more evidence for yok-utian: a reanalysis of the dixon and

More Evidence for Yok-Utian: A Reanalysis of the Dixon and Kroeber Sets

Author(s): Catherine A. Callaghan

Source: International Journal of American Linguistics , Jul., 2001, Vol. 67, No. 3 (Jul., 2001), pp. 313-345

Published by: The University of Chicago Press

Stable URL: http://www.jstor.com/stable/1265989

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http://www.jstor.com/stable/1265989

MORE EVIDENCE FOR YOK-UTIAN: A REANALYSIS OF THE

DIXON AND KROEBER SETS1

CATHERINE A. CALLAGHAN

OHIO STATE UNIVERSITY

1. Introduction. In the early part of the twentieth century, Roland B. Dixon and Alfred L. Kroeber undertook a mass comparison of California Indian languages, in hopes of uncovering evidence for deeper genetic relationship among some of the families of languages. Their research resulted in a new classification of California Indian languages (Dixon and Kroeber 1913), for which they later published their evidence (1919).

Penutian was one of the proposed new superfamilies, whose name was coined from pen (similar to words for 'two' in Yokuts, Wintun, and Maidun) and uti (similar to words for 'two' in Miwok and Costanoan). Dixon and Kroeber believed that the Pen languages (Penian) and the Uti languages (Utian) comprised subgroups within Penutian. The Utian subgroup has since been substantiated (Callaghan 1988a; 1992), and there is increasing evidence supporting Yokuts and Utian (Yok-Utian) as a deeper genetic unit (Callaghan 1997).2

1 This article is a revision of a paper I presented at the SSILA meeting at the Linguistic Society of America on January 11, 1998, in New York City. I wish to thank William Shipley for sharing his Proto-Maidun corpus with me, Alice Shepherd for allowing me to cite her Proto-Wintun material, Kenneth Whistler for letting me copy his Patwin notes, and Kenneth Whistler and Victor Golla for allowing me to copy their Proto-Yokuts reconstructions.

2 Utian consists of two genetically related families, Miwok and Costanoan. On the basis of lexical items, structural similarity, and sound correspondences, the Miwok languages may be grouped as follows:

I. Eastern Miwok (Mie) A. Sierra Miwok (Mis)

1. Northern Sierra Miwok (Mins) 2. Central Sierra Miwok (Mics) 3. Southern Sierra Miwok (Miss)

B. Plains Miwok (Mip) C. Bay Miwok (Miba)

II. Western Miwok (Miw) A. Coast Miwok (Mic). Coast Miwok was probably a single language with variant

dialects.

1. Bodega Miwok (Mib) 2. Marin Miwok (Mim)

B. Lake Miwok (Mil)

[IJAL, vol. 67, no. 3, July 2001, pp. 313-45] ? 2001 by The University of Chicago. All rights reserved. 0020-7071/2001/6703-0003$02.00

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We cannot overestimate the difficulty Dixon and Kroeber faced in gather- ing their data, often from obscure sources. They should be praised for keep- ing the meanings of words largely constant, a virtue frequently neglected by those undertaking deep comparison today. Unfortunately, Dixon and Kroe- ber's phonological criteria were much looser. They often segmented off the first CV- of a word if the remaining portion showed greater similarity to other words in their proposed set, despite the fact that the Penutian languages have very few prefixes. They allowed unrestricted metathesis, and some words bore little in common besides the position of a single consonant. Since the proposed Penutian superfamily quickly became a spring- board for more extended genetic classifications, it is in order to update and re-evaluate the original sets.

The Costanoan languages can be grouped as follows, although the relationship among the Northern Costanoan languages is more like a "Stammbusch" than a Stammbaum.

I. Southern Costanoan (Cos) A. Mutsun (Csjb) B. Rumsen (Cru)

II. Northern Costanoan (Con) A. Soledad (Csol) (Chalon)? Soledad may be a transitional language between

Northern and Southern Costanoan (Okrand 1989). B. Santa Cruz (Cscr) (Awaswas) C. Santa Clara (Cscl) (Tamyen) D. East Bay (Ceb) (Chochenio). This was apparently a single language with several

dialects from Mission San Jose to Richmond.

E. San Francisco (Csf) (Ramaytush) III. Karkin (Ckar)

I have normalized moder transcriptions. j is [y], y is [i], and raised dot (.) represents length. Voiceless unaspirated stops and affricates are written /p, t, t, k, 7, c, c/, and aspirated stops are followed by an h. Aspiration is not phonemic word-finally in Proto-Yokuts or in the first member of a Yokuts consonant cluster, where it is predictable. c is [ts ~ s] in Lake Miwok and [c - ts ~ s] in Plains Miwok. In other Miwok languages, c is [c].

Additional Utian abbreviations are PMis Proto-Sierra-Miwok, PMie Proto-Eastern-Miwok, PMiw Proto-Western-Miwok, PMi Proto-Miwok, PCos Proto-Southern-Costanoan, PCon Proto-Northern-Costanoan, PCo Proto-Costanoan, and PU Proto-Utian. Also Mm Maidu, MK Konkaw, Mn Nisenan, PM Proto-Maidun, Ww Wintu, Wn Nomlaki, Wph Hill Patwin, Wpcc Cache Creek Patwin, and PW Proto-Wintun.

Yokuts abbreviations are Ypal Palewyami, Yhom Hometwali, Ytu Tulamni, Yyd Yawdan- chi, Ywik Wikchamni, Ychoy Choynimni, Ygash Gashowu, Ychuk Chukchansi, Ydum Dumna, Ychaw Chawchilla, Ytach Tachi, Ywol Wo'lasi, Ychy Choynok, Yyaw Yawelmani, Yfnv Far Northern Valley Yokuts, PY Proto-Yokuts, PYbv Proto-Buena-Vista-Yokuts, PYgen Proto- General-Yokuts, PYnim Proto-Nim-Yokuts, PYn Proto-Northern-Yokuts, PYv Proto-Valley- Yokuts, PYsv Proto-Southern-Valley-Yokuts, PYnv Proto-Northern-Valley-Yokuts, and PYU Proto-Yok-Utian.

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2. Methodology. This paper is such an update on the material in the Dixon and Kroeber article (1919) supporting their original Penutian classification. They compared the Miwok, Costanoan, Yokuts, Wintun, and Maidun languages of Central California without first reconstructing forms at the family level, but in compiling their sets, they did cite obvious cognates from different member languages of a family. In this update, I have substituted proto-forms whenever possible, i.e., Proto-Miwok (PMi) for words in contemporary Miwok languages, Proto-Costanoan (PCo), Proto- Utian (PU), Proto-Wintun (PW), and Proto-Maidun (PM) when appropriate. In other cases, I have replaced Dixon and Kroeber's forms with modem transcriptions in contemporary languages. Where such transcriptions were unavailable to me, I retained the forms as they appeared in the original article, followed by (D&K), except that I usually did not cite every member of a set of obvious cognates. Occasionally, I substituted the transcriptions of the original sources when they had been altered by Dixon and Kroeber.

My numbers follow Dixon and Kroeber's numeration for the original 171 sets. Higher numbers refer to the additional sets at the end of their section on Penutian. In some cases, one of their sets consists of two or more un-

related subsets, which I have indicated accordingly. I follow with an opin- ion about which part of each set or subset (if any) is valid; e.g., D (discard), U (supports Utian), YU (supports Yok-Utian), YU-W-M (supports Yok-Utian-Wintun-Maidun, Dixon and Kroeber's "Penutian"), Y-W- M (supports Dixon and Kroeber's "Pen"), etc. For example, I judge that the first set (Person) consists of two unrelated subsets. In the first subset, I substituted Proto-Miwok, Proto-Costanoan, and Proto-Utian forms for those in contemporary Utian languages. In the second subset, I substituted Proto- Yokuts and Proto-Maidun forms for contemporary forms, and I judge that they match; that is, they should be set aside for further consideration. I

Unmarked Yokuts reconstructions are from the Whistler-Golla slip file. Items followed by GG were reconstructed by Geoffrey Gamble, with the level of the reconstruction by the Whistler-Golla system. CC indicates a Yokuts reconstruction by Catherine A. Callaghan. Updated Yokuts items are from Shipley (n.d.).

CS indicates a Proto-Costanoan form reconstructed by Catherine Schambach (1977). San Francisco Costanoan is from Schoolcraft (1860). Additional abbreviations are A Fray Felipe Arroyo de la Cuesta (cited in Mason 1916), CHM C. Hart Merriam, GM Gregory Mengarini, HWH H. W. Henshaw (Heizer 1955), JC Juan Comelias (in Taylor 1860), KW Kenneth Whistler, P Alphonse Pinart, RS Richard Smith, SB S. A. Barrett, VG Victor Golla, and WS William Shipley (1997).

A query indicates that a reconstruction is questionable or inclusion of an item is dubious on semantic grounds. Parentheses frame a related item which may not bear directly on the comparison. Items between square brackets were normalized from old transcriptions.

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316 INTERNATIONAL JOURNAL OF AMERICAN LINGUISTICS

updated the transcriptions of Dixon and Kroeber's Wintu and Patwin forms, and I judged that they do not match either subset.

In evaluating these sets, I have tried to err in the direction of inclusion, but I have excluded items that share only one phoneme or, worse, one point of articulation. I have disallowed initial expansions, arbitrary prefixes, and apocope of the first syllable unless there is support in the form of internal evidence within the families, especially since there are very few prefixes in these languages, although stem compounding does occur. I have limited metathesis to the interchange of the second vowel and the third consonant, or to plausible consonantal interchanges parallel to those synchronically observable. I have rejected most instances of assimilation, but I have allowed what I consider to be plausible sound changes. Of course, I have been much more selective in the case of Utian, or even Yok-Utian, where sound correspondences can be stated.3

For example, in set 83, Dixon and Kroeber (1919:70) claim that Miwok ki-k 'water' is cognate with Yokuts ?ilik''water', reasoning that Yokuts ?i- is an expansion and that Miwok ki.k has undergone assimilation, presumably from some proto-form of the shape *li(.)k. Of course, I cannot disprove this scenario, but there is no independent reason for assuming it.

On the other hand, when comparing Yokuts na-?ath 'older sister' (1919:68) with words in Wintun, Miwok, and Costanoan, they properly segmented na-, because Yokuts na- - no- occurs in other kinship terms; indeed, it is one of the few prefixes in Yokuts. If Yokuts and Utian are ultimately related, there is evidence that this prefix originally meant 'my' (Callaghan 1997:41).

In set 143, Dixon and Kroeber (1919:60) were correct in the segmentation of Csjb nu-p-i 'that one' (note PCo *nu(.) 'that', PCos *ne-p.e 'this one', and Csjb pi-na 'that one'), enabling valid comparison with PW *pi *'third- person demonstrative sg. subj.'. They were also justified in the segmentation of Mm he-kot-o 'to break, crack of itself' (1919:69), which is a compound stem, but they erred in set 134 (1919:60) when they segmented ?o- in Mib ?om6.tak 'big' in order to compare it with such forms as Csjb matini, matil.i 'large, great' A. The proper segmentation is ?omo--tak, where -tak is an intensifier. Mib o?mo- is probably related to Mib ?6mu 'bad'.

3. Dixon and Kroeber's resemblant sets. The updated resemblant sets now follow:

3 1 discuss individual sound developments within Utian and Yokuts only when they are pertinent to Yok-Utian comparisons. Those interested in these developments should consult Callaghan (1972; 1988a) and Whistler and Golla (1986).




1. Person. (1) PMi *miw-y-, PCo *mukw-e(h), PU *mikw.y ~ *mukw.y 'person, Indian'. The Utian items are cognate, as Dixon and Kroeber claim. (2) PYnim *maj 'person, human' matches PM *maj 'person' almost exactly. Ww wi--, wi- 'person, man' and Wpcc win 'people, person; someone (in- def.)' do not match either (1) or (2). (1) U, (2) Y-M

2. Man (1). PMiw *tdjis, PCo *ta.ris - *ta.res, PU *ta(.)lis ? 'man (male)'.4 PY tha?ath ?? 'person'. The Utian forms are probably cognate, and the Proto-Yokuts form may be cognate. Ybv toxy 'man' (D&K) is problem- atical, and Mip saw-eh 'man (male)' is definitely not cognate. YU

3. Man (2). PMie *nan-a- - *na.na- 'man (male), husband', PYv *non'o- < **no.n'a- 'man (male)'. These may well be cognate unless deep diffusion is at work (note Mono [Shoshonean] nana 'man' [D&K]). YU

4. Boy, youth (1). PMiw *he.nas 'boy, youth' is not cognate with PCo *sin-i 'child, offspring', and neither one is cognate with PMis *sali- 'boy, young man' or Mip sali-nai (D&K). Cscr ala-cu (D&K) is not cognate with any of the above. Wn laina (D&K); Wph, WPcc serita 'young man', Wph curdj 'boy' are not cognate with each other, but PMis *sali- may match Wp se'rita. U-W ?

5. Boy, youth (2). PCo *kot(.)o - *koc(.)o 'boy, youth' is probably not cognate with PYnim *no.to- < **no-ta (dim. *no.o- < **no.-a) 'youth, young man, boy' or Yp k'uhu-tem' 'boy'. Note Miss koco- 'son, nephew', PU *kot(.)o - *koc(.)o 'boy, youth', and apparent diminutive symbolism within Utian. U

6. Woman, girl (1). Discussed later. 7. Woman, girl (2). PMis *?os-a- 'woman, female, wife' is not related

to Mip ?asd.?ah- - ?ysy?yh 'woman, wife', which is derived from a stem meaning 'bad' (note PMis *?ysy- 'bad'). PCo *?aja- 'girl' is a different and probably unrelated set. D

8. Girl. (1) PMiw *ko6la 'girl, young lady' may be cognate with PYgen *kuju.lum ? 'girl' or PYv *ka.?i-tha 'girl' but does not match Mn konoj 'girls'. (2) Csf Ca tra 'girl or maid' may be cognate with Ypal ketephal' 'woman'. (1) YU, (2) YU

9. Baby. We have similar and related sets within Miwok; PMis *?esel.y- 'child', PMis *?ecel.y- 'baby' (diminutive symbolism), PMi *?es.e - *e.s 'child' (vocative?). PMiw *?elaj 'child' is most probably a loan from Wpcc ?ilaj 'baby, kid, child' (note PW *?elaj - *?ilaj KW 'baby, child, small'). This suspicion is heightened by the fact that the Lake Miwok vocative of ?elaj 'child' is suppletive; ?e-s 'Child! Daughter-in-law!' (addressing adult children), and this suppletive form is cognate with the Eastern Miwok

4 PU *i > PCo *i - *e in the second syllable if the vowel in the first syllable was /a/. This rule ceased to operate in Proto-Costanoan times. See also sets 138 We and 85 Earth.

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forms. Note also Mib ?dj 'child'. None of these is related to Csf O cloosh

cush 'infant or child', PM *kono 'girl, infant' or Mk tsilak'a 'baby' (D&K). D 10. Old man. Ceb huntac 'old man' is not cognate with Miss hum-ele-

ti- 'little old man', PY *moko .. 'old' CC, or PYnim *moxol < **moxol- 'to be old (man)'. But note PCo *mak.u(h) - *mak-o(h) 'husband', which may be cognate with the Proto-Yokuts form. PW *k'ij- 'man to be old' KW > 'old man' does not match Mk kano 'old man' (D&K) or Mn ?oskon 'old man'. YU

11. Head (1). Mip tolo- 'head, hair' may be cognate with PYgen *to?ol < **to?al 'head'. Some support comes from Ckar tacalaths A /takla-t/ ? 'head'. Wpcc dut'head' and Mn col 'head' also match. YU-W-M

lla. Head (2). (1) PMiw *?utu 'whiskers', Cru ?ut. 'hair, head', PU *?utu 'hair, head' may be cognate with PYgen *?otow < **?otaw 'hair, head'. In this regard, note that the deep underlying Yokuts vowel in the second syllable could have been either ***o or ***a. (2) PMis *han-a- 'head' is a totally unrelated set, which may match Wpcc ?ana 'head (of person)' and PM *?ono 'hair on head', but note PM *?o- 'with head' (instrumental prefix). (1) YU, (2) U-W-M

12. Head (3). Mib molu 'head, hair' is probably not cognate with PCo *mo.tel * mo-hel 'head'. None of these matches PY *philiw ?, PYnim *thiliw ?, or PYv *phitiw, all meaning 'forehead'? D

13. Hair, forehead. Ceb tim.ah 'forehead' may match Ww tamoj 'head hair, scalp', although the meaning is divergent, but it does not match PM *syn 'forehead, face'. U-W

14. Ear (1). Discussed later.

15. Ear (2). PW *mat 'ear' does not match PM *bono. 'ear'. D 16. Eye (1). PMi *synty - *syt-y (- *syt ?) 'eye', PCo *hinte - *hi(.)n

'eye', PU *synty 'eye' match PM *hi(.)n 'eye, (small) seed' very well, but not PW *tum - *tus 'eye, face' or Wn Lui 'eye' (D&K). U-M

17. Eye (2). PY *sasa- 'eye' goes well with Wpcc sa. 'eye', and Wpr sas 'eye' (D&K). Y-W

18. Nose (1). PY *thyqyk' < **thy,ik''nose' (Ychuk sinik''nose') might go with PW *sono 'nose' and Wpcc tinik 'nose, bill of bird' (note PW *tiniq 'snot'), but only the first consonant of Chukchansi matches Mk sumo 'nose' (D&K). Y-W

19. Nose (2). PMi *hu-k - *huk.u, PCo *(h)u.s, *(h)us-e-, PU *hu.k - *huk.y 'nose' match Mm hiky 'nose: smeller' (note PM *hi. 'to smell something'). U-M

20. Mouth. (1) PY *sama- 'mouth' goes with PM *sim 'mouth'. (2) PW *qol 'mouth' may match Mk kombo (D&K) 'mouth'. (1) Y-M, (2) W-M

21. Teeth. PMi *ky(-)t *kyt-y, PCo *si(.)t *sit-e, PU *ky(.)t *~ kyt.y 'tooth, teeth' match PW *si- 'teeth' and Mm ik' 'tooth', but not PM *cawa- 'tooth, jaw', PY *thi.lij ? 'teeth, tooth', or Ytk taiii /taqi/ 'teeth'. U-W-M

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22. Tongue (1). PYnim *thalxath 'tongue' matches PW *tahal 'tongue' and Mn ?al 'tongue', but not PM *?en 'tongue'. Y-W-M 23. Tongue (2). PMie *nep-it 'tongue' and PMiw *lentip - *lemtip ?

'tongue' may be interrelated through metathesis. PCo *las-i(h) - *las.e(h) 'tongue' is probably also involved at some level. Note PMie *lakty- - *lakjy- 'to lick'. U

24. Beard. PY *ta-m'us > PYn *ta.m'uth 'beard' does not match PW

*cekej 'hair', Wph sepsep 'beard whiskers', Mm sim-pani 'beard, mustache' (< sim 'mouth'), or Mn masaw 'beard, mustache'. D

25. Chin. PY *?aw'as > PYnim *?aw'asi- 'chin' may be cognate with Cru auix P, d-wis HWH /?aw-ix - ?aw-is/ 'chin'. Note also PMi *hew.e 'chin'. These forms may match Mm cawa 'chin, jaw' and PW *qaba 'chin', but not PYv *?uk'usul ? 'chin', or Mk yappa 'chin' (D&K). YU-W-M

26. Neck. Discussed later.

27. Shoulder. PY *k'aphsal ~ *k'aphsaj (CC), PYnim * haphal * athal 'shoulder' do not match PW *sala 'arm, shoulder'. The last Yokuts form superficially matches PM *da-dak' 'shoulder', probably derived from PM *dak 'flat surface'. An apparent match disappears through etymology. D

28. Hand (1). Three sets are involved: (1) PMi *?ek.us, PCo *?is-u(s), PU *?ek-us 'hand'. (2) PMi *ti-s - *tis-y 'fingernail, toenail, claw', is probably cognate with PCo *tu(-)r ~ *tu.ris 'fingernail, toenail, claw'. (3) PW *sem 'hand, finger' may go with PM *jim 'arm (elbow to shoulder)', but not PM *ma. 'arm (fingertip to elbow: hand)' (Maidun forms not cited by D&K). (1) U, (2) U, (3) W-M ?

29. Hand (2). PYgen *phuthu ? 'hand, arm' may be cognate with PMis *pa-can 'arm, lower arm', but not Mics wo-.ot-u- 'arm'. Cru puts means 'thumb, big toe' and is probably not cognate. YU

30. Arm. PMis *taw.as 'shoulder blade, shoulder (cut of meat), includ- ing part of the ribs and upper forelimb' is cognate with PMiw *tawlik 'arm', but Mins tym-al-y- 'arm' and Mip tum.al 'arm' are unrelated. I suspect Cscl talme-s 'arm' (D&K) is also unrelated. D

31. Nails. Discussed later.

32. Breasts. PMi *mu-s, PCo *mu(-)s, PU *mu.s 'breast, milk' bear no similarity to PY *mi-nit 'breast, teat, milk' apart from the first consonant, although there is an i:u alternation within Utian (see Belly, Fingernail under Hand) as well as within Yok-Utian. PW *?i(-)m-it 'breast, milk' does not match either, but PM *min 'breast, suckle, milk' matches the Proto- Yokuts form.5 Y-M

5 Dixon and Kroeber apparently segmented the first CV- in the Wintun forms as some type of "extension," although their only real evidence was the fact that Wintun ... mit more closely resembled the Yokuts words for 'breast' than imit (D&K). Etymological analysis shows that

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33. Belly. This is a complex set. PMiw *puluk 'belly, intestines' may be cognate with PYv *palik 'belly', but not Ykr olok', lak'i-n 'belly' (D&K). Note also Mip put.ul 'guts, intestines', PCo *putlu- ~ *puslu- 'pertaining to the belly', PU *put.ul ~ *putlu- - *puslu- 'belly, intestines' as well as PCos *pi-ti-(n) - *pit-i-(n)) 'abdomen, belly, tripe'. Wpcc bus 'belly' and PW *pot 'gut' are both matches. This is an especially interesting set, since the Proto- Wintun form and the Cache Creek Patwin word match different alternates

of the Proto-Utian form. YU-W

34. Knee (1). PY *k'uju.sul 'knee, elbow', PYsv *k'ujut 'knee' is a different set from Yn opuk 'knee' (D&K), YKr upuc 'knee' (D&K), and PYn *... pus ... ? < **... .pus ..., PYv *puson 'knee' < **pusu-n. The latter set might go with Ww phujeq 'knee' and Mm pok'6s 'knee' (but not with Wpcc ph6mak 'knee'). Y-W-M

35. Knee (2). PMie *hon.oj ~ *ho.noj 'knee' may match the Wph ?dnak 'knee, elbow'. U-W ?

36. Knee (3). Mil th^okol.u 'knee' is probably a loanword, but I have not been able to trace its source. It does not resemble any other Miwok word for 'knee' and is probably not cognate with Cru to.los- 'knee'. D

37. Foot, leg (1). Discussed later. 38. Foot (2). PMi *kolo, PCo *kolo CS, PU *kolo 'foot' may be cognate

with PY *kalas-a- 'lower leg' CC (not cited by D&K). These forms match Wn kole 'foot' (D&K). YU-W

39. Heart (1). PY *hojhoy 'heart' matches PM *hon 'heart, to breathe'. Y-M

40. Heart (2). Ceb mi-nJih 'heart' bears no resemblance to PW *phuru 'heart' except in one place of articulation. D

41. Bone. PY *cij 'bone' does not sufficiently resemble PCo *tati.i 'bone' for inclusion, and it does not resemble PMie *kyc'yc 'bone' or Mib muc'i 'bone' at all. Loss of an initial syllable is very rare in Yok-Utian (but see Knee [1], Five [1]), and the only "augments" that occur are occasional reduplicative prefixes in Eastern Miwok, most of which are Simplex Stems in compounds. Final syllables are sometimes lost (see Eye [1]). D

42. Blood (1). Discussed later. 43. Blood (2). PW *sa-q 'blood' and Ww tede.ki 'blood' do not match

PM *sede. - *sedej 'blood'. Ww tede.ki 'blood' is based on a stem ted- meaning 'to be red' < PW *tede 'red'. D

44. Liver. Discussed later.

their segmentation (i-mit) was wrong. Proper segmentation (PW *?i-m-it) removes the apparent similarity.

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45. Fat. PY *hi-xa- 'fat' resembles PW *hu-m ~ *hu.l 'fat' and Mm hit

'fat, grease' only in the first phoneme. D 46. Skin. PYnim *culuj 'hide, skin' differs from Yv daplan 'skin'

(D&K), Ykr tapia, totop 'skin' (D&K), Yp palai 'skin' (D&K), and Ybv gapac 'skin' (D&K), which fall into four sets. Yp palai 'skin' (D&K) may match PM *po 'skin'. Y-M ?

47. Faeces (1). PMie *kyna- 'faeces' resembles PW *ceni 'faeces' if one allows palatalization before le/. U-W

48. Faeces (2). PYnim *pitik 'faeces' matches PM *pi 'shit' very well. Y-M

49. Urine. Csjb cala 'urine, to urinate' (not cited by D&K) may be cognate with PYnim *culon 'urine' GG. PYnim *Cujo. 'to urinate' GG matches PW *cun-u- 'urine, to urinate' and PM *Cu- 'urine'. YU-W-M

50. Sinew. PY *phikhil 'sinew' is a match for PM *pak 'sinew'. Y-M 51. Horn. PMi *kili - *ki.li, PCo *i.ri, PU *kil.i *~ kili - *ciili 'horn,

antlers' may be cognate with PYn *khojes < **khoji-s 'horn' (not cited by D&K). These forms match PW *'kili 'horn', but PY *?ysyl 'horn' does not match. YU-W

52. Tail (1). Mil k6.k, Cru ko.k, PU *ko-k 'tail' (not cited in D&K) may be cognate with PY *'ut > PYsv *kuius 'tail'. These forms may go with PW *sutu 'tail'. YU-W

53. Tail (2). Ybv tapak (D&K) does not match PM *buk 'tail', since I do not allow initial expansions or loss of the first syllable without supporting evidence. D

54. Navel. PW *naq 'navel' matches Mk naka (D&K) 'navel'. W-M 55. Chief. Mip ceka- 'chief' matches PW *se.qtu ? 'chief', but not Mn

huk' 'chief'. U-W

56. Shaman, ceremonial initiate. PMis *?al-ini- 'shaman' is probably not cognate with PY *?a3thiw ? 'shaman', which may be cognate with PMis *jay.e- 'to sleep, lie down' (not cited here by D&K). (See 166 Sleep [2].) Mip ?amis--e-nu- - ?ymis- e.nu- 'doctor' (from ?amsi- 'to doctor') is unrelated. Mil jomta 'doctor' is probably a loanword from Patwin. PW *jom 'doctor, poison' matches PM *jom 'spiritual power', but such words are culturally loaded and subject to borrowing. W-M ?

57. House (1). PCo *rukW-a 'house' CS does not match PW *qewel 'house' or PM *hy 'conical bark house'. D

58. House (2). PMi *koc(.)a 'house' is totally unrelated to PMis *?u.cu- 'house, space', which is a lengthened grade of PMis *?uc'u- 'to stay, be sit- uated'. Neither one is cognate with PY *thi- (< **thi.-) 'house'. One cannot arbitrarily chop off the first syllable of Utian words to make them match. D

59. Bow. Discussed later.

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60. Arrow (1). PW *no- 'arrow' matches PM *nok 'arrow'. Note Ww no-t 'arrow, arrowhead', Wpcc noko 'arrow'. W-M 61. Arrow (2). Mics tywki-, PMiw *tuw(-)u < **tyw(.)y 'to shoot' may

be cognate with PY *tuju < **tuji 'to shoot' and PYnim *tujos < **tujo.s 'arrow'. Csjb tujos 'arrow' may be cognate or a deep loanword. Cscl tawi-s- em 'arrow' (D&K) may be cognate, but not Cru tep-s 'arrow' or Csjb temo 'arrow'. YU

62. Knife. Miss hope- 'knife' (probably sope- in some dialects) is not cognate with Mil cic.a 'quartz, flint, obsidian', and neither one is cognate with PCo *tip.a- 'knife'. None of these match Mm cd'mi 'knife' or Mk tsumi 'knife' (D&K). D

63. Boat (1). Miss wo-te- 'boat' is a loanword from Spanish bote 'boat'. PY *?ow'in ? 'boat' is not cognate with Csf Wah lee 'boat' or Cscl walin 'boat' (D&K). D

63a. Boat (2). Mil nu'h 'boat' is most probably a Patwin loanword, as Dixon and Kroeber admit. PW *nuh 'boat' matches Northern Maidun no

'boat' (D&K). W-M 64. Boat (3). Mib sdka 'boat' matches PM *jak' 'bridge, boat', but not

Mn wak-aj 'boat' (< Spanish barca 'boat'?). U-M ? 65. Pipe (1). Ceb tore-pa 'pipe' is a match for Wpcc topo 'pipe' and Mip

topo-kela (D&K), although the first part of the Plains Miwok form looks like a loan from Patwin. U-W

66. Pipe (2). PY *pam'o.- ~ *pa?om- 'to smoke (tobacco, etc.) may be cognate with PMie *pa?my- (*pa?ym- Stem 2) 'to smoke (tobacco or pipe)'. An Eastern Miwok instrumental agentive form, *pa?ym-.a- 'pipe', could be derived from Stem 2, although this does not seem to be the present-day word for 'pipe'. Wph bomit 'Indian smoking pipe' and PM *pan 'tobacco' may match. YU-W-M

67. Pestle (1). No Yok-Utian. Neither Ww sataq 'pestle, pounding rock', Wn cotok 'pestle' (D&K), Wp taki 'pestle' (D&K), nor Wpcc tusa 'pestle' matches Mk suni 'pestle' (D&K). D

68. Pestle (2). PYnim *phaluj - *phalwoj ? 'pestle' may be cognate with Mic pa, paya 'pestle' (D&K), but not Mip hopa- 'pestle'. Mm bayi 'pestle' (D&K) and Mn baj 'pestle' also match. YU-M ?

69. Sun (1). PMi *hi.s, PCo *(h)is-men, PU *hi-s 'sun' may be cognate with PY *hi-ci- 'today'. These forms may match Ww sas 'sun, moon, month, clock', but not Wp sun 'sun' (D&K) (note PW *sani 'daytime'). YU-W ?

70. Sun (2). PY *?ophis ? 'moon' > PYn 'luminary'. Cf. PYnim *?opholo- 'sun, day' ?, PYv oph 'luminary'. None of these matches PM *pok'luminary, sun, moon'. D

71. Moon. PMi *kome- 'moon' is cognate with PCo *kolma - *kolme 'moon'. U

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72. Star. Discussed later.

73. Night (1); 74. Night (2). Under Night (1), Dixon and Kroeber list only Miwok forms, probably a typographical error, so I am considering Night (1) and Night (2) together. (1) PMi *kawyl 'night' does not go with Ww ke-n-wani - ken-wani 'night time, evening', which means something like 'moving down'. Note PW *ken 'down'. (2) PY *thoj'on < **thoj'an - *thoj'no-? < **thoj'na-? 'night' does not even look like Wn leni 'night' (D&K) or Wpcc sinol 'night'. (1) D, (2) D

75. Cloud. Mib ?llaw 'cloud' is probably not cognate with PY *kylyj ? 'cloud', and certainly not with Ybv piya-piya (D&K) 'cloud', and Mim ya- kal 'cloud' (D&K, segmentation arbitrary) does not go with any of them. PY *kylyj ? 'cloud' does not match Ww qa-h 'cloud', but it may go with Wpcc ki-r 'cloud'. Y-W

76. Lightning. Mins wil-ep-y- 'lightning', Cscr wilep 'lightning' (D&K), PU *wil-ep 'lightning' may be cognate with PYnim *walam - *walma- 'lightning'. Ww walu.qi 'lightning' and PM *wis-pil 'lightning' also match. YU-W-M

77. Rain. Discussed later.

78. Snow. PMie *ke-la- 'snow' is not cognate with Mil tana 'snow', and these forms show no resemblance to either Ceb wak-an 'snow' or PW *jo.l 'snow'. PM *ko. 'snow' resembles the Miwok form only in the first consonant. D

79. Fire. (1) PMi *wyke 'fire' may be cognate with PY *?osith 'fire'. Note also PMis *wyk-ty- 'to catch fire, burn'; PMi *wy-ky 'to burn', Csjb we-si 'to catch fire, light a fire', PU *wy-ky 'to burn'. (2) PCo *sot-o(w) 'fire' is a different set. PM *sa 'fire' shares only one resemblant phoneme. (1) YU, (2) D

80. Smoke. Discussed later.

81. Ash. Mil po'tel 'white ashes from a forest fire' (not in D&K) matches PW *phut 'ashes, dust' and Mm plidusi 'ashes'. PY *haphas 'ash, dirt' ? does not match. U-W-M

82. Coal. PYgen *sal'u ?? 'coal, charcoal' might match PW *qal 'charcoal', but not Wpcc wa'li 'hot coals'. Y-W

83. Water (1). PMi *ki-k - *kik.y, PCo *si-(j), *sij.e- < **sis - **sis.e ?, PU *ki-k *~ kik-y 'water'. This set is not cognate with PY *?ilik'. U

84. Water (2). PW *mem 'water' superficially matches PM *mo-m 'water'. However, the latter form is bimorphemic, and PM *mo- means 'action with mouth' (an instrumental prefix; note PM *mo(.), *mo-ho 'to drink'). Cognate relationship between the Wintun and Maidun forms is unlikely. D

85. Earth. Discussed later.

86. Mountain (1). PY *tulaw 'up, high' ? > *tulul 'mountain, foothill'. The Yokuts form matches PW *coE - *co.t ? 'mountain'. Y-W

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87. Mountain (2). PMis *leme- 'mountain' may be cognate with PY *lomith 'mountain', but these forms do not match PM *jaman 'mountain'. YU

88. Stone. Neither PY *xalul' ? 'rock' nor PYv *silel < **sili.l 'rock'

matches PW *sos 'rock', Ww son 'rock(s), stone(s)', Wp todui, tului 'stone' (D&K), or Wpcc k'od6j 'rock, money'. D

89. Salt. PW *wet 'salt' does not match PM *ba 'salt'. D

90. Wood. PMis *sys.y- 'wood' is probably not cognate with PY *hytys 'wood', but it might match Ww cu-s 'wood, stock, club, log'. Wn tcok' 'wood' (D&K) and Wpcc tok 'wood, a stick, firewood' appear to be an unrelated set (note PW *co.q 'tree'). PM *ca. 'tree, wood, stick' does not seem to match. U-W

91. Grass, brush. PYnim *ja.wil 'grass, brush' may be cognate with Csf Yah wah 'grass' (miscited by D&K as yama). Cscr wai (D&K) is not cognate. YU

92. Sugar pine. PMi *san(.)ak 'mountain pine' (not cited by D&K) may be cognate with PYnim *c0oyo.xis < **coya.xis ?? 'sugar pine', or the word may be a deep loanword from PMis *say.ak 'sugar pine' into Yokuts. The Yok-Utian forms may match PW *sumu 'sugar pine' and PM *sumu. 'sugar pine', although the near identity of the Wintun and Maidun forms suggests borrowing. YU-W-M ?

93. Yellow pine. Ychuk ?inil' 'yellow pine' and Ytk idnit (D&K) 'yellow pine' matches PM *?ini 'yellow pine', but not Ww k'ulem.i- 'sugar pine, yellow pine, Ponderosa pine'. Y-M

94. Digger pine. PYnim *thoy < **tho. -~ **thU-y 'digger pine tree' and PYnim *tho-yas 'digger pine nut' match PM *to.n 'digger pine', but not Ww cati 'ripe digger pine cones or nuts', Wn tc'oko 'digger pine' (D&K), Wpr cusak 'digger pine', but it might match Wpcc fuwa. 'pine tree'. Wpr cusak 'digger pine' includes -sak, presumably from Miwok (Whistler 1977). Note PMis *sak-y- 'digger pine'. Y-W-M

95. Buckeye. PYnim *topiy 'buckeye' does not match Wn pasa 'buckeye' (D&K) or Mn polo 'buckeye, buckeye ball'. D

96. Manzanita (1). PY *?apthuw 'manzanita' may match Mm ?ekpy 'large manzanita', but not Ww phaqas 'manzanita wood' or pha.j 'yellow manzanita berries'. Y-M

97. Manzanita (2). Wp ?eje, ?eja 'manzanita' are loanwords from Miwok (Whistler 1977). Note PMi *?eje - *?ej.e 'manzanita (berries)'. D

98. Tule (1). Mil ko.l 'round tule' may be cognate with PYv *k'ojis ? 'tule sp.'. Note Ypal kololi-s 'tule' (D&K). Wp guye (D&K) might match, but Wp sa-kulul 'tule' (D&K) probably does not match. YU-W ?

99. Tule (2). There are two sets here. (1) Mim Lo-kos 'big round tule' CHM may match Wph taka- 'big round tules'. (2) Mim sappa 'tule' SB may go with PW *iop - *top 'bulrush' (Scirpus robustus) KW. (1) U-W, (2) U-W

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100. Tule (3). PYv *pumuk' 'round tule' does not seem to go with anything. Mil pdtpat 'cattail, flat tule' is probably a loanword from Wph pa-tpat 'cattails' (note PW *patpat 'tule'). Note also Ykr patak 'tule' (D&K) and Yv poton 'tule' (D&K), which match the Proto-Wintun form. Wp pocdk 'tule' (D&K) and Mk pok-poko 'tule' (D&K) might also go. Y-W-M

101. Dog. PMis *cuku- 'dog', Mip cu.cu- 'dog' < Spanish chucho 'dog', Cscl tcutcu 'dog' (D&K), also from Spanish; PY *cy.sys 'dog' ? borrowed?, PW *suku 'dog', PM *sy- 'dog, pet' (Ccr hi-tcas 'dog' [D&K] does not be- long). Words for 'dog' were so heavily borrowed throughout California (Kroeber 1941) that this set should be discarded. D 102. Coyote. Three sets are involved. (1) PMis *?ase-li- 'coyote' is

probably a loanword from PYn *ho.'u- < **hu-si- 'coyote' or some similar word. The Yokuts form matches Mn hu.saj 'coyote' (Shipley 1997:4) very closely. I suspect borrowing is involved. (2) PMi *?ole 'coyote' matches PM *?ole. 'coyote' perfectly, suggesting deep borrowing, but we must keep it because of extension and time depth. (3) Ybv hulapinsa-s (D&K) matches PW *hul ? 'wolf' and Mm helfjene 'wolf'. Note also PMi *hu-n ~ hun.u 'wolf', not cited by D&K. 'Coyote' is a culturally loaded term, subject to borrowing and taboo replacement. (1) D, (2) U-M ?, (3) YU-W-M

103. Fox. Mim Ah-wdh-ke 'gray fox' CHM may be cognate with PYnim *?aw'6ha- 'fox', which matches PW *ha-w 'fox' and PM *haw 'gray fox'. YU-W-M

104. Bear. Discussed later.

105. Grizzly bear. Ww wimaj, wimah 'grizzly bear' does not match PM *pa.no 'grizzly bear'. D

106. Puma. Discussed later.

107. Deer. PW *no.p 'deer' does not match Mn dyp'e 'deer' RS. D 108. Elk. PYnim *sohkoj < **sohkaj 'elk' GG may go with Wph lok6ja

'tule elk'. Y-W

109. Jackrabbit. PMie *?epla.-li- 'jackrabbit' is not cognate with Mim aule 'jackrabbit' SB. Neither one is cognate with PYnim *topol 'jackrabbit'. Ww pat-keles 'jackrabbit: outside-long one' does not match PM *pal 'cottontail' despite some superficial similarity, because of the etymology of the Wintu form. Likewise, Mn bo(.)je 'rabbit' RS does not match. D

110. Bird. More than one set is involved. (1) Mins mice.-mati- 'bird', Csjb mi-ti-s 'fledgling', PCo *mit.e-n ~ *mit i-n 'to grow', PU *mi(.)te- 'bird, grow, fledgling' may be cognate with PYnim *mithe? < **mithi 'bird, grow' GG. (2) Ychuk celxnd-? 'bird' VG, may match PW *cil(cit) 'bird' KW (not cited by D&K). PMis *cicka- 'bird' and PCo *ci.rit-min 'western meadowlark' are probably unrelated, also the other Yokuts forms cited by D&K. (1) YU, (2) Y-W

111. Buzzard. PMie cyysy- 'buzzard' does not go with any of the other forms. PMis *hu-su- 'buzzard' could be cognate with PYn *hoth 'buzzard',

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but not PYv *ko?t- 'buzzard'. Mil hu-s 'buzzard' is probably a loanword from Patwin. Note PW *hu.s 'buzzard, turkey vulture'. The possible Yok- Utian cognates match PW hu-s 'buzzard' and PM *hy.s - *hu.s 'buzzard'. YU-W-M

112. Crane (1). Mil wd'k 'crane', Mins Wdh-ah-su CHM [wa?.as-y-] ? 'great blue heron' and PYnim *wa.xit 'crane' are all onomatopoeic and subject to borrowing. Mn kywe 'fish crane' does not go, nor does Ww qa.t-, which may mean 'duck' rather than 'crane'. D

113. Crane (2). PCos *tures 'small brown crane' is not onomatopoeic and it does match Ww torehas 'sandhill crane'. U-W

114. Turtle. (1) PMie *?aw(.)an.a- 'turtle', PCo *?awnic-min 'turtle' does not sufficiently resemble Yn on 'turtle' (D&K) or PYnim *sawa.xith ? 'turtle', but the Utian forms do resemble Ychuk ?ow' 'turtle' (not cited by D&K). (2) There is a closer resemblance between Yn on 'turtle' (D&K) and PW *?an- 'turtle'. (1) YU, (2) Y-W

115. Rattlesnake (1). (1) PY *thy?yl 'rattlesnake' matches PW *ciwil 'rattlesnake'. (2) Mil holo-maj 'rattlesnake' matches Mk cola 'rattlesnake' (D&K) and Mn sola 'rattlesnake' RS. (1) Y-W, (2) U-M

116. Rattlesnake (2). Miss law-a-ti- 'rattlesnake' may match Ww 'a.q 'Western rattlesnake'. U-W ?

117. Frog. PMi *wata-k 'frog', PCos *wakrac-min, Ychuk watak'saaj' 'frog', PW *wataq 'frog'. These words are onomatopoeic and susceptible to borrowing. D

118. Fish (1). (1) PMis *lapis-aj 'fish' may be cognate with PY *lophith 'fish'. (2) Mib ?el.e.-we 'fish' may be cognate with Cscr helai 'fish' (D&K). (3) PMi *py.le 'roe' matches PW *pu. 'roe'. Mip pu. 'fish' and Mil pu. 'roe' are probably recent loanwords from Patwin. (1) YU, (2) U ?, (3) U-W

119. Fish (2). Cru kin.irs 'large headed fish' P does not match PW *ci.r 'fish', Ww diket 'fish' (D&K), or Wn tcit 'fish'. D

120. Salmon. Discussed later.

121. Trout. (1) PY *tal'im 'trout' may be cognate with PMie *talpa- ? 'trout' and possibly Mim tolo 'trout' SB, but not Mib lewim 'trout' SB. (2) Mil hu'.l 'trout' matches Ww sula ~ sulat 'trout', but not Wp ciya-tir, mol 'trout' (D&K), or Mm palik 'shiner, a kind of small fish', or Mn pala 'fish'. (1) YU, (2) U-W

122. Fly. PCo *mu.muri - *mum.uri 'fly' is not cognate with PY *pan'is'aj ?? 'fly' or PYn *mo-n'aj ? 'fly'. None of these matches Ww k'ilit, xilit 'fly' or Ww lulit 'fly' (D&K), Wp homota 'fly' (D&K), or Mk amelulu 'fly' (D&K). But Mip hom.om-.aje- 'fly' (not in D&K) does match Wp homota 'fly' (D&K), although these words are onomatopoeic. U-W ?

123. Spider (1). Csjb ti-ras-min means 'one having a big rump'. It does not go with PW *kerek 'spider'. D

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124. Spider (2). PYnim *ma-ca- ?? 'spider' > PYn *me.ca- 'spider' matches Mm makdt 'spider'. Y-M

125. Louse. Words for head louse and body louse are usually different. (1) Neither PMi *ket.y - *ke.t 'head louse' nor PCo *kah.aj - *kaj 'head louse' is cognate with PY *thihith 'head louse', which matches PM *di. 'head louse'. (2) PM *pedes 'body louse' matches PW *pher- 'louse' and PYnim *phathath ? 'body louse', but not Ww donos 'head louse'. (1) Y-M, (2) Y-W-M

126. Flea. PMi *ky(-)kys 'flea' is not cognate with PCo *po-r 'flea', and neither one is cognate with PY *ja.k'il 'flea'. PMi *ky(-)kys 'flea' matches PW *k'oko 'flea' and possibly PM *iykys 'flea', if we assume assimilation in the Miwok and Wintun forms. Note Wp tunkuc 'flea' (D&K). U-W-M 127. Grasshopper. (1) Miss ?ai.jut 'grasshopper' may match PM

*?en(e.) 'grasshopper', but it is not cognate with PYnim *ta-n- 'grasshopper' > PYn *tianajwui ? 'grasshopper' CC. (2) The Yokuts forms do not match Ww nep(ut) 'grasshopper', but they may match Wpcc taram 'grasshopper (any kind), small grasshopper'. (1) U-M, (2) Y-W

128. Worm. Dixon and Kroeber cite reflexes of PYnim *k'athuw ?

'worm, bug' and PYn *k'e.w 'worm'. (1) PYnim *k'athuw ? 'worm' matches PW *k'es 'worm'. (2) PYn *k'e.w 'worm' matches PM *k'aj(e) 'worm'. Mn pep 'worm (D&K) does not match any of them. (1) Y-W, (2) Y-M

129. Name. PMis *?oj-a- 'to name' (not cited by D&K) may be cognate with PYnim *hojo. < **hoja. 'to name'. PM *ja 'name' does not match. Note PY *wa-sith ? 'a name', PYnim *hojo.wos 'a name', Mip ?ow-a- 'to name', ?owa--se- 'a name', and Mib ?dwe < *?dwe(s) 'a name'. YU

130. White. Discussed later.

131. Black (1). PMie *kulu- 'black' may be cognate with Ceb sirke--wis ~ silke(.)-wis 'black' and Csf Shol co te 'black'. It also matches PW *cul and *sil, both of which mean 'black', as well as PM *sil 'black' and Mn kylym 'black, dark (weather, etc.)'. Wn kuta 'black' (D&K) probably does not match. U-W-M

132. Black (2). PMi *mulu- 'black', PCo *muru-t 'night' where -t is a noun formative suffix, PU *mulu 'black' are probably not cognate with PYn *motok < **motak' *mothki- 'black, to blacken'. The Utian forms match Wph multhu, multhi 'dark' (color) and Wn molok 'black' (D&K). U-W

133. Red. Discussed later.

134. Large. Dixon and Kroeber presumably segment ?o- off Mib ?om6.tak 'big' to make it fit the other forms. The correct segmentation is ?om6.-tak, where -tak is an intensifier. ?6mo- is probably related to Mib ?6mu 'bad'. JPH could not re-elicit Csjb matini, matil.i 'large, great' A. PYgen *met ? (< **mi.t-) > PYv *ma.. . ? 'large, powerful, good' does not match Mn muk'uje. 'big', Ww qomos 'big thing(s), old people', Ww bohema 'to be big', or Wn komaso 'large' (D&K). D

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135. Small. Miss cin-imi- 'small', Mics tun-i-ci- 'little', and Mip ?itit-i- 'little, small' are unrelated to each other. PYn *koti- ?? means 'large, big', not 'small'. Csjb ku-ti-s 'a little bit' may match PW *ku- 'small' and Mm k'iu 'creature', a generic term for small animals, birds, etc., but it does not match Mk nukti 'small' (D&K). Note Mics kuci- 'good'. As Dixon and Kroeber state, Mil k'iuci 'little" is probably a loanword from Hill Patwin (note Wpcc k'ucij 'small'). U-W-M

136. I. Sets involving (1) *na-, (2) *ni-, and (3) *kan are involved in a complex and interrelated way in both Yokuts and Utian (Callaghan 1997:41). *ni- matches PW *ni- 'I' and PM *ni 'I'. Wpcc u 'I' does not match. (1) YU, (2) YU-W-M, (3) YU

137. Thou. PMi *mi(.) 'thou' is probably related to PCo *me(-) 'thou', and both may be related to PY *ma-?'thou' GG. Support comes from PY *man' *min 'your sg.' CC, *manan 'your pi.' GG, and PU *mi.ny - *me.ny 'thy'. The Proto-Miwok form matches PW *mi 'you sg. subj.' and PM *mi- 'you sg.', as well as much of California. YU-W-M

138. We. PMi *mas-i ~ *ma.s 'we', PCo *mak.i - *mak.e 'we incl. appositional' ?, PCo *maksi - *makse 'we excl. appositional' ?. PU *maksi 'we' may be cognate with PYnim *mak 'we du. incl.' CC and PYnim *ma-k-in 'our du. incl.' < **ma.ki-n ?? CC. YU

139. This (1). PMi *?i. *?i 'that; he, she, it', Ceb ?i 'his, her, its', PU *?i.- *?i 'that, 3 sg.' may be cognate with PY *xi. 'this near' GG and PYnv *hi? - *he? < **hi. 'this near' GG. PW *?e 'third-person proximal sg. subj.' and Mn hede 'this' also match. YU-W-M

140. This (2). PMi *ne. - *ne 'this', PCo *ne. - *ne 'this, here', PU *ne. ~ *ne 'this, here' may match Mn ?un 'this, this one' despite the shape of the first syllable, which I would normally not allow one to pare off. Histori- cally, demonstrative pronouns are frequently compounded in Costanoan, and I am trying to be generous. U-M ?

141. That (1). Dixon and Kroeber list reflexes of several Yokuts stems; PY *ki. - *ka. ~ *ko. 'this far' GG and Ytu xuntu GG 'this invisible'. The

last form might match Mn hodo 'yonder'. Y-M ? 142. That (2). PMi *no. - *no 'that, there', PCo *nu. - *nu 'that, there',

PU *no(.) - *nu(.) 'that, there' probably do not match PM *?an 'that yonder'. U

143. That (3). PCos *nup-i 'that (one)' can be analyzed as a compound of PCo *nu(-) 'that' plus *-p.i. Note also PCo *ne(.) CS 'this' and PCo *ne-p-e 'this one', Ceb pi-n 'that (one)', and PCo *pi-na 'that (one)'. PCos *-p-i matches PW *pi 'third-person demonstrative sg. subj.', but not PM *my(.) 'that'. U-W

144. Who. (1) PMie *mana- 'who, someone', PMi *ma'n-ti 'who, someone', and Ceb ma -to 'who?' may ultimately derive from PU *ma 'is it?' and PU *ma.n - *man (?) 'that is', which matches Mk mene 'who' (D&K). (2) PCos *(h)am-pi 'who?' is a different stem, and it might match PM

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*homo 'who, which (of a choice), where?'. None of these stems matches PY *wath 'who?' or Wn popi 'who' (D&K) or Wp popa 'who' (D&K). (1) U-M, (2) U-M

145. What. PMi *hin-ti 'what, something', Csjb hin-ti-s ? 'what?', PU *hin-ti 'what?' may be cognate with PY *han'- 'what?'. Note PYn *han'-ta 'what?' CC. PW *he- 'demonstrative-interrogative' and PM *hesi 'what; something, any' CC might also match. YU-W-M 146. Up (1). I no longer think PMi *li.le 'up' is cognate with PCo

*ri(.)ni(h) 'up; and neither one matches PW *?ole.l 'up, above'. D 147. Up (2). PCos *tapre 'above' is probably not cognate with PYgen

*hiphin 'above, up; sky'. PW *panti 'top' does not match, but PM *hipin 'above' matches the Yokuts form. Y-M

148. Down. Mip wani-t 'down, below' is probably not cognate with Cru winmu-j or win-um 'below', and neither is cognate with PY *xoniw 'downstream, west'. None of these matches PW *ken - *kenti 'down' or Mm kanai-na (D&K). The last two forms resemble each other. W-M

149. Tomorrow (1). Yhom him ta 'tomorrow', Ywik hijamhus - huyamxus - hijamxas 'tomorrow', Ychuk hi-khaw 'tomorrow', Yyaw hi?si? 'tomorrow' may match Ww hima. 'the next day, tomorrow' and Mk himaduk 'tomorrow' (D&K). Y-W-M

150. Tomorrow (2). Wp bina 'tomorrow' (D&K) may go with Mm benek 'tomorrow', but not with Yv bayi-u 'tomorrow' (D&K). W-M

151. One. PMi *ken-e 'one' may match PW *kete.t 'one', but it is not cognate with PY *jit < **ji.t 'one' and does not match PM *wyk' 'one' or Mm sytti 'one'. U-W

152. Two (1). PY *pojij 'two' matches PW *pan-palet/l 'two' KW and PM *pe.ne 'two'. Y-W-M

153. Two (2). PMi *?oti 'two', PCo *?oti-s 'two', PU *?oti 'two' may be cognate with PY *hoth- in PY *hoth-poyoj *hath-paqij four' (< **hoth-poyij 'two twos' ? CC). YU

154. Three. PCo *kap(.)e-s - *kapha - *kapha-n 'three' is not cognate with PY *so.ph in 'three', this being the only instance of U k: Y s in initial position in Dixon and Kroeber's corpus. Neither one matches PW *panot 'three', but the Yokuts form matches PM *sa.-py 'three'. Y-M

155. Five (1). PCon *mis.ur < **(h)im-is.u-s ? 'five: one hand' ? is not cognate with PY *jit-syyyl 'five' ('one hand'?). These forms do not match Ww can-sem 'five, left hand' or Mk ma-tsani 'five' (D&K). D

156. Five (2). PMis *mas.o-k-a- 'five' may match PM *ma.-wyk 'five: one hand' if I'm generous. Mip kas-o-k.o- 'five' probably represents remote assimilation. U-M ?

157. Six. PCo *sak-en 'six' is not cognate with PMis *tem-o-k-a- 'six', or

Mip teme.-pu- 'six' < teme- 'big', or PY *coliphij 'six'. None of these forms matches Mm sdaj-cok'o 'six: 'both threes'. D

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330 INTERNATIONAL JOURNAL OF AMERICAN LINGUISTICS

158. Eat (1). Cru xamp 'to eat' P and kat 'to eat' (D&K) are close enough to PYv *xatha 'to eat' CC that we should not discard this set. YU ?

159. Eat (2). PMis *?ywy- 'to eat' is not cognate with PCo *?am-a 'to eat' CS, nor do these forms match PW *ba. 'to eat' or PM *pe ~ *pa 'to eat', but the Wintun and Maidun forms match each other. W-M

160. Drink. PMi *?us.u 'to drink', PCo *?ukw.e 'to drink' CS may be cognate with PY *?ukun < **?ukin 'to drink'. None of these matches Wp elu 'to drink' (D&K) or PW *tethi - *tethu ? 'to drink'. YU

161. Run. Discussed later.

162. Dance (1). PMis *kala.-y-y- 'to dance, kick backwards' and Mins kalty 'to dance, tramp' are not cognate with either PCos *cit.e 'to dance' CS or Cscl to-ken 'to dance' (D&K), but they may be cognate with PY *kalas-a- 'lower leg' CC; see Foot (2). PYnim *kham'- 'to dance' may be cognate with Mib kd.wul 'to dance', and it matches PM *k'a(-)min 'to dance', but it does not match PW *Jono 'to dance' or Wpcc thon 'to dance'. YU-M

163. Dance (2). PY *wothij 'to dance' matches Mm wetem 'to dance'. Y-M

164. Sing. PMis *myl-i- 'to sing' may match Wpcc muhu 'to sing'. U-W ?

165. Sleep (1). PYnim *k'aniw ?? 'to lie' (vocalism unclear) may match PW *khina 'to sleep' and Wpcc k'ana- 'to sleep', be asleep, go to sleep'. Y-W

166. Sleep (2). (1) PMi *?e.cy 'to sleep', PCo *?e.te 'to sleep' CS, PU *?e.ty 'to sleep' are unrelated to the Yokuts forms. (2) PMis *ja.'e- - *jaj.a- 'to sleep, lie down' may be cognate with PYgen *?iyith ? 'to sleep', PYv *?anath-w- 'to dream', and PY *?aythiw 'shaman'. (1) U, (2) YU

167. See. (1) PMis *syj-ye- 'to see' may be cognate with PYsv *sil'i 'to see'. Note PU syn-ty 'eye' and PY *sasa- 'eye'. Note PM *hi(.)n 'eye, small seed'. (2) Wpcc co-w 'to glance at, look at, see' matches PM *ce 'to see'. (1) YU, (2) W-M

168. Kill. PCo *nim.i 'to fight, kill, lie down' does not match PW *o.-m-u 'to kill'. D

169. Give. PMiw *waja ~ *waje 'to give' may be cognate with PY *wa?in 'to give'. These forms match PM *mej 'to give'. YU-M

170. Laugh. PMis *hyja.k-y- 'to laugh' and Mib hawaj 'to laugh' may be cognate with PY *haj'a 'to laugh'. YU

171. Cry, mourn. PYn *wa-xil 'to cry' may match PW *wac-u ~ *wac-i 'to cry' and PM *wak 'to cry out'. These forms are onomatopoeic. Y-W-M ?

Tabular Sets

Dixon and Kroeber (1919:55) lay out the following sets in column form, ".. . with a view to bringing out parallelisms that otherwise might fail to impress without detailed analysis and discussion." Unfortunately, they




arrange the forms in such a way that any two of them can be compared if they share a resemblant syllable. For example, Yokuts muk'es 'woman' is laid out above Mib kule.jih 'woman', so that Yokuts -k'e- is compared with Miwok ku-, which is improper methodology without independent reasons for such alignment. Prefixation is almost nonexistent in Utian and very rare in Yokuts. Loss of an initial syllable rarely occurs (but see set 155 Five [1]), and initial "phonetic increments" almost never occur in these languages either. Stem compounding may occur, and final syllables may be lost in some Eastern Miwok derivational processes.

Remote consonantal metathesis and assimilation do occur, as Dixon and Kroeber claim. Examples are PCo *ci.rit-min 'western meadowlark' > Cru ti-ric-im 'western meadowlark', and Mip kas-o-k.o- 'five', probably < PMie *mas.o-k-a- 'five'. Regular vowel loss takes place in Yokuts under certain circumstances, but not in the first syllable. Miwok /k : Costanoan /s/ is a valid correspondence in the environment of high vowels. Dixon and Kroeber noted this correspondence, although they did not determine the conditioning factors. Miwok /-1- : Costanoan /-r-/ is another valid correspondence. Otherwise, Dixon and Kroeber have little supporting evidence for the types of changes they posit.

6. Woman, girl (1). At least three different sets are involved. (1) PMiw *pdc'.is 'woman, old woman' might match Ww po.qta 'woman, female' and Wpcc pokita 'woman', although I have suspected that the Proto-Western- Miwok form is a deep loanword from some Patwin dialect that underwent palatalization. (2) Csjb mukur-ma < *muku-s-ma 'woman, old woman' may be cognate with PYgen *muk'es < **muk'i.s 'woman'. The relationship of PYv *mokhe-la - *mukhe.la < **mokhi.la **mukhi.la 'woman' to this set

is uncertain. (3) Mib kul(.)e.jih 'woman' is probably related to PMiw *kul.es 'wife', which matches PM *kyle 'woman, wife'. (1) U-W ?, (2) YU, (3) U-M

14. Ear. PMis *tolkos - *tokos 'eat', PCo *tuksu-s ?'ear', PU *to(l)kus - *toksu- ? 'ear' may be cognate with PY *thuk 'eat'. PMi *?alok 'ear', Mip solo-to- 'ear', and Csjb ?o.co 'ear' are probably unrelated. Note also PYbv *sukol GG 'ear'. YU

20. Neck. PMiw *hele'ki 'neck' is not cognate with Ceb ran-aj 'neck, nape', Csjb kat-ak 'nape', and probably not cognate with PCo *horkos 'throat'. PMis *my?-.ty- 'to swallow' may be borrowed from PYnim *ma.ky 'to swallow'. Note PYnim *myk'ys 'throat, neck'. Mins, Mip to.pa- 'nape' is not cognate with these forms, but it may match PW *toq 'neck'. PM *k'uj 'neck, throat, to swallow' does not match any of the above forms. U-W

31. Nails. Mib pic.i 'nail, claws' is probably a loan from Mn bici. 'nail, claw, hoof', as Dixon and Kroeber suggest. Note PM *bici- 'nail, claw, hoof', Mn bici. ~ cibi. 'nail, claw, hoof', an instance of remote consonantal metathesis. (2) As noted in 28 Hand (1), PMi *ti.s ~ *tis.y 'claw, nail,

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hoof' is probably cognate with PCo *tu.r ~ *tu.ris 'claws, nails', despite the fact that they do not share a segmental phoneme, which underscores the fact that shallow comparison should be performed as carefully as possible. Ybv gotcoyic 'nails' (D&K) and PW *k'ahaj 'nail(s), claw(s)' do not match. (1) D, (2) D 32. Foot, leg (1). PMis *hat.e- 'foot, tracks' may be cognate with Cscl

hattam 'foot' GM and Cscr hatash 'feet' JC (note Cscr hd-tac 'sole of foot' HWH). Both may be cognate with Yhom hatasij 'heel' JPH (not in D&K). Note PMis *ha-ty- 'to step, step on, stamp' and PYv *ha-thim ? 'to dance'. PYgen *wutoy 'foot' is unrelated, as is PMis *tuy(-)u- 'thigh'. YU ?? 42. Blood (1). PCo *patia-n 'blood' may be cognate with PYv *phajax

'blood'. PY *hy-pa- 'blood' is unrelated, as is PMi *kic'aw 'blood'. YU 44. Liver. PMi *kyl-a - *ky-la 'liver', PCo *sira 'liver', PU *kyl.a ~

*ky(.)la 'liver' are not cognate with PY *tiph < **ti.ph- ? 'liver' (Ykr dal- apic 'liver' [D&K] does not match). The Utian forms do match PM *kyl.a 'liver' and PW *kila 'liver' (note Wpcc he'la 'liver'). This is one of the best of Dixon and Kroeber's Penutian sets. Note that palatalization has occurred in Cache Creek Patwin. If the explanation is borrowing, it must be very deep. U-W-M

50. Bow. The bow and arrow were relatively late in California. Several sets are involved here, and none can be reconstructed to the deepest level within families, with the exception of Maidun and Wintun. (1) PMiw *k6ono 'bow' is unrelated to Mip tanuk-a- - tonuk-a- 'bow, bow and arrow', which is probably a loanword from Costanoan. Note Cscl tanukam 'bow' GM and Csf Pa nu ka 'bow', also Mip kdc-a- - kyc.a- 'bow'. PW *nun 'bow' does not match, but Ww kol, kulu.l 'bow, gun' matches PMiw *ko-no 'bow'. (2) Dixon and Kroeber give Ceb conok 'bow', which resembles Mics sol.uk-u- 'bow'. I have no explanation other than chance or borrowing. (3) PYnim *taliph 'bow (sinew-backed)' may be borrowed around. It is not cognate with Ypal ketyal 'bow' or PM *pandak, *pandak 'bow', which may in turn be a ken- ning term (note Mm pan 'to make string or rope by rolling material on the thigh' and ddk 'to stick or glue something'). (1) U-W, (2) D, (3) D

72. Star. (1) Mics ty-le- 'Morning Star', Mil to6le 'star', PMi *.ty?le 'star' ? match Wp tilamen (D&K), but not Ww tuju-q 'star' or catu.s 'star'. (2) PY *caja.tas - *cojo-tis - *cajtas 'star' CC matches Ww catu.s 'star'. Miss cala-tu- 'star' is probably a deep loan from Yokuts. (3) Ww luju-k 'star' matches Mm lyly 'star'. (1) U-W, (2) Y-W, (3) W-M 77. Rain. PMis *nyk-a- 'rain, to rain' is unrelated to Miss ?u-muc-a-

'year', Mip ho-ma- 'rain', and PMiw *?f.pa - *?up-a 'rain, to rain'. PCo *?amne 'to rain' CS, PCos *am-an(i) 'rain' are unrelated, as are Ww luhes 'rain' and Wph ju.ru 'raining'. D

80. Smoke. PMi *ka.l, *ka-lis, PCo *ka(.)r, PCos *ka.ris ~ *ka.res, PU *ka-l - *ka-lis 'smoke from a fire' are unrelated to PMis *hak.is(-a-) 'smoke

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from a fire', PY *mu.'ak' 'smoke'; PM *suk 'smoke (of fire)'; PW *nu.q 'smoke' and PW *mo.q ? 'smoke'. U 85. Earth. More than one set is involved. (1) PMi *wal.i ~ *wa.li 'out-

side, area, world', Ceb warep 'earth', PU *wal.i(p) - *wa(.)li(p) 'earth, world, outside'. The Proto-Utian form may be cognate with PYn *wa.l'a 'sky' (note PMis *wali.s-y- 'to dawn'), and the Yok-Utian set matches Wph wilak 'plain, valley, ground, world'. (2) PCo *kari 'outside' CS matches PM *k'aw 'earth, ground, dirt'. (3) PMis *py.laj 'field, valley, a flat place', PCo *pire 'world, land, earth', PU *py.la(j) 'ground, field, valley' may be cognate with PYgen *pa?an' ? 'world'. PY *haphas 'ash, dirt' ? is unrelated, as is Csjb mun 'loose earth, dirt, dust'. (1) YU-W, (2) U-M, (3) YU

104. Bear. Again, several sets are involved. (1) PCo *?ores < **?oles 'bear' is unrelated to PYn *to-nohoph ? 'bear'. It may be cognate with Yn, Yv ului 'bear (D&K) or Yn uyum 'bear' (D&K). (2) Ypal molaj' 'bear' may match PM *my.de 'brown bear'. Ypal tensi? 'grizzly bear' is unrelated. PMiw *kule 'bear, grizzly bear' is probably based on a stem meaning 'black' (note PMie *kulu- 'black' and PMie *?ysy-mati- ~ *?ysy-mati- 'bear, grizzly bear: bad creature', probably another euphemism resulting from an avoidance taboo). Wp tcuku, sikai 'bear' (D&K), PW *cil 'bear', and Wpcc sildj 'bear (generic), black bear' are unrelated to the preceding sets. (1) YU ??, (2) Y-M ??

106. Puma. Mil ?upukse, ?tipukse 'mountain lion' is unrelated to Cru xe-ks, PY *wyhy.syth, PM *pekun, PW *pate, all meaning 'mountain lion (puma)'. Wp wok'en (D&K) 'mountain lion' matches the Proto-Yokuts form. Y-W

120. Salmon. PCo *(h)u-raka 'salmon' is unrelated to Ceb ce-ri 'type of black-skinned fish', which is probably a loanword from Spanish el chere or cheri. Ccl tcipal 'salmon' (D&K), PW *nur 'salmon', and Ww cejta 'fall salmon' are also unrelated, but the Proto-Costanoan form does match Wph hur 'salmon (both varieties)'. U-W

130. White. (1) Cru paxla-st 'white' might be cognate with Miss pasa- s.i- 'white' (not in D&K). Note PMi *putu- ~ *poto- 'white'. (2) Csjb tcalka ~ pal(.)ka 'white' A may be cognate with PYnim *colol (- *colol ?) 'white', and this set matches Wp tcaloki 'white' (D&K), but not Ww xa.ja 'to be white (as snow)', Wp sam 'white' (D&K), or Wn Luyuke 'white' (D&K). PMis *kele-l-i- 'white' derives from PMie *ke-la- 'snow' and is unrelated, as are Mm kokkok 'white', Mk edali 'white' (D&K), and Mn kow 'silver (white)'. (3) Yhom taway 'white' matches Wpcc cama. 'white'. (1) U ?, (2) YU-W, (3) Y-W

133. Red. PMie *wete- 'red' is not cognate with PMi *julu- 'red, light colored', Cru jur-i-t- 'redness', PU *july- 'red', which is related to the set PMis *jul-a- 'fire, a blaze, light', PMi *jul- 'to blaze, burn', Csjb jul-ke 'to blaze, burn', and PU *jul- 'to blaze, burn'. None of these sets is cognate

333




with PYn *hapilk'aj ? 'red' or PYnim *pa.chikin ? 'red', Yn tcoyikin 'red' (D&K), Yv goliklai 'red' (D&K), Ybv xaw'al - xaw-al 'red', Ypal holotsgai 'red' (D&K), or with PW *tede 'red', Wpcc tuluk?a 'red', Wp warak (D&K), or with PM *lak 'red'. U

161. Run. PYgen *hiwith 'to walk' (not in D&K) is probably a deep loan from PMis *hywa.t-y- 'to run'. I had considered them possible cognates in my Yok-Utian article (Callaghan 1997), but a second look at Western Miwok cognates-Mib hic-aw 'to run', Mil hic-uw 'to run', PMiw *hic'.aw 'to run'-leads me to reconstruct PMi *hyt.aw 'to run' and to postulate metathesis in Proto-Sierra-Miwok. Such reasoning makes borrowing of the metathesized form into Yokuts more probable than cognate relationship. PYnim *lawith 'to run' is not part of this set. Ws witili 'to run' (D&K) < PW *witil 'to be fast, do fast' does not match the preceding forms. (Note that Mib -ti in hiswa-ti 'to run, run away' is a perfective suffix, not part of the stem, removing partial similarity.) Mm wele 'to run' may match the Wintun form, but not Mk yewo 'to run' (D&K). W-M ?

Yokuts-Maidun Direction Terms

172. North. PY *xosim 'north' does not match PM *tos 'north'. PYv

*thoxil means 'west', not 'north'. D 173. South. PY *xomoth 'south' matches Mn komow 'south'. But note

Mm komo 'north' and PM *komow 'direction', based on words meaning 'north', 'south', and 'east'. Y-M

174. East, upstream. PY *nu.thu- 'east' matches Mn notow 'east'. Y-M 175. West, downstream. Ywik ta-thu 'west' < PYgen *lathiw ? 'west'

does not match Mn taj - ta(.)waj - ta-w.aj 'west'. Note Mm tdj 'west'. D

Yokuts-Costanoan Resemblant Forms

176. Not find. Ytk wejii 'to not find' (D&K) is not cognate with Csjb waian 'to miss, err' < 'miss the mark' ? A because of semantic divergence. D

177. Cheat. Yyawjo-mu < *ju-mi 'to cuckold someone' may be cognate with Csjb jum.e 'to lie, cheat, deceive, mislead'. YU

178. Swallow. PYnim *md.k'y < **my.k'i (**my.ku ?) 'to swallow' may be cognate with Csjb mujku 'to swallow without chewing (soft substances)'. Note PMis *my?ty- 'to swallow', whose stem (my?-) might be a loan from Yokuts. Note also Ceb muj.e 'to eat pinole'. YU

179. Hear. PYnim *la-ya 'to hear' is not cognate with Csjb namti 'to hear, understand'. D

180. Hang. PYnim *lalik 'to hang' is not cognate with Csjb la-ki-hte 'located on top' because of semantic divergence. D

181. Fear. PYnim *pa.xa 'to fear' may be cognate with Csjb pojko-n 'to get scared, be frightened'. YU

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182. Drown. Ywik tiounsu 'to drown' is not cognate with Csjb tit.ci 'to drown' A. D

183. Cold, to be. Ytk dotc 'to be cold' (D&K) is probably not cognate with Csjb tursi 'to be cold (weather)'. I cannot be sure until I find a better transcription of the Yokuts. D

184. Throw at. Ytk to 'to throw at' (D&K) is probably not cognate with Csjb tu 'to strike in the eye' A, whose basic meaning apparently pertains to the eye. Note Csjb tuknu 'to signal with the eye(s)'. D

185. Embrace. PYnim *kom- ? 'to embrace' is probably not cognate with Csjb kapla 'to embrace'. D

186. Urinate. PYnim *cujo < **cuju. 'to urinate' GG may be cognate with Csjb cala 'urine, to urinate'. YU

Penutian Kinship Terms

187. Older sister. PMis *te.te- 'older sister' is not phonologically close enough to PCo *ta.na-n 'sister, older sister' or to PYgen *na-?ath 'older sister' CC to be considered a probable cognate. Wph ?uchu 'older sister' and Wp otu-n 'older sister' (D&K) do not match the Utian forms, but they may match the Yokuts form. Y-W

188. Younger sibling. PMis *cale- 'younger brother' is not cognate with PCo *tawsi - *tawse- younger brother', but it may be cognate with Csjb tare 'younger brother or sister' A if we posit /c-l through diminutive sound symbolism in Sierra Miwok. PMis *?ate- 'younger sibling' is not related to these forms, and Wph ta.n 'younger sibling' does not match any of them. U

189. Grandfather. PMie *pa.pa- 'grandfather', PCo *pa.pa 'grandfather', PU *pa.pa 'grandfather' may be cognate with PYgen *no-phoph 'father'. Note Ygash ba.ba. 'father, voc.' (Newman 1944:222). PW *?a.pa- 'grandfather' also matches. YU-W

190. Grandmother. PMis *?am(.)a- 'grandmother' matches PW *?ama- 'grandmother'. I could not find Csjb ama (father's parents) in Mason (1916) or in the analyzed portion of Harrington's Mutsun notes. U-W

191. Mother. PCo *?an-a-n 'mother' does not match Wpcc na.kh.e 'mother, voc.' or Wpcc ne.n 'mother'. Mics ?an-is-y- means 'maternal aunt younger than mother (and perhaps other female relations)', not specifically 'stepmother', and it is probably not cognate with the Costanoan form. D

192. Mother's brother. PMi *ka.ka 'mother's brother' may be cognate with PYnim *?a.kas 'mother's brother'. YU

193. Child's parent-in-law. PMis *maksi- 'co-parents-in-law, co-mothers- in-law' is probably not cognate with PCo *mak.u(h) ~ *mak.o(h) 'husband' because of a substantial difference in meaning. Ytk makci 'child's parent-in- law' (D&K) is probably a loanword from Sierra Miwok. D

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194. Father. PMiw *?ap-i ~ *?api 'father' is probably cognate with PMis *?ypy- 'father', suggesting PMi *?ap(-)y 'father', which is in turn cognate with PCo *?ap.a 'father' CS, yielding PU *?ap.y 'father'. These forms may be cognate with Ytk opo-yo 'father, voc.' (D&K). YU

195. Son. PMis *?aVsi- 'son' is probably not cognate with PCo *?in.is 'son'. But the Costanoan form may be cognate with PYnim *?e.nas < **?i.nas 'grandfather, man's grandchild'. YU 196. Mother's mother. PYsv *khamic 'grandmother' is probably not

cognate with Mics kuma?sa- 'aunt, mother's brother's wife' because of semantic divergence. D

Yokuts-Maidun Resemblant Forms

197. Tear, to. PYnim *khy.ty 'to tear' may match Mm he-kot o 'to break, crack of itself' ?, although there is considerable difference in meaning. Mm he- is an instrumental prefix meaning 'to move down, off, or apart'. Y-M ?

198. Smell, to (tV). PYgen **hay- (<**hy)-) - *s/si. ... CC 'to smell' may be cognate with PU *huk-y ? 'to smell something'. This possible Yok-Utian set matches PM *hi- 'to smell something'. YU-M

199. Fly, to. PYnim *hajin ? 'to fly' may match Mm ktj 'to fly'. Y-M 200. Cheat, to. Ywik motot 'to cheat' is probably not cognate with

Mins moc-a- 'to hide something, save' because of disparity in meaning. Neither one matches Mm pedd 'to steal'. D

201. Cry, to. Ywik ?ahan 'to cry out' matches Mm ?a... 'to say'. Y-M 202. Burn, to. PYnim *tulu 'to burn' may match Mm tyti 'to bur

something'. Y-M 203. Bend, to. PYnim *nukhum' ? 'to bend' does not match Mm not 'to

bend' (D&K). D

Miwok-Yokuts Resemblant Forms

204. Kick, to. PMie *tekmy- 'to kick with the toe' does not match Ywik taj 'to kick'. D

205. Hang, to. PMis *jytki- 'to hang something up' does not match Ywik tot 'to hang' or PYnim *lalik 'to hang'. D

206. Hear, to. PMis *tolej-y- 'to hear, understand' does not match Ywik tar 'to hear' < PYnim *la.ya 'to hear'. D

207. Hit with the hand, to. PMis *kut-e- ~ *kut.e- 'to push, shove, push down' does not match PYnim *k'o?o 'to hit, to throw'. D

208. Throw, to. PMis *to-pu- 'to throw and hit, hit with the fist' does not match Ywik #fim' 'throw'.6 D

209. Pay, to. PMie *tiw.a- 'to buy' may be cognate with Ywik thawtas 'paying'. YU ?

6 Gamble (1978) uses # to indicate a base.

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210. Shout, to. PMis *kaw-je- 'to shout' does not match Ytk tcaw, tcan 'to shout' (D&K). D

211. Pull, to. Mins kup.a- ~ kyp-a- 'to pull, drag, lead, pull down' does not match Ytk xapit 'to pull out' (D&K). D

Miwok-Maidun Resemblant Forms

212. Whistle, to. PMis *kuja.k-y- 'to whistle with the mouth' does not match PM *hu.t 'whistle' or Mm huk 'whistle'. D

213. Press, to. Mins tupi 'to press' (D&K) may match Mm k'-tap 'to squeeze'. Note Mm k' 'to pinch'. U-M ?

214. Break, to. Mins tas-wa- 'to break' matches Mm tus 'to break' (D&K). U-M

215. See, to. Mins hete-?! 'Look!' does not match PM *ce 'to see'. D 216. Die, to. PMis *jyn.a- ~ *jin-a- 'to kill' does not match PM *wo.no

'to die' or Mm heno 'to die in bunches'. D

4. Discussion. Dixon and Kroeber's 171 sets actually number 173, since 1 la and 63a are also included. There are several additional sets, most of them involving only two families, which I have added and numbered consecutively, beginning with 172 and yielding a total of 218 sets.

I have discarded 66 of these sets which I believe show insufficient

evidence of resemblant forms linking at least two of the language families. In this regard, I have been more stringent with proposed Utian and Yok- Utian sets. For example, I reject PY *so.pin 'three' and PCo *kap(-)e-s ~ *kapha ~ *kapha-n 'three' as possible cognates, since there is no other example of a Y s : U k correspondence in initial position in my corpus, but I would have admitted it between two other families.

I cannot overemphasize the necessity of performing etymologies within families to weed out spurious resemblances. An example is PCo *sak.en 'six', which superficially resembles Mm sdj-coko 'six', but which is actually a stem compound meaning 'both threes', where Mm -coko means 'both'.

Of the remaining sets, some consist of two or three subsets, yielding 182 resemblant sets. Examining table 1, we note the low number (13) of sets that link all four families Dixon and Kroeber sought to relate, counting Miwok and Costanoan as a single family (Utian). By contrast, 38 sets in- volve only Yokuts and Utian, more than any number connecting two of the other families exclusively, and 64 sets include Yokuts and Utian resemblant forms, again a greater number than for other two-way comparisons.7 More importantly, the sound correspondences Dixon and Kroeber discovered

7 The number of resemblant forms between Wintun and other languages is high. Whistler (1977) presents evidence for the slow encroachment of the culturally dominant Patwin into

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TABLE 1

RESULTS

Yok-Utian 38 Utian-Maidun 14

Yok-Utian-Wintun 9 Utian-Wintun-Maidun 7

Yok-Utian-Maidun 4 Yokuts-Wintun 16

Yok-Utian-Wintun-Maidun 13 Yokuts-Maidun 23

Utian 14 Yokuts-Wintun-Maidun 8

Utian-Wintun 24 Wintun-Maidun 12

Total Yok-Utian 64 Total Yokuts-Wintun 46

Total Utian-Wintun 53 Total Yokuts-Maidun 48

Total Utian-Maidun 38 Total Wintun-Maidun 40

among their sets appear to be sporadic, even using their full corpus, except in the case of Miwok and Costanoan.

4.1. More evidence for Yok-Utian. Initial comparison of Proto-Yokuts and Proto-Utian yielded several regular and recurrent sound correspondences (Callaghan 1997), and a reanalysis of the Dixon Kroeber corpus has greatly augmented the number of resemblant forms and added two new correspondences. This material plus additional Yok-Utian sets now follows. For the sake of clarity, I have included additional sets that illustrate the new correspondences.

PY *?-7: PU *-1-

Yokuts

PYnim *wa.?al 'breakfast'

PYv *ka.?i-tha 'girl' PYgen *kuju-lum ? 'girl'

PY *wa?in 'to give' > PYnim *waky 'give'

PYgen *to?ol ?'head'

PYgen *pa?as 'lake'

PY *tha?ath ?? 'person'

Utian

Mib we-let 'to have breakfast'

(Mins wa.ly- 'breakfast' loan from Yokuts?)

PMiw *ko'la 'girl, young lady'

PMiw *wdja ~ *wdje 'to give' (< **wala - **wale ?

(PCo *(h)ara 'to give')

Mip tolo- 'head, hair'

PMis *pol.aj'pond, pool, lake' Mil pol-pol 'pond, lake'

PMiw *tdjis 'man male' PCo *ta.ris 'man male'

PU *ta()lis 'man male'

Miwok territory, and Callaghan (1964; 1987b) lists Patwin loanwords into Lake Miwok. Borrowing could easily account for many resemblant forms between Wintun and other language families.

English breakfast

girl

give, to

head

lake

man (male)

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PYsv *ta.?ai 'to shine (sun)' ?

PYgen *pa?an' ?'world'

Mil iulip 'to shine, glisten'

Mins py-laj-y- 'field' PCo *pire 'world, land, earth',

Csjb pira 'bury' PU *py(.)la(j) 'world', land,

earth'

PY *.t, *, *t: PU *s, *s8

Yokuts

PYnim *thathaj 'to break'

PYn *hoth (< **hu-th ?) 'buzzard'

PY *lophith 'fish'

PY *tha?ath ?? 'person'

PYnim *kathuw ? 'worm'

Yokuts and Utian t, h, b

Yokuts

PY *ta.m'us > PYn *ta.muth 'beard'

PYv *pho.su < **phusi

PY *uju.sul 'knee, elbow', PYsv *klujut 'knee'

PYnim *?o.th- *?o.s- ? 'to steal'

PY *-t- : PU *-t-

Yokuts

PYv *ha.thim ? 'to dance, sing'

PY *sixthil *sixi-thal 'ground squirrel' >

PYn *sithxil (through metathesis)

Utian

PMis *tas- 'to break'

(Mil th^eda 'break off')

PMis *hu-su- 'buzzard'

PMis *lapi.s-aj 'fish'

PMiw *tdjis 'man male' PCo *ta-ris 'man male'

PU *ta(.)lis 'man male'

PMie *ke.su- *ke.sy- 'angleworm'

s,

Utian

PU *pusle, *pu.te

Mil ?65ta 'to cheat'

Csjb ha-ta 'steal'

Miss tolo-ko-t

Mics tolo-ko-s-u-

Utian

PMis *ha.ty- 'to step, stamp'

PMiw *cfte 'ground squirrel' Csjb sicikna 'young ground

squirrel'

8 Although three series of stops and affricates can be reconstructed, there is evidence that aspiration and glottalization are secondary (Callaghan 1997:25).

shine, to

world

English break, to

buzzard

fish

man (male)

worm

English beard

blow with the

mouth

knee

steal, to

three

English

dance, step, to

ground squirrel

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PY *hath- - *hoth- in *hath-paij - *hoth-poyoj 'four'

(PY *paij - *pogoj - *pogij 'two') PYU *-t- > PY *-t-, *-th-/_ i ??? PY *hoth- < PYU *hoti 'two' ???

Ypal ketephal' 'woman' < PY *kathiphal9 ??

PU *?oti - *?ot- 'two'

Mil ?ot-6ota 'four: two twos'

Csf Ca tra 'girl or maid'

Additional Resemblant Sets

Yokuts

Yn, Yv ului (D&K) Yn uyum (D&K) 'bear'

Yyaw yo-mu < **ju-mi 'to cuckold'

PYnim *kham'- 'to dance'

PYv *xatha 'to eat' CC

Ytk opo-yo 'father, voc.' (D&K)

PYnim *pta.xa 'to fear'

PYnim *?aw'eha- 'fox'

grass, brush PYnim *ja-wil 'grass, brush'

heel Yhom hatasij 'heel'

mountain PY *lomith 'mountain'

paying Ywik thawtas 'paying'

pestle PYnim *phaluj ? - *phalwoj ? 'pestle'

see, to PYsv *sil'i 'to see' (PY *sasa- 'eye')

son PYnim *?e.nas < **?i.nas

'grandfather', man's grandchild'

turtle Ychuk ow' 'turtle'

swallow, to PYnim *ma-.ky < **my-k'i (**myklu ?)

Utian

PCo *?ores < **?oles 'bear'

Csjb jum-e 'to lie, cheat, deceive'

Mib kdawul 'to dance'

Cru xamp 'to eat' P Cru kat 'to eat' (D&K)

PU *?ap.y 'father'

Csjb pojko-n 'get scared, frightened'

Mim Ah-wdh-ke 'gray fox' CHM

Csf Yah wah 'grass'

PMis *hat-e- 'foot'

PMis *leme- 'mountain'

PMie *tiw.a- 'to buy'

Mic pa, paya 'pestle' (D&K) (< *pala ?)

PMis *syj-e- 'to see' (PU *syn-ty'eye')

PCo *?in-is'son' < **?in-is ?

(PMis *?agsi-'son')

PMie *?aw(.)an.a- 'turtle' PCo *?awnic-min ?'turtle'

Csjb mujku 'to swallow without chewing'

Ceb muj-e 'to eat pinole'

9 Palewyami /e/ may derive from *i, *y, *u, or *a (Whistler and Golla 1986:337).

two

woman, girl

English bear

cheat, to

dance, to

eat, to ?

father

fear, to

fox

340




this PY *xi(.) 'this near' GG PMi *?i - *?i 'that; he, she, it' Ceb ?i 'his, her, its'

PU *?i(-) 'that, 3 sg.'

tule (round) PYv *iojis ? 'tule sp.' Mil k6ol 'round tule' Ypal kololi-s 'tule' (D&K)

white PYnim *colol (- *colol ?) < Csjb tcalka - pal(.)ka **colal (- **colal ?) 'white' 'white' A

5. Conclusions. A reanalysis of the Dixon and Kroeber material un- covered 27 new resemblant sets between Yokuts and Utian, but it offered only sporadic support for links with Wintun and Maidun. The biggest sur- prise was the recognition of two new sound correspondences, which encour- aged me to review my earlier material. PY *-?- : PU *-l- is the only recurrent correspondence so far involving medial glottal stop, and it occurs after Yokuts /a, o/. It is too early to determine if this correspondence is in complementary distribution with another correspondence. The second sound correspondence-PY *t, th, * : PU *s, *s-is also restricted to noninitial position, and it is supported by corresponding alternations within Yokuts and Utian.

The additional resemblant sets include a possible Costanoan cognate for PYnim *md.kjy < **my.ky 'to swallow', Csjb mujku 'to swallow without chewing (soft substances)', which is more viable than PMis *my?-ty- 'to swallow', whose stem (my?-) may be a loan from Yokuts. The vowels of Csjb mujku fit PY *y: PU *u, which occurs in the environment of labials.

A second look at the set for Run leads me to think PYgen *hiwith 'to walk' is probably a deep loan from PMis *hywa.t-y- 'to run' instead of a possible cognate. PMiw *hic.aw 'to run' suggests PMi *hitaw 'to run' with metathesis in Sierra Miwok. Continued research of this kind yields insight into the complex problem of distinguishing loanwords from potential cognates.

Although reanalysis of the Dixon-Kroeber corpus has produced additional evidence for kinship between Yokuts and Utian, genetic relationship has not yet been substantiated. Yokuts and Utian have been spoken side by side for centuries, if not millennia, and the trade routes were east-west. It is

conceivable that the resemblances could have resulted from long-term diffusion. What has been vindicated is the fact that my methodology of stage-by-stage comparison from shallow to deep can yield detailed results, even for deep levels.

Although I cannot yet claim genetic relationship, I will indulge myself in a little fantasy. I have found four possible examples of Yokuts -t-, -th- : Utian -t-, enabling me to propose a sound law: PYU *-t- > PY *t, *-th-/_ i. If this fantasy is valid, I can reconstruct PYU *hoti 'two', which means, I suppose, that we should refer to the Yok-Utian family as "Hotian."

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5.1. Relevance for historical Amerindian studies. Dixon and Kroeber

(1919:69) were aware that the sound correspondences within their Penutian resemblant sets were sporadic rather than systematic, and they attributed this fact to ignorance of the scope of "... expansion, contractions, assimilation, metathesis, analogizing, and reduplication."

Subsequent studies have revealed that the particular expansions and segmentations which Dixon and Kroeber proposed were rarely justified, and that the sound correspondences, especially the nonidentical correspondences, among the remaining sets were sporadic except in the case of Utian and Yok-Utian. The typological similarities that Dixon and Kroeber also noted, much as case systems and absence of prefixes or stem-initial consonant clusters, are intriguing but they do not constitute proof of genetic relationship.

None of these observations proves that the languages in question are unrelated, since there is no known way for determining that natural spoken languages are unrelated. All we can claim is that the evidence in Dixon and Kroeber (1919) is insufficient for asserting genetic relationship, even when updated.

Frachtenberg (1918:176-77) understood the deficiencies of their pro- posal early on: "... Dixon's and Kroeber's presentation of Penutian and Hokan are exceedingly inadequate, both methodologically and in regards to subject matter."10 Unfortunately, he followed this statement by asserting, "The absence of conclusive evidence concerning Penutian and Hoken is the more unfortunate, as there exist strong reasons to believe that the Takelman, Kusan, Siuslawan, Yakonan, Kalapuyan, and (perhaps) Chi- nookan languages spoken in Oregon may be proven to be Penutian sister- tongues." Frachtenberg thus set the precedent for assuming the reality of "Penutian" without proof and incorporating, at least tentatively, even more languages into this poorly defined family, which was continued in Sapir's (1929) master classification of Amerindian languages north of Mexico into six superfamilies, one of which was "Penutian."

In the nineteenth century, various languages and families of languages were proposed as being Indo-European, meaning that they could be sys- tematically related to a core of languages: Latin, Greek, Sanskrit, and Germanic. At the same time, a close-knit set of correspondences was being elaborated among the "core" languages. Pitkin and Shipley (1958) and later Shipley (1965) made heroic efforts to discover such correspondences among the languages classified as California Penutian. Shipley (1983-84)

10 Frachtenberg (1918:176-77) had examined Dixon and Kroeber's corpus of comparative vocabularies during a visit to San Francisco.

342




expressed his dissatisfaction with the results and declared that the term "Penutian" had outlived its usefulness.

The notion that California Penutian constitutes a genetic unit has already been discarded by most specialists in the field, even those who believe that the families are ultimately related at a deeper level. This article further demonstrates that there is no set of systematic correspondences linking the so-called California Penutian languages. The result is that scholars who argue for a wider affiliation of languages under the umbrella of "Penutian" are left without a core set of languages linked by sound correspondences, and consequently without a clear answer to the question of what it means to claim that a certain language or language family is "Penutian."

Fortunately, Goddard (1996:1-16) has opted for a conservative classification for the new Handbook of North American Indians, which undoes the Sapir classification and lists Utian, Yokuts, Maidun, and Wintun in- dependently. Hopefully, this new classification will help dispel any mis- conception by nonspecialists that genetic relationship among California Penutian languages has been substantiated.

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more evidence for yok-utian: a reanalysis of the dixon and

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