat: -GiveCLDat of this your food

‘and he said to him: -Give me some of your food’

[CORDE: c 1275. Alfonso X, General Estoria. Primera parte. ESPAÑA. 19. Historiografía]

b. Dime si fallades por uuestro saber que lo cometra

TellCLDat if find for your knowledge that it will-commit

‘Tell me if, in your belief, he will make it’

[CORDE: c 1280. Alfonso X, General Estoria. Cuarta parte. ESPAÑA. 19. Historiografía]

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➢ Where is the imperative?

o The imperative follows the affirmative emphatic polarity particle bien, which

in accordance with Batllori and Hernanz (2013) is generated in PolP and

moves to FocusP in order to be licensed, and precedes the manner adverb

bien, an adverb that modifies the predicate of a statement.

(19)a. Ca bien sed çiertos que antes de muchos dias seredes en tan grant cuyta

For indeed be sure that before of many days will-be in such great trouble

‘For you can really be sure that in not so many days you will be in great

trouble.’

[CORDE: 1344. Anónimo, Crónica de 1344. Madrid, Zabalburu, II109. ESPAÑA.

19.Historiografía]

b. Sabed bien que nosotros somos en gran poderío

know well that we are in great power

‘You know well that we are very powerful’

[CORDE: a 1490. Anónimo, Crónica Troyana. BNM I733. ESPAÑA. 19. Historiografía]

3.2. Old Portuguese

3.2.1. Old Portuguese Root declaratives [Martins (1994), Batllori-Iglésias-Martins

(2005)]

➢ Variation in V2: Enclisis ~ proclisis.

➢ Enclisis is compulsory in V1 statements.

(20) a. E a donzela foi-se

& the maiden wentCL

‘And the maiden went away’

[XIII, Piel-Mattoso (1980: 23), Batllori-Iglésias-Martins (2005: 143)]

b. E a donzela lhe disse entom que achara um mouro doente

& the maiden CLDat say then that find a Muslim sick

‘And then the maiden said to him that he should find a sick Muslim’

[XIII, Piel- Mattoso (1980: 28), Batllori-Iglésias-Martins (2005: 143)]

c. E elle outorgoulho

& he offerCLAc

‘And he offered it’

[XIV, Cintra (1954: 36), Batllori-Iglésias-Martins (2005: 143)]

d. E Rotas lho outorgou

& Rotas CLAc offer

‘And Rotas offered it’

[XIV, Cintra (1954: 36), Batllori-Iglésias-Martins (2005: 143)]

➢ Triggers of proclisis

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(21)a. e se alguen veer [...] que [...] quiser britar nõ lj seya outorgado

& if somebody saw ... that ... wanted to break not CLDat be offered

‘And if somebody saw that someone wanted to break the law, this should

not be given to him’

[1277, Martins (2001: 128), Batllori-Iglésias-Martins (2005: 143)]

b. E todo o poboo se ajuntou pera veer

& all the village CL gathered to see

‘And everybody came to see it’

[XIV, Silva (1989: 491), Batllori-Iglésias-Martins (2005: 143)]

c. Aqui se começa huu livro que dizen Dialogo

here CL starts a book that say Dialog

‘And the book known as Dialog starts here’

[XIV, Silva (1989: 233), Batllori-Iglésias-Martins (2005: 143)]

d. Estas pallauras e outras muitas lhe disse dom egas moniz

these words & other many CLDat says Sir Egaz Moniz

‘And Sir Egaz Moniz says these words and many others’

[XV, Pádua (1960: 144), Batllori-Iglésias-Martins (2005: 144)]

e. Huma punhada grande te darey

a handful big CLDat will-give

‘I will give you a lot’

[XIII/XIV, Huber (1933: 285), Batllori-Iglésias-Martins (2005: 144)]

f. E tan gram ferida lhi deu

& such big wound CLDat gave

‘And he wounded him in such a manner’

[XIV, Silva (1989: 848), Batllori-Iglésias-Martins (2005: 144)]

g. Que te adusse aqui?

What CLAc bring here

‘What brings you here?’

[XIII-XIV, Huber (1933: 179), Batllori-Iglésias-Martins (2005: 144)]

➢ Interpolation in embedded and main clauses

(22)a. Se me Deus enton a morte non deu ...

If CLDat God then the dead not gave ...

‘If then God did not want me to die ...’

[XIV, Nunes (1932: 225, text 109), Batllori-Iglésias-Martins (2005: 145)]

b. huu hom mãçebo que se per nome chamava pedrairas

a man young that CL for name called Pedrairas

‘A young man who was called Pedrairas’

[1426, Martins (2001: 486), Batllori-Iglésias-Martins (2005: 144)]

(23)a. E ja m’ el tanto mal fez

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& already CLDat he so-much harm did

‘And he had already done so much harm to me’

[XIV, Nunes (1932: 209, text 102), Batllori-Iglésias-Martins (2005: 144)]

b. Dom Froyaz amaua-a muyto e numca lhe tamtas cousas pode fazer

Sir Froyaz loved-CLAc a-lot & never CLDat so-many things could do

‘Sir Froyaz loved her a lot and could never do so many thing for her’

[XIV, Pádua (1960: 53), Batllori-Iglésias-Martins (2005: 144)]

3.2.2. Old Portuguese imperatives [Martins (1994), Batllori-Rost (2017b)]

➢ V2 with triggers of proclisis

(24)a. Ainda lhes ffazede outra preitessja

Yet CLDat do another courtesy

‘And yet, treat them courteously’

[Lorenzo (1977: s.v. aynda), Martins (1994: 85, e.g. 254)]

b. assy a havede uos

Thus CLAc have you

‘Have it in this way’

[1285. NO, Martins (1994: 85)]

c. Pois ora me dizede vosso nome, disse Galvam.

So now CLDat tell your name, say Galvan

‘Galvan says: - So now, tell me your name’

[CIPM: Séc. XV. Demanda do Santo Graal, Título 569, fol. 175d]

d. e d’hoje a #XL dias me respondede em casa de meu tio

& of today to 40 days CLDat answer in house of my oncle

‘And from today to the next 40 days answer me at my oncle’s house’

[CIPM: Séc. XV. Demanda do Santo Graal, Título 499, fol. 163c]

e. Senhor disserom eles, nos dizede que nós faremos.

Sir said them, CLDat say what we will-do

‘Sir – they said – Tell us what we should do’

[CIPM: Séc. XV. Demanda do Santo Graal, Título 532, fol. 168b]

➢ V1: “Enclisis with imperatives appears without exception if the command

form is clause initial” [Wanner (1987: 277)]

(25) a. E fazeelhe fazer ẽuentayro de todollos hornamentos

& makeCLDat draw-up inventory of all-the ornaments

‘And make him draw up an inventory of all the ornaments’

[1434. NO, Mosteiro de Vilarinho. Maço 5, 34, Martins (1994: 84)]

b. Say-te ascondidamente e vay-te ao moesteiro!

go-out-CL secretly and go-CL to-the monastery

‘Go out secretly and go to the monastery!’

[Fabulario: 44, Huber (1933: 182, § 336)]

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➢ Interpolation in imperative constructions

(26) E logo me hora dizede o que vos semelhar

& then CLDat now say the what CLDat seem

‘And then you tell me now what you think about it’

[CIPM: Séc. XIV. Crónica Geral de Espanha, Título 198, fols. 78c-78d]

➢ Modern Portuguese still belongs to class II [Rivero-Terzi (1995)]

o “A anteposição dos clíticos em frases imperativas afirmativas era pois ainda

possível no português do século XVI [...] No português actual, as frases com

verbo no imperativo continuam a não se diferenciar de outros tipos de orações

principais dado que em todas elas a ênclise é obrigatória.” [Martins (1994:

87)]

3.3. Old French

3.3.1. Old French root declaratives [Kok (1985), Foulet (1923), Batllori-Iglésias-

Martins (2005)]

➢ Proclisis when unstressed pronouns do not occur in initial position. In fact, the

contexts found correspond to those of triggers of proclisis.

(27) a. E cest áfaire li mustrad é sun conseil li dunad que...

& this matter CLDat show and his advice CLDat give that...

‘And show him this matter and advise him that...’

[Quatre Livre des Rois, Kok (1985:75), Batllori-Iglésias-Martins (2005: 139)]

b. Il le me dunad

It CL CLDat give

‘Give it to me’

[Quatre Livre des Rois, Kok (1985:75), Batllori-Iglésias-Martins (2005: 139)]

➢ Enclisis in V1

(28) Sire, entre moi et Gaheriet irons en la forest; vendroiz i vos?

Sir, between me & Gaheriet will-go in the forest will-come there you

‘Sir, Gaheriet and I are going to the forest. Are you going to come?’

[Artu, Kok (1985: 82), Batllori-Iglésias-Martins (2005: 140)]

3.3.2. Old French imperatives [Kok (1985: 78-79), Foulet (1923:109-110), Batllori-

Rost (2017b)]

➢ In Old French imperatives, there is enclisis in V1 and proclisis in V2, like in Old

French declaratives [Kok (1985: 78-79)]

➢ Enclisis:

(29)a. Va t’ ent, je te tieng a ami

Go CL ADV I CLAc have to friend

‘Go away, I consider you a friend!’

[Le Garçon et l’Aveugle : 231, Foulet (1923: 108, § 152)]

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b. Atendé me en ceste place

wait CLDat in this place

‘Wait for me in this place’

[Le Garçon et l’Aveugle: 145, Foulet (1923: 110, § 151)]

c. membre li des ses amors

remind CLDat of his loves

‘Remind him of his loves’

[Aucassin et Nicolette: 39.7, Foulet (1923: 1117, § 162)]

➢ Proclisis with negation, focused adverbs, focused NPs, etc.: «Ce n’est pas

seulement la particule ne qui permet à la vieille langue de laisser le pronom

complément à sa place normale: tout régime, toute locution adverbiale, tout

adverbe placé en tête de la phrase a le même privilège, et particulièrement les

adverbes qu’on y rencontre le plus souvent: car, or, puis, si (= ainsi).» [Foulet

(1923: 111-112, § 154)]

(30) a. si te repose un peu

here CL rest a bit

‘Have a little rest in here.’

[Courtois d’Arras: 479, Foulet (1923: 112, § 154)]

b. Einz m’ oci tu biax dolz amis

Before CLAc kill you good sweet friend

‘So, you, kill me my good and sweet friend’

[Perceval: 2272, Foulet (1923: 215, § 311)]

c. ou tu m’ ocis1 ou tu me laisse en vie

or you CLAc kill or you CLAc leave in live

‘either you kill me or you leave me alive’

[R. de Cambr.: 5272, Étienne (1895: 239, § 352)]

➢ Labelle (2007: 302)

“In V1 clauses, it is claimed that the [uF] feature is on the finite verb, which moves

up to Z, whose [iF] feature it values. In moving to Z, the verb leaves the clitics

behind within FinP, giving rise to the V-Ocl word order.

[ZP [Z Vaiti [FinP [Fin s’en [Fin ti [IP Brandan ti vers le grant mer]]]]

go refl-loc Brendan towards the big sea

‘Brendan goes away towards the sea’ [Brandan, 157]

This analysis accounts for V2 with a layered CP having only two projections, but

it raises the question as to what exactly the ‘‘Z’’ head is. In Labelle and

Hirschbühler, Z is a general discourse-related head subsuming Topic and

Focus.”

➢ In fact, I consider that in V1 clauses the verb is in PolP [Martins (1994),

Rodríguez Molina (2014)]

1 According to Étienne: «pour oci»

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3.4. Old Catalan

3.4.1. Old Catalan root declaratives [Batllori (In press))]

➢ Enclisis in V1:

(31) E hedifficà-la en les Índies e apellà-la Enos

& built-CLAc in the Indies & called-CLAc Enos

‘And he built the city in the Indies and he called it Enos’

[Francesc Eiximenis, Dotzè del Crestià: Cap. 19, Batllori (In press))]

➢ Triggers of proclisis (V2, V3, etc.)

(32) a. e encara li són traïdors

& still CLDat are traitors

‘And they still are conspiring against him’

[Francesc Eiximenis, Dotzè del Crestià: Cap. 166, Batllori (In press))]

b. si l’ om se veu sol, tot se entresteix;

if the man CLRefl see alone all CL saddens

‘If the human being feels alone, he gets totally distressed’

[Francesc Eiximenis, Dotzè del Crestià: Cap. 32, Batllori (In press))]

c. Aquestes coses totes te diran pus clar los metges

these things all CLDat will-say more clear the doctors

‘The doctors will tell you these things in a more clear way’

[Francesc Eiximenis, Dotzè del Crestià: Cap. 574, Batllori (In press))]

3.4.2. Old Catalan imperatives

➢ Enclisis in V1

(33) a.–Tornad-vos a mi de tot vostre cor

Come-CL to me of all your heart

‘Come to me with all your heart’

[Homilies d’Organyà: Gulsoy (1993: 359)]

b. E dixem -li Anat-vos-ne e pensats-hi esta nuyt;

& said-CLDat go-CL-CLSource and think-CL this night

‘And he said to him: go away and think about it tonight’

[CICA: s. XIVa. Llibre dels fets del rei en Jaume: fol. 97r]

c. «Dat-les-nos, e nós pregarem per vós»

Give-CLAc-CLDat, & we will-pray for you

‘Give them to us and we will pray for you’

[Confessió de Barcelona: Gulsoy (1993: 367)]

➢ Triggers of proclisis (V2, V3, etc.)

(34)a. E él dix: "Ara ho guardat

& he said: Now CLAc see

‘And he said: Pay attention to it now’

[CICA: s. XIVa. Llibre dels fets del rei en Jaume: fol. 155r]

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b. a cap de hun temps la lexau.

to-the head of a time CLAc leave

‘Leave her after some time’

[CICA: s. XVa. Sant Vicent Ferrer, Sermons: pàg. vi, 75]

c. "Micer, vós me perdonau

Sir, you, CLAc forgive

‘Forgive me, sir’

[CICA: XVa. Decameró (1 part): pàg. 189]

3.4. Old Italian

3.4.1. Old Italian imperatives

➢ Triggers of proclisis (V2)

(35)a. E di questo mi date sicuranza,

& of this CLDat give guarantee

‘And ensure me this’

[C.OVI.IA.sec. XIII s. m. (fiorentino) Chiaro Davanzati, Rime, a cura di Aldo Menichetti,

son. 72, v. 12, 293.12]

b. e poscia che io gli perdono io, gli perdonate voi altressì

& since that I CLDat forgive I, CLDat forgive you as-well

‘And since I forgive him, you, forgive him as well’

[C.OVI.IA. c. 1370. (fiorentino) Boccaccio, Decameron, a cura di Vittore Branca, VII, 8,

485.13]

➢ Poletto (2014: 19) comments on the first position of imperative verbs and she

adds: when “there is no focused item in front of the imperative”

Ciò bene che può fare co le mani tue, sanza dimora il fa (VeV. 58)

that good that can.2sg do.inf with the hands your without wait it do.imp

➢ “Benincà notices that there are also cases of enclisis when the verb is not in first

position. This is not explained by a phonological theory of enclisis, but she

proposes that enclisis is due to the further movement of the verb to the Topic

domain, a movement that is only possible when all the Spec position in the Focus

field are empty. Hence, all cases in which a position in the Focus field is occupied

trigger proclisis because the verb remains in the Focus layer, while the V1 cases

of the V2 (or V3) cases, where the only elements preceding the verb are Topics,

have enclisis” [Poletto 2014: 20]

3.5. Interim summary

➢ Old Romance imperatives do not have a distinctive syntax from that of declarative

root clauses (at least from Early Romance to the 14th century).

➢ The imperative remains within FinP whenever there is a trigger of proclisis.

➢ Proclitic pronouns are assumed to occupy either Finº or a CliticPhrase under

FinP – see Fernández Rubiera (2010) for a similar explanation concerning Modern

Western Iberian Romance; in relation to Old Romance in general, see Martins

(1994) for an account with left adjunction to TP (in a non-split CP model).

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4. Analysis

4.1. Syntactic analysis of Old Romance root clauses, as well as true imperative

constructions.

➢ Strong P (or PolP) [Martins (1994)]

o The polarity-encoding head [or Pol] is a strong functional head in

Portuguese (and used to be so in the Old Romance languages in general);

o A strong functional head is licensed iff it is lexicalized (under external or

internal merge);

o In affirmative root clauses where no item is merged in [or POL] and the

Focus field is not activated the verb moves to [or Pol] to license it.

o Clitics left adjoin to the edge of T or TP (as they are minimal/maximal

categories). Hence, if the verb stays in T, proclisis is derived, if the verb moves

to [or Pol] leaving the clitic behind, enclisis arises.

➢ Rodríguez Molina (2014) regarding the arguments to determine the strong nature

of PolP in Old Spanish.

(36) a. Llamaron a Rabeca, e dixéronle: «¿irás con este omne?» Dixo: «iré.»

[Arragel, Gn 24: 58, Rodríguez Molina (2014: e.g. 47)]

b. [ForceP ... [PolP Vi [FinP…[TP [T’ ti [VP ti]]]]]]

➢ Martins (2005) for more arguments in favour of a strong [or Pol] in Old

Romance (VP-ellipsis, among them).

4.2. Syntactic analysis of imperative clauses

4.2.1. Latin antecedents

o Latin displayed a wide range of suppletive forms to express directive

illocutionary force: present indicative, present and perfect subjunctive, and

infinitive – see Pinkster (2015: 349-350).

o Quintiliano’s comments on the use of negative markers with imperative

suppletive forms seem to support Poletto’s (2016) proposal regarding the use

of Romance negative markers with imperatives: “Someone who says non

feceris instead of ne feceris makes the same type of mistake, because the

former is the form of negation, the latter of prohibition” [Quint. Inst. 1.5.50

Pinkster (2015: 683)].

o Devine-Stephens (2006: 150):

a. imperatives are under the scope of an illocutionary operator DIRECTIVE;

b. imperative sentences show a lot of word order variation, which is due

to variation in the pragmatic value of constituents;

c. an imperative can raise into an illocutionary force projection in the CP

area

(37) a. [ContrastiveTopic circum coronas et circum vias] [Focus ulmos] serito

around squares & around roads elms plantFutImp

[Cato 6.3, Devine-Stephens (2006: 150, e.g. 10)]

b. [ContrastiveTopic Ficos mariscas] [Focus in loco cretoso et aperto] serito

fig-trees marisca in place chalky & open plantFutImp

[Cato 8.1, Devine-Stephens (2006: 150, e.g. 10)]

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c. [Topic per ver] [Prefocal position serito] in loco ubi terra tenerrima erit

in spring plantFutImp in place where ground soft be

[Cato 151.2, Devine-Stephens (2006: 150, e.g. 10)]

➢ In my belief, the prefocal position in the left periphery is an illocutionary force

projection with [+directive] features, which I assume to be encoded under an

OPDIRECTIVE.

4.2.2. Old Romance

➢ Movement of the imperative to the left periphery is not compulsory.

➢ In accordance with the evolution from Latin to Old Romance (see Batllori 2015,

Batllori-Hernanz 2015, among others), it could be assumed that Old Romance had

the same prefocal functional projection as Latin had had.

➢ V1 imperatives (with enclisis):

o Koopman (2007:177): the directive operator is Merged in the same projection

as Wh- interrogatives and Wh- exclamatives –see also Rizzi (2001).

(38) a. Force Topic Interrogative/Imperative Focus Pol Fin ...

Vimp

[adapted from Koopman (2007: 177, e.g. 69)]

b. Force (Topic) Imp (Focus) Topic Fin…

[Koopman (2007: 177, e.g. 70)]

o Imperatives with a categorical directive force (V1 imperatives) move from a

projection within FinP to the left periphery attracted by the OPDIRECTIVE.

➢ V2 imperatives (with proclisis):

o If imperatives lack TP (which is the reason why we cannot have true negative

imperatives according to Zanuttini (1996: 188), where are the imperative

morphemes base generated?

o Frascarelli and Jiménez-Fernández (In press) consider “the imperative as a

defective form, lacking TP, but featuring both Mood and some form of

agreement in the I-domain”.

o In Old Romance the imperative can remain within FinP giving as a result a

less directive meaning, but it still keeps its speech act properties.

o Accordingly, in V2 imperatives, I assume that the verb moves to Cinque

(1999) MoodSpeechAct to get its imperative morpheme, but they do not move

up to the left periphery (this would carry out intervention effects). Then, the

imperative expresses a non-categorical (thetic) meaning.

MoodSpeechAct> MoodEvaluative > MoodEvidential > ModEpistemic > TPast > TFuture > Moodirrealis >

ModNecessity > ModPossibility > Asphabitual > Asprepetitive(I) > Aspfrecuentative(I) > Modvolitional >

Aspcelerative(I) > TAnterior > AspTerminative > AspContinuative > AspPerfect(?) > AspRetrospective >

AspProximative > AspDurative > AspGeneric/Progressive > AspProspective > AspSg.Completive(I) >

AspPl.completive > Voice > AspCelerative(II) > AspRepetitive(II) > SAspFrequentative(II) >

AspSg.Completive(II) > Sv > SV Table 2. Universal hierarchy of clausal functional projections –Cinque (1999: 106)

4.2.3. Modern Romance Imperatives

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➢ Modern Portuguese imperatives still lack a distinctive syntax (i.e., they are still

class II regarding Rivero-Terzi (1995).

➢ Modern Spanish, Modern Catalan and Modern Italian imperatives seem to behave

alike.

o They all allow Topics and they do not allow proclitic pronouns.

o The verb does not need to move to PolP anymore.

o The verb moves to the left periphery to license the OPDIRECTIVE. It does not remain

within FinP anymore.

➢ “The imperative proposition is a root non-assertive clause, i.e. a sentence in which

the assertive illocutionary force is not realized.” [Frascarelli and Jiménez-

Fernández (2017)]

➢ “The imperative clause is dominated by a Speech Act Projection (Speas and

Tenny 2003, Speas 2004) even though it is a non-assertive main clause”

Frascarelli and Jiménez-Fernández (2017)

(39)a. ¡La camisa plánchala ya!

the shirt ironCLAc now

b. La camicia, stirala!

The shirt, ironCLAc

[Frascarelly – Jiménez-Fernández (2017: e.g. 26)]

c. La camisa, planxa-la aviat!

the shirt, iron-CLAc soon

➢ Suppletive forms in Modern Spanish (and Modern Romance)

Morphosyntactic

features in Cº

Syntax Direct

interpretation

Inference

[directive], [irrealis] Imperative Directive force,

Unrealized

_______

[irrealis] Subjunctive (40a),

(40b), (40c) and

(40d)

infinitival (40e)

Unrealized Directive force

Table 3. Morphosyntactic features and directive force - Han (1998: table 1.4)

(40) a. ¡Que te calles! [Han (1998: 124, e.g. 202a)]

‘Shut up!’

b. ¡Que subas! [Han (1998: 124, e.g. 202b)]

‘Come up!’

c. Háblele. [Han (1998: 124, e.g. 203a)]

‘Speak to him!’

d. No le hable. [Han (1998: 124, e.g. 203b)]

‘Don’t speak to him!’

e. Callaros

‘Shut up!’

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(41a) Imperatives (41b) Subjunctives / Infinitivals

CP CP

C’ C’

Cº IP Cº IP

Verbi Directive, … ti … irrealis … Verb…

Irrealis

[Han (1998: e.g. 197)]

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