Typology Morphology

Group 2

Agustina Lestary

Ninuk Krismanti

Peny Kurniasih

Rezqan Noor Farid

1. INTRODUCTION

The central focus of those who study morphology is how language users understand complex

words and how they create new ones. It is the study of the patterning of morphemes within a

word and how morphemes combine to form new complex words. Most linguists agree that

morphology is the study of the meaningful parts of words, but there have broadly been two ways

of looking at the overall role played by these meaningful parts of words in language. One way

has been to play down the status of the word itself and to look at the role of its parts in the

overall syntax; the other has been to focus on the word as a central unit.

Typology is the classification of languages on the basis of shared formal characteristics. The

ultimate goals of typology are to ascertain the ways in which languages are similar in structure

and to determine just how different human languages can be. It is an approach that one can take

in investigating the composition of human languages, an approach that is driven by a method of

cross linguistic comparison and rests on the assumption that structural similarities between

languages disclose fundamental properties of human language more generally.

Morphological typology is the study of differences among the world‘s languages relating to the

ways in which words are formed from smaller meaningful units referred to as ‗morphemes‘.

‗Isolating‘ or ‗analytic‘ morphology refers to a system in which each word consists of only a

single morpheme.

In contrast to isolating languages, we find ‗synthetic‘ languages, which permit more than one

morpheme to combine to form a word. In one type of synthetic language, namely ‗agglutinating‘

languages, the boundaries between the individual morphemes are clearcut. A second kind of

synthetic language is a ‗fusional‘ language, in which the various morphemes fuse together to

give a single, unsegmentable whole.

The next type is ‗polysynthetic‘. Characteristic of polysynthetic languages is that typically a

large number of morphemes are combined in a word, i.e. these languages are, as one might

suspect from their name, very synthetic.

2. TYPES OF MORPHOLOGICAL SYSTEMS

There are three types of morphological systems:

1. Isolating (or analytic) language

An isolating language is a language in which almost every word consists of a single

morpheme. An analytic language conveys grammatical relationships syntactically — that

is, via the use of unbound morphemes, which are separate words, rather than via bound

morphemes, which are inflectional prefixes, suffixes or infixes. If a language is isolating,

with only a single morpheme per word, then by necessity it must convey grammatical

relationships analytically.

Example:

Vietnamese

khi tôi dên nhà ban tôi, chúng tôi bát dâu làm bài.

when I come house friend I, Plural I begin past do lesson

When I came to my friend's house, we began to do lessons.

Chinese

ta bu hui yong dao chi fan

he no can use knife eat rice

He cannot eat rice with a knife

2. Inflectional (synthetic)

While isolating languages use only independent words for grammatical purposes,

synthetic languages often use affixes and internal modifications of roots for those

purposes.

a. Agglutinating

In agglutinative languages, each affix typically represents one unit of meaning (such as

"diminutive", "past tense", "plural", etc.), and bound morphemes are expressed by affixes

(and not by internal changes of the root of the word, or changes in stress or tone).

Additionally, and most importantly, in an agglutinative language affixes do not become

fused with others, and do not change form conditioned by others. Agglutinative

languages tend to have a high rate of affixes/morphemes per word, and to be very regular.

Their words tend to have lots of easily separable morphemes. In agglutinating languages,

morphemes are strung together to create complex words. Any number of morphemes can

be added in this way. All morphemes have a single meaning and are easily recognizable.

Example:

Turkish

ev → house (nom. sg.)

ev-ler → houses (nom. pl.)

ev-i → his/her house (sg.+poss.)

ev-ler-i → his/her houses (pl.+poss.)

ev-den → in front of the house (sg.+abl.)

ev-ler-den → in front of the houses (pl.+abl.)

b. Fusional

Fusional languages combine affixes by "squeezing" them together, often changing them

drastically in the process, and joining several meanings in one affix. A fusional affix can

carry a single meaning or several, such as person, gender and number.

Example:

Spanish word comí "I ate", the suffix -í carries the meanings of indicative mood,

active voice, past tense, first person singular subject and perfective aspect).

Latin word bonus "good". The ending -us denotes masculine gender, nominative

case, and singular number. Changing any one of these features requires replacing

the suffix -us with a different one.

3. Polysynthetic

Languages where the words tend to be extremely complex in morphological structure are

called polysynthetic languages. In many polysynthetic languages a word may contain

bound morphemes corresponding to both verb and noun in English. This means that

what are subject and predicate in an English sentence will often be expressed by a single

word in a polysynthetic language. Here is a Nootka example:

inikw-ihl'-minih-'is-it-a (verb) inikw-ihl'-minih-'isit-i (noun)

fire-in house-plural-small-past ongoing

several small fires were burning in the

house

fire-in house-plural-small-past ongoing-

the several small fires burning in the

house

Polysynthetic languages are characterized by incorporating stems and affixes that form

nouns into verbal roots. These long and complex words correspond to complete thoughts,

being equivalent to sentences in other languages.

3. MORPHOLOGICAL OPERATIONS

There are several ways in which morphological structure of a word can be modified. How a

word is modified is often called morphological operation or morphological process. A

morphological process is a means of changing a stem to adjust its meaning to fit its syntactic

and communicational context.

There are two types of morphological process:

1. concatenative morphology: putting morphemes together

2. non-concatenative: modifying internal structure of morphemes

The scheme below shows types of morphological process:

CONCATENATIVE MORPHOLOGY

1. COMPOUNDING

English shares with many languages the ability to create new words by combining old words.

For instance, blackbird is clearly formed from the adjective black and the noun bird.

However, a blackbird is a different thing from a black bird. First, blackbird denotes a

particular bird species, not just any old bird which happens to be black. Second, female

blackbirds are brown. However a black bird has to be black. The expression blackbird is a

type of word, just like thrush or crow, but it happens to consist of two words. It is therefore

called a compound word. A blackbird is a type of bird, a windmill is a mill, a coffee table is a

table and so on. We say that bird, mill, table are heads, and headed compounds are called

endocentric. The other part of the compound is a modifier. Thus, in house is the modifier;

while in boat is the modifier.

There is no logical (i.e. linguistic) limit to the lengths of such compounds. This possibility of

allowing a process to feed itself ad infinitum is called recursion and we say that

compounding in English is recursive. This is an important property which makes

compounding resemble some sort of syntactic process.

We can combine adjectives with nouns, or nouns with nouns (coffee table). We can also

combine nouns with adjectives (canary yellow, iron hard), though in that case the stress

usually falls on the last, not the first element. We can also form adjective + adjective

compounds (dark blue). However, in English it is rare for a verb to participate in

compounding. Examples such as swearword (verb + noun) and babysit (noun + verb) are

unusual.

Not all compounds are headed. Although the word white-collar clearly consists of white and

collar, neither word is the head of the compound. An unheaded compound of this sort is

called exocentric. Compounds of this type resemble phrases that have been fossilized as

words, and this particular type is sometimes called a bahuvrihi compound (from a Sanskrit

compound meaning ‗having rice‘ - the Sanskrit grammarians were the first to describe such

phenomena).

Another type of exocentric compound is represented by examples such as Austria-Hungary,

parent-teacher (association), mother-daughter (relationship). Here the compound is just two

nouns combined with equal status and they are given the name dvandva (from the Sanskrit

meaning ‗two and two‘).

2. INCORPORATION

Process whereby many words are compounded to a certain base word is incorporation -

which literally means a word bringing other words into its body. As retrieved from

http://www2.hawaii.edu/~bender/process.html, incorporation is a phenomenon by which a

word, usually a verb, forms a kind of compound with, for instance, its direct object (object

incorporation) or adverbial modifier, while retaining its original syntactic function.

Incorporation is central to many polysynthetic languages such as those found in North

America, Siberia and northern Australia, but polysynthesis does not necessarily imply

incorporation. Neither does the presence of incorporation in a language imply that that

language is polysynthetic.

The examples of incorporation in English can be found in the words meat-eat (eat meat) and

dish-clean (clean the dishes).

3. AFFIXATION

Prefixes and Suffixes

It is not often recognized that two quite different gestures may be involved in affixation--

especially in suffixation, and quite possibly also in prefixation in some languages--depending

on whether the affix is added to the base, or whether it replaces an affix that is already "built

into" the base. This is Bloomfield's (1933:224-226) distinction between word-inflection and

stem-inflection. In the former, "a paradigm consists of an underlying word (itself a member

of the paradigm) and some secondary derivatives containing this underlying word . . ." The

unaffixed word is itself a member of the paradigm. In the latter, "none of the forms in a

paradigm can conveniently be viewed as underlying the others," and none is unaffixed. A

bound stem is seen as occurring throughout the paradigm. An English speaker adds a suffix

in inflecting the 3rd person singular, whereas a German speaker replaces:

I laugh ich lach-e

you laugh du lach-st

she laugh-s sie lach-t

Even the citation form (the infinitive lach-en) must bear an affix in a stem-inflected language

such as German. In this type of language, to affix is always to replace--which is actually a

subtype of Modification. As such, it constitutes a different gesture from true affixation.

I will have little more to say here on these two most common processes, other than to suggest

that the difference in the gestures required for each may be greater than often assumed:

anticipation vs. perseveration, preposing vs. postposing, etc. Also, their metrical

consequences seem quite contrastive, just as do the factors that lead to their origin (and that

may account for a language's favoring one over the other or using the two for quite different

purposes).

Infixes

Since it often disturbs the integrity of words at their very roots, interrupting them as it were,

infixation seems at first glance a process totally other from the more common types of

affixation in the performance and perceptual skills it requires, although obviously still well

within the range of human capability.

Yet as manifest in Austronesian languages it occurs early in the root and alternates under

certain dissimilatory conditions with prefixation. Thus in Tagalog, the verb linisin 'to clean

something' is inflected for the Perfective Aspect alternatively with an -in- infix or a ni-

prefix: lininis or nilinis. (The in suffix on the basic form of the verb disappears from these

inflected variants.)

Confixes or Circumfixes

In the field of linguistics, the term ―confix‖ refers to a specific type of affix. Confixes are

composed of at least one prefix and one suffix, which are placed on either side of a root

word. When a confix is added to a root, a new meaning separate from the meaning of the root

word by itself is created. The term ―circumfix‖ is often used interchangeably with ―confix.‖

Confixes are used extensively in Indonesian and Malay, and they appear to varying degrees

in many other languages, such as Arabic, German and Japanese, to name a few.

―Confix‖ derives from Latin roots; con means ―with‖ and fix means ―attach‖ in this context.

Unlike a prefix, which is attached to the front of a root, or a suffix, which is attached to the

end, a confix is divided and attached to both ends. The fact that the separate parts of confixes

appear on different sides of the root makes confixes discontinuous morphemes. Morphemes

are the smallest units of a word that carry meaning. Though confixes are discontinuous, both

of their halves must be present for the meaning to be formed.

Students of German often learn to use confixes without realizing that they are doing so. The

perfect and passive participles of regular German verbs are formed by using the confix ge-

____-t. For example, to form the passive participle of the verb fragen, which means ―to ask,‖

one would attach ge-____-t to the root, frag, to yield gefragt. Dutch employs confixes in a

similar way to German.

Older forms of the English language also used to employ confixes in forming present

participles, but this use is no longer the norm. An archaic English confix was ―a-____-ing.‖

Examples include sentences such as: ―They went a-hunting‖ or the song lyric ―The times

they are a-changin'," a phrase that was made famous by singer-songwriter Bob Dylan during

the 1960s.

Indonesian often employs confixes to form verbs from nouns. For example, one meaning of

the word hantu is "ghost." When the confix meng-____-i is added, the new word menghantui

can be a verb that means ―to frighten or haunt.‖ In a similar way, confixes can be used to

form adjectives from verbs, as with lihat and kelihatan, which can mean ―see‖ and ―visible,‖

respectively.

As might be apparent from these examples, confixes are extremely versatile. Examples can

be found of them being used to form nouns from verbs in Hebrew. Czech and Hungarian

employ confixes in certain situations to achieve superlative forms. Japanese employs some

honorific confixes, and Berber often uses them to mark the feminine. Confixes also are used

in negation in many dialects of Arabic and other languages, such as Guaraní.

NON-CONCATENATIVE

1. REDUPLICATION

This process can be classified according to the amount of a form that is duplicated, whether

complete or partial, and if the latter, according to exactly which part. Several such types may

function side by side in a given language. So, for example, in Marshallese, one finds at least

three types of partial reduplication:

Initial C: liw Lliw

scold someone be angry

Initial CVC: yetal Yetyetal

go walk

Final CVC: takin Takinkin

socks wear socks

Combination: kijdik Kkijdikdik

rat be infested with rats

It is not uncommon to find that more variation is tolerated in the output of reduplication than

of other morphological processes, such as affixation. For example, the plurals of certain

stative verbs in Marshallese have the initial C of the verb stem reduplicated, but there are

variants in which the next consonant, or both, are reduplicated (ye- is the 3S subject marker,

re- 3P):

Singular Plural

ye-maniy re-mmaniy

re-mmanniy

re-manniy

it is thin they are thin

ye-kadiw re-kkadiw

re-kkaddiw

re-kaddiw

it is short they are short

Examples such as these give rise to the analogy with "playing a tune" used in the discussion

of gesture above. Reduplication especially, with output such as these in contrast with the

usual precision of affixation, can be seen as a special kind of gesture that one plays upon a

form. It matters little whether the force and timing of the gesture are such as to affect a given

segment or its neighbor, or both.

Another example of the tolerance of reduplication for variation in output can be seen in

Tagalog verbs that include either the pag- or ka- prefix in their formation. The initial CV of

either the prefix or the verb root may be reduplicated in inflecting for the Contemplated

Aspect. The same variation occurs in the Imperfective Aspect where -in- infixation occurs as

well:

BASIC FORM CONTEMPLATED

ASPECT

IMPERFECTIVE

ASPECT

Pagaralan papagaralan pinapagaralan

pagaaralan Pinagaaralan

study X will study X is/are studying X

Ipaglinis ipapaglinis ipinapaglinis

ipaglilinis ipinaglilinis

clean for will clean for is/are cleaning for

2. INTERNAL MODIFICATION

Although technically every process constitutes a modification, the term is usually reserved

for changes in the phonetic substance that leave one form with no more and no less than the

otherfor changes in which the number of segments remains constant.

a. Vowel Modification

A morphological process may consist of the substitution of one vowel quantity for another, or

a particular vowel quality for one or more others. In the latter instance, especially when

several qualities are substituted for, the substitute vowel can be seen as the "target" of the

gesture. Latin perfect verb-stem formation, for example, involved several processes, singly or

in combination. Included among them, in addition to suffixation (of -s or -u/v) and initial CV

reduplication, were both the lengthening of vowels of every quality, and the substitution of

long e: for either a or i. To examine these processes is to develop a feel for the complex of

gestures whereby one made a verb perfect in its aspect.

b. Ablaut and Umlaut

These two terms are of German origin. Ablaut was first used by German linguists to refer to

vowel alternations (also called gradations) of the sing-sang-sung variety inherited from Indo-

European, which from their origins have been grammatical signaling devices and thus

constitute pure examples of vowel modification as a morphological process. Umlaut, on the

other hand, although today largely indistinguishable from ablaut, had its origins in Germanic

languages as a phonological process, whereby root vowels assimilated to a high-front suffix

vowel. When the suffix vowel was later lost, the root vowels became the sole remaining

marks of the morphological property originally signaled by the suffix. Thus the mouse-mice

alternation, an example of umlaut, can be explained schematically as follows:

Singular Plural

Germanic [mu:s] [mu:s-i]

Assimilation -- [my:s-i]

loss of suffix -- [my:s]

Old English -- [my:s]

Middle English [mu:s] [mi:s]

Great Vowel Shift [maws] [mays]

Modern English mouse mice

The alternations of man-men, tooth-teeth, and foot-feet have similar histories, which although

they can be reconstructed, are today lost to the everyday language user. Thus the results of

umlaut are largely indistinguishable from those of ablaut. It may be that a contrast is still felt

in English between the largely front-back or high-low alternations of ablaut and those of

umlaut, which are back-front, but this would be the only legacy of the separate origins.

c. Vowel Reversal

Whereas ablaut and umlaut associate a given vowel quality with a given grammatical feature,

the Romance languages in their formation of the Subjunctive in contrast with the Indicative

exhibit a type of vowel modification in which either of two qualities (front (i or e) or low

back (a)) may be associated with either the Subjunctive or the Indicative. What is important

is that they be reversed one from the other. Which quality is associated with which

grammatical category depends on the verb class, and is opposite for the two classes. Here is

an example from Spanish:

'buy' Indicative Subjunctive

1S compro Compre

2S compras Compres

3S compra Compre

1P compramos Compremos

2P compra'is compre'is

3P compran Compren

Here it is impossible to identify a conventional subjunctive morpheme. In answer to the

question as to which vowel quality correlates with the subjunctive, the answer must be

neither or both, or better yet, that the wrong question is being asked. Comparison with a

toggle switch, or with the jump-ball arrow of college basketball, may be in order. The initial

state is arbitrary: either quality may occur in the indicative, depending on the verb class;

there are occasions when a switch to the other state is called for: the subjunctive is formed by

going to the other quality.

d. Consonant Modification

In English, voicing of final fricatives is used to convert certain nouns to verbs (sometimes

with accompanying vowel modification):

Noun Verb

Belief believe

Breath breathe

e. Tonal Modification

A number of African languages use tonal modification for verb inflection, according to

Matthews. He cites the following example from Lumasaaba (a Bantu language from East

Africa), in which "a morphological distinction may regularly be carried by tone alone":

'he saw' 'Near Past' 'Perfect'

_ ^ ^ [a:Bo:ne] ^ \ _ [a:Bo:ne]

(where ^ = high tone, _ = low tone, \ = falling tone, and B is an implosive bilabial stop)

f. Stress Modification

Here again English furnishes an example in disyllabic noun-verb pairs, sometimes with

accompanying vowel modification:

Noun Verb

Primary stress

on:

First

syllable

Second

syllable

récord Record

cóntrast Contrast

g. Suppletion

Suppletion is also called total modification that shows irregular relation between the words.

go – went

good – better

3. CONVERSION

Although we often form new lexemes by affixation or compounding, in English it is also

possible to form new lexemes merely by shifting the category or part of speech of an already

existing lexeme without adding an affix. This means of word formation is often referred to as

conversion or functional shift.

Look at these examples:

English table to table

bread to bread

fish to fish

English is, of course, not the only language with conversion. Noun to verb conversion occurs

frequently in German and Dutch as well, as the examples in show, and verb to noun

conversion is said to occur in French, as the examples in show:

German antwort (answer) antwort-en (to answer)

holz (wood) holz-en (to fell, cut wood)

Dutch fiets (bicycle) fiets-en (to bicycle)

hamer (hammer) hamer-en (to hammer)

French gard-er (to guard) garde (guard)

visit-er (to visit) visite (visit)

Morphologists argue that conversion is different from affixation, and treat it simply as

change of category with no accompanying change of form. With this analysis, converted

verbs like to fish would not have any internal structure, but would simply be regarded as

having been relisted or recategorized in our mental lexicons.

4. BACK DERIVIATION/BACK-FORMATION

Back-formation is the word formation process in which an actual or supposed derivational

affix detaches from the base form of a word to create a new word. For example, the

following list provides examples of some common back-formations in English:

Original – Back-formation

a. babysitter – babysit

b. donation – donate

c. gambler – gamble

d. hazy – haze

e. moonlighter – moonlight

f. obsessive – obsess

g. procession – process

h. resurrection – resurrect

i. sassy – sass

j. television – televise

Back-formation is often the result of an overgeneralization of derivation suffixes. For

example, the noun back-formation entered the English lexicon first, but the assumption that

the -(at)ion on the end of the word is the -ion derivational suffix results in the creation of the

verb back-form. Back-formation, therefore, is the opposite of derivation.

4. WORD MEANING

Dari referensi buku – buku linguistic, word meaning mengacu pada arti atau makna untuk

yang bias ditemukan pada kamus umum, kamus antar bahasa misalnya bahasa Inggris ke

bahasa Indonesia, ataupun ensiklopedia.

Kata itu sendiri berdiri sendiri yang merupakan unsur bahasa yg diucapkan atau dituliskan

yang perwujudan kesatuan perasaan dan pikiran yg dapat digunakan dl berbahasa; atau suatu

ujaran bunyi terkecil, atau juga dalam linguistic a morfem atau kombinasi morfem dianggap

sebagai satuan terkecil yg dapat diujarkan sebagai bentuk yang bebas; satuan bahasa yg dapat

berdiri sendiri, terjadi dari morfem tunggal (misal batu, rumah, datang) atau gabungan

morfem (misal pejuang, pancasila, mahakuasa).

Kata leksikal merupakan bentuk ajektif yang diturunkan dari nomina leksikon. Leksikon

merupakan bentuk jamak. Adapun satuannya adalah leksem. Leksikon dapat disamakan

dengan kosakata atau perbendaharaan kata. Adapun leksem dapat disamakan dengan kata.

Perhatikan contoh berikut ini: a. rumah b. berumah

Kata bentuk - suara fonologi atau ortografi atau penampilan dari sebuah kata yang dapat

digunakan untuk menggambarkan atau mengidentifikasi sesuatu.

Kata - akar kata - (linguistik) bentuk kata setelah semua afiks yang dihilangkan.

linguistik - studi ilmiah bahasa

deskriptor, bentuk, penanda, bentuk kata - suara fonologi atau ortografi atau penampilan dari

sebuah kata yang dapat digunakan untuk menggambarkan atau mengidentifikasi sesuatu.

Makna leksikal dapat diartikan sebagai makna dasar yang terdapat pada setiap kata atau

leksikon. Maksudnya, makna leksikal adalah makna yang sesuai dengan acuan atau

referennya atau kamus. Soedjito (1986) menjelaskan bahwa makna leksikal ialah makna kata

secara lepas, tanpa kaitan dengan kata yang lain dalam sebuah konstruksi.

Contoh yang pertama (a) merupakan kata dasar yang belum mengalami perubahan.

Berdasarkan kamus KBBI makna kata ―rumah‖ adalah bangunan untuk tempat tinggal.

Sedangkan contoh kedua (b) merupakan kata turunan. Contoh yang kedua (b) mempunyai

arti yang berbeda dengan makna yang pertama (a) meskipun kata dasarnya sama, yaitu

rumah. Penambahan prefiks atau awalan pada kata ―rumah‖ membuat makna ―rumah‖

berubah tidak sekedar bangunan untuk tempat tinggal tetapi menjadi memiliki bangunan

untuk tempat tinggal. Contoh yang kedua inilah yang dinamakan dengan makna gramatika

Persepsi lain mengenai arti juga terdapat pada beberapa istilah seperti:

Arti harfiah, makna harfiah atau arti/makna literal adalah arti kata secara leksikal atau arti

yang paling mendasar. Bukan arti turunan (derivatif)

kata makna - makna yang diterima dari arti word word - arti diterima kata

Kata akal, akseptasi atau keterbeterimaan, menandakan, akal - arti sebuah kata atau

ungkapan, cara di mana sebuah kata atau ungkapan atau situasi dapat diartikan, "kamus

memberikan beberapa arti untuk kata", "penanda ini terkait dengan signified ".

Lexical Semantik

Sebuah teori linguistik yang meneliti makna kata. Teori ini memahami bahwa arti kata

sepenuhnya tercermin konteksnya. Di sini, makna kata didasari oleh hubungan

kontekstualnya. [15] Oleh karena itu, perbedaan antara tingkat partisipasi serta mode

partisipasi dibuat. [15] Dalam rangka untuk mencapai perbedaan ini setiap bagian dari

kalimat yang beruang arti dan menggabungkan dengan makna konstituen lainnya diberi label

sebagai konstituen semantik. Konstituen semantik yang tidak dapat dipecah menjadi

konstituen dasar lebih dicap sebagai konstituen semantik minimal

Kamus adalah bagian utama dari deskripsi bahasa apapun. Sebuah kamus rumah tangga yang

baik biasa biasanya memberikan (setidaknya) tiga jenis informasi tentang kata-kata,

informasi fonologis tentang bagaimana kata tersebut diucapkan, tata bahasa (sintaksis dan

morfologi) informasi tentang perusahaan pidato bagian od seperti kata benda, kata kerja, dan

infleksi nomor contoh plural atau tegang dan semantik informasi masa lalu tentang makna

kata itu

Kamus, yaitu keterkaitan, penggunaan istilah teknis atau teoritis tertentu dan perangkat dan

presisi, menunjukkan titik-titik kesamaan dan perbedaan antara pendekatan dari biasa kamus-

penulis dan ahli ilmu semantik linguistik teoritis. Approah semantik lingustic ini ditandai

dengan desakan ketat menjelaskan hanya properti-properti dari sebuah kata yang

berhubungan dengan arti

Arti adalah denotasi. Sedangkan makna adalah konotasi. Kadang-kadang "makna" itu selaras

dengan "arti" dan kadang tidak selaras. Apabila makna sesuatu itu sama dengan arti sesuatu

itu, maka makna tersebut disebut Makna Laras (Explicit Meaning). Apabila maknanya tidak

selaras dengan "arti", maka sesuatu itu disebut memiliki Makna Kandungan (Implicit

Meaning) atau Makna Lazim (Necessary Meaning).