MOZAMBI Q U E SUPPORT NETWORK NEWSLETTER VOLUME Ill NUMBER 2 ISSN 1045-0254 SPRING/SUMMER 1990

MSN Inaugurates National Campaigns by Rollie Hudson

The recent Mozambique Support Network's national meeting, held the weekend of April 20-22 in Chicago, successfully brought the election of a new co-chair, was attended by the Mo­zambican ambassador, and attracted a number of luminaries. Some two dozen Network chapter representatives from across the country participated in busi­ness meetings, caucuses, workshops, and even a party in celebration of Namibian independence.

The conference, it is generally agreed, further solidified the group's national unity, marked the beginning of several m~jor anti-apartheid pro­jects, and paved the way for future im­provements on how to raise the aware­ness of mainstream America concern­ing the war in Mozambique.

Despite some unintended blending of business and workshop meetings and some public confusion over which ses­sions stressed caucusing rather than education, MSN as a group was able to

Ambassador Valeriano Ferrao

formally bring itself abreast of the last six months of activity and forge ahead into new business for the upcoming summer, Grace Jones will serve with Dr. Loretta Williams as the new na­tional co-chair in place of Mackie Mcleod, who is leaving next month with his wife, Zubaida, for Harare, Zimbabwe, where they will serve as international representatives for the American Friends Service Committee.

Upcoming MSN plans include a fund-raising drive for a child trauma and reorientation hospital in Northern Mozambique, the allocation of more money, and an additional staff person in Chicago. Plans for the Los Angeles area include targeting of the media and entertainment industry as a means for public education. The emphasis will focus on high-visibility personali­ties, such as those surrounding the Hollywood rock concert honoring Nel­son Mandela, June 29-30.

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MSN National Campaigns Defend Mozambican Youth - Defeat Apartheid Financiers

MSN members and friends are en­couraged to participate in national campaigns to show solidarity to the thousands of young Mozambicans ex­ploited by REN AMO and to discredit Citibank's continued financial support of apartheid. Materials for these cam­paigns are available from the Mozam­bique Support Network National Of­fice, 343 So. Dearborn, Suite 314, Chicago, IL 6b604. Phone no. (312) 922-3286, fax (312) 922-6988.

Defending Mozambique's Youth Armed banditry, the favored weapon

in South Africa's war against Mozam­bique, targets children to destroy their present childhood and the foundations for their future. However, in the Afri­can tradition of "spontaneous adop­tion," Mozambicans have chosen to care for and protect their orphaned youth rather than institutionalize them.

"Os instrumentalizados" -the ins~ru­mentalized ones- has become a com­mon phrase in Mozambican vocabu­lary to describe children who have been forced to witness and participate in the barbaric acts of violence by RENAMO. Special care is needed for these children who have been severely traumatized by armed banditry. Special centers have been designed to reha­bilitate and care for the most troubled youth, before reintegrating them back into society.

"Child by Child" In Zambezia province, thirty orphan­

ed children are facing the long struggle for sheer survival and wholeness. The Mozambique Support Network nation­al campaign, "Child by Child," is raising $100,000 for this center and others which rehabilitate traumatized chil­dren. The funds will be used to buy

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NEWSBRIEFS Renamo Train Ambush

Maputo, February: Renamo am­bushed a train, killing 60 people. Sev­eral survivors were kidnapped. The train. carrying mostly miners returning from South Africa, was six miles from the border town of Ressano Garcia. and about 44 miles northwest of Ma­puto. Renamo detonated a remote con­trolled mine that derailed six pas­senger cars. then opened fire.

MOSAIC Johannesburg. April: South African

friends of Mozambique have recently created an organization baptized Mo­zambique Support Committee (MO­SAIC). The aim of the group is to de­nounce and expose South African sup­port for Renamo and to press for its end: publicize inside South Africa the effects of destabilization in Mozam­bique: and fight for the eradication of the South African electrified fence along the border with Mozambique. MOSAIC has already held a Mozam­bique week in South Africa.

$120 Million in Aid New York, April: The Mozambique

donors' conference held at the UN headquarters in New York on April 26 has provisionally raised about $120 million in emergency aid to meet pri­ority needs for 1990/ 91.

The Mozambican government re­quested emergency aid valued ·at $136.lm to meet the needs of about one and a half million Mozambicans displaced from their homes by the

Peace Talks Derail

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Mozambique National Resistance (MNR/Renamo) rebel action, the news agency AIM reported.

The figure announced could still increase since some of the delegations present at the conference said that they were not yet able to announce definite pledges.

The largest single donor in response to this appeal is Sweden which has pledged $30m. It is followed by the U.S. (about S20m), Canada ($18ml. the European Community ($14m), Italy ($10m), Holland ($6.7m). Norway ($6.5m), Britian ($6m), Denmark ($5m) and West Germany ($2.8m).

The European Community has de­cided to allow funds available under the Lome Commission for assistance to refugees to be used to support people displaced within the country.

UN general secretary, Javier Perez de Cuellar. has meanwhile condemned the continued "campaign of terror against the civilian population" waged by the MNR. Speaking at the UN head­quarters on April 26, at the opening of the donors' conference, he said that at least 761 Mozambicans have been killed already this year in attacks on villages, trains and vehicles.

UNICEF Reports Donor 'Fatigue' (Adapted.from New York Times 6119/ 90)

UN, June: The head of the United Nations Children's Fund accused the world's richer countries of "aid fatigue"

as he appealed for more help for Mo­zambique and Sudan.

The warning that Africa's repeated appeals are beginning to strain donors' generosity came from the UNICEF executive director, James P. Grant, as he requested $I I million for Mozam­bique.

UNICEF's appeal coincided with the publication of new UN figures showing that Western pledges are running be­hind what many African countries are expected to need to avert catastrophe.

Mr. Grant said the response to a $135 million aid program launched in · April for Mozambique has been thin. Meanwhile, the need for aid has in­creased since April as a pullback by Renamo gave relief agencies access to

. another 700,000 sick and hungry peo­( pie. "' The Rome-based World Food Pro­

gram, which coordinates deliveries, reported recently that it had received pledges for only 29 percent of the 229,000 tons of emergency food relief needed this year for Mozambique.

New U.S. Ambassador President Bush announced he would

nominate . career diplomat Townsend B. Friedman Jr., 50, as ambassador to Mozambique, succeeding Melissa Foelsch Wells. Since 1987, Friedman has served as director of Southern European affairs at the State Depart­ment.

Direct talks between the government of the People's Republic of Mozambique and REN AMO were scheduled to begin June 12 in Blantyre, the second largest city in Malawi. The talks collapsed just hours after they were supposed to begin.

A joint statement issued by the governments of Mozambique, Zimbabwe, and Malawi attributed the peace talks' derailment to the RENAMO and Kenyan delegations.

"Owing to apparent difficulties experienced by the RENAMO and Kenyan delegations it was not possible to initiate the process of direct talks between the Mozambique government delegation and RENAMO on the agreed dates."

Prior to the scheduled start of the talks, RENAMO representatives in the United States, Portugal, and Kenya were surprised by the announcement of the proposed talks and denied that such talks were in the planning.

Letter To South Africa END ALL FORMS OF SUPPORT FOR RENAMO

In January the Johannesburg Sunday Star, and the Mozambican papers, pub­lished an unprecedented open letter to President F.W. deKlerk from a group of 74 Mozambican intellectuals. It called on him to end all forms of South African support for REN AMO.

"Over the last decade, the People's Republic of Mozambique has been the setting for one of the most terrible genocides in the history of Africa," said the letter. "The aggression ... can­not in any way be described as a war. A war is directed against the armed forces of a state. A war, though it in­volves destructive acts, prepared the conditions for insurgents to take over the government. This is not happening in Mozambique .. (where) the violence is directed fundamentally against civil­ians, wiping out human lives and de­stroying economic infrastructures."

Calling de Klerk's attention to his lofty statements yet sparse action, the letter-writers called for "the eradication of all mechanisms conceived in the light of 'total strategy' (policy) to de­stabilise the region militarily."

The same group of Mozambicans also directed an appeal to the anti­apartheid movement inside South Africa, calling on it to demand and support the end of "all acts of de­stabilisation launched from South Afri­can territory." The Mozambicans asked that this be an added condition for the negotiations with the Pretoria regime.

Among the signatories: artist Ma­langatana Valente; poet Jose Craveirin­ha; and Secretary-General of the Mo­zambican Writers Association, Albino Magaia.

There have been solidarity responses to the letter. Organizations in South Africa published support statements in the Johannesburg WEEKLY MAIL and elsewhere. Among these: the South African Association of Demo-

continued on page 12.

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Workers Strike A wave of strikes has washed over

the country since the start of the year. Workers have demanded back pay, wage increases, upgradings, improved working conditions, and greater respect for workers and their safety.

Over 45,000 workers have been in­volved from journalists, railway, hos­pital, textile, glass, food processing, transportation, street-cleaning and oth­er sectors. Most strikes have been of short duration - a few hours to a few days. There has been no bloodshed.

The constraints from the IMF/ World Bank economic restructuring program are key factors in the dis­satisfaction, but there is more: dissatis­faction with the Mozambican Workers' Organization (OTM) which grew from the production councils encouraged by FRELIMO post-independence. The OTM includes workers from all in­dustries who are assigned to sectoral unions within OTM. Modeled on the Eastern European model of trade unions, the OTM's credibility has been weakened. Workers complain that the party organizations fail to transmit information about the country's con­ditions, compromises and strategies. And charges mount about growing cor­ruption and greed.

Workers speak openly of the dilem­mas for them. Good intentions are in­sufficient. "The problem is that the brain understands what the govern­ment is saying about the dependence of the economy upon foreign aid," said one worker from a heavy engineering company, "but the stomach refuses to accept." Another said the banditry plus economic liberalization meant that now there was both "conflict outside and conflict inside."

President Chissano has spoken at public rallies urging management and workers to solve their problems "in an atmosphere of respect and mutual trust." Most of the demands, he has said, are "just and honest." President Chissano has acknowledged that change is needed in the OTM which, he says, has been "set free' to repre­sent worker interests in the new public and private environment.

Strikes technically are outlawed un­der the 1979 security law. However, the right to strike is included in the draft of the new constitution. People in all sectors and regions of the country are participating in the nation-wide debate on a proposed constitution.

... .: "'

.~~ NACALA HARBOR BACK IN ACTION The Nacala Corridor is now the safest of Mozambique's four major transport routes. Since late February the bandits have stepped up their offensives along the Beira Corridor. Eleven persons were killed in one incident. A white Zimbabwean businessman and British professor were kidnapped in another. says Ruth Ansah Ayisi. Africa Infor­mation.

Diplomatic sources put the peace along the Nacala Corridor down to a promise in August by RENAMO leader Alfonso Dhlakama not to launch any attacks there. It is believed that Ma­lawian president Kamuza Hastings Banda pressured Dhlakama, who needs to pass through Malawi to take part in current peace talks in Kenya's capital, Nairobi.

President Joaquim Chissano, how­ever, points out that attacks on the Na­cala corridor stopped well before August last year, because the Frelimo army has been defending the corridor more successfully. Both Malawian troops and troops trained by a private British security firm ride the trains as well.

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U.S. Relations With Mozambique - Latest Statements

Mozambican President Joaquim Alberto Chissano made a four day official visit to the U.S.March 12-15, 1990. The schedule was tight, filled with meetings at the White House, State Department, Congress, the World Bank, and with Mozambicans in the U.S. and members of the MSN Executive Committee.

DEPARTURE STATEMENT (Excerpts) President Joaquim Alberto Chissano

Mozambique and U.S. relations have been moving forward and expanding ever since President Machel met here five years ago with President Ronald Reagan. And I believe today we have taken another step forward.

I briefed President Bush about the ongoing peace process in my country, and I informed him on the decision of my government to enter into a direct dialogue with Renamo as soon as possi­ble and about the measures already taken to bring this decision into effect.

I expressed my appreciation for the stand the United States has taken on the war in Mozambique and for the positive role it has been playing in the peace process.

My government wishes to congratu­late President Bush's Administration for its efforts to promote peace and democracy in Southern Africa and we make special note of its work in Na­mibia and South Africa. I have asked President Bush that the United States continue to spare no effort until peace, stability and economic prosperity are achieved in the region of Southern Africa.

In recent years we have taken impor­tant initiatives toward creating the framework for further democratization and economic liberalization in Mozam­bique. And most recently we put for­ward a draft constitution that would: provide for direct election of the Presi­dent and the People's Assembly based on universal suffrage, enshrine a basic set of rights for the people, and es­tablish constitutional basis for private property.

We are a young country, only fifteen years old. As we build our country and our democracy, we are grateful that we have as friends the United States of America and President George Bush.

President Bush

This afternoon, President Chissano and our delegation had a very produc­tive meeting and a very engaging work­ing lunch. We used those opportuni­ties to discuss important bilateral mat­ters, including America's strongest en­dorsement of the government of Mozambique's political and economic reforms. We spoke openly and frankly , and I told President Chissano that he has our strong support as he undergoes these reforms.

These reforms have enhanced the ties which link Mozambique and the United States, strengthening rights cen­tral to America- the right to vote and own property, the right to worship as we please, and to be free of violence. These reforms have buoyed the Mozambique peace process, which we amply discussed today. They have also meant more liberalization and privati­zation, and led Mozambique to accept the economic rehabilitation program supported by the International Mone­tary Fund, the IMF.

For that, Mr. President, I salute you. Yet we look forward to even further reforms. So we talked today of com­mon concerns-the crisis there in hu­manitarian concerns, I might add.

We reviewed ongoing developments in the Southern region of Africa and explored new ways to propel the trend toward political solutions and regional cooperation. In all of this, we pledge our assistance to help Mozambique's humanitarian and development needs. For we've seen your government take significant steps to heal divisions that threaten your nation. And we urge all parties to talk at the earliest opportuni­ty so as to avoid further suffering.

Like many of your counterparts, President Chissano, your government has, in recent years, began to open up the economy to market forces, and to open up the political process, allowing a free flow of ideas. As we've learned around the world, democracy and de­velopment are directly related; each encourages the other. So we commend you for taking steps toward democracy parallel with those steps toward eco­nomic reform.

Mr. President, ours is the chance to act, not me:rely in Mozambique or any single country, but rather all of Africa, helping democracy enrich a continent and your continent enrich the world.

I look forward to working with you toward peace and democracy in Mozambique and in the entire region. I'm so glad you came to the White House.

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EDITORIAL: The Nicaraguan Elections: Lessons for Mozambique

By Jim Eitel & Chris Benner

The recent elections in Nicaragua highlight some important lessons to be learned by Mozambique and the Mozambique support movement in the United States. The parallels between the two countries are obvious. Both achieved a broad-based social revo­lution to install a progressive gov­ernment that has tried to implement programs to benefit a broad mass of people. Both countries have been sub­jected to vicious low-intensity warfare from foreign sponsored agents - in Mozambique's case the primarily South African sponsored REN AMO, in Nica­ragua, the U.S. backed contras.

The parallels may become even more similar as Mozambique prepares for elections sometime in 1991. There is talk of creating a multi-party system, and national elections with contesting political parties are a very real possi­bility in the next few years. In this light, it is important for Mozambique to examine the entire election process in Nicaragua, and for solidarity workers in the United States to learn the lessons from the Nicaraguan elections in order to be better prepared if a similar situation arises in Mozambique.

The victory of the U.S. selected and financed UNO (Union of National Opposition) in the February 25 elec­tions was a major success for Wash­ington's so-called "Low Intensity" war­fare. While the election process itself was free and open (a tribute to the democratic structures the FSLN has helped create in Nicaragua), the con­text in which the elections were held was skewed. Ten years of economic isolation, political destabilization, and military terrorism by the U.S.-backed contras has left the economy in ruins. Every Nicaraguan family has been touched by the war. The Nicaraguan people were forced to vote with the "gun" of U.S. policy pointed to their heads. An UNO victory clearly meant that the economic embargo against Nicaragua would be lifted and that the

U.S. would stop funding the contras. A FSLN victory guaranteed a continued U.S. war to undermine the gains of the revolution.

The FSLN did make mistakes which contributed to its defeat. Their election advertising focused on simple phrases like "all will be better" and "let's win and move forward," based on the as­sumption they would win. Given the desperate state of the economy, some voters were offended by this slick, ex­pensive and shallow electoral cam­paign. The Sandinistas also clearly un­derestimated the desire for an end to the military draft. Some observers felt that had the FSLN announced an aboli­tion of the draft at the massive Februa­ry 23rd rally-the largest in Nicaraguan history-they would have won the elec­tions, but the very size of the rally made them believe their support was strong enough. This points out another weakness of the FSLN's campaign ef­forts: their surprise and unprepared­ness for the electoral defeat indicate that they were not fully in touch with the Nicaraguan people.

The clearest lesson from the Nica­raguan elections is the near impossi­bility of holding tru ly democratic elec­tions in the context of U.S. aggression. The FSLN agreed to go ahead with the electoral process, even though the U.S. continued to fund the contras and the contras continued to break the cease­fire agreed to in the Tela Accords. This U.S.-financed war, which con­tinued despite all international agree­ments, sent a clear message to the Nicaraguan people: nothing will stop the war while the Sandinistas are in power, no matter how much they bent over backwards to comply with inter­national observers and agreements. In this context, it is a tribute to the gains of the Sandinista revolution that the FSLN was able to gain the support they did in the elections.

Implications tor Mozambique The experience of Nicaragua clearly

shows that elections were used by the

U.S. as an effective tool in their low­intensity warfare. In addition to mili­tary warfare, economic embargoes , co­vert and overt intervention, and diplo­matic isolation , the U.S. government added electoral campaigns, providing millions of dollars to the UNO cam­paign, and essentially coerced the Ni­caraguans into voting away their free­dom. As Mozambique prepares for up­coming elections, we must be prepared for South Africa and the U.S. to use the e lect ions to futher undermine the Mozambican r~vo/utionary process.

Mozambique will be holding Presi­dential elections sometime in 1991. Any candidate who receives enough supporting signatures in each of Mozambique's provinces will be eligi­ble to run for President. Like in Nica­ragua, there will undoubtedly be efforts by the U.S. (and South Africa) to pro­mote and fund an opposition candi­date. Nicaragua allowed foreign fund­ing of opposition parties, but Mozam­bique should be wary of following that path. We in the U.S. must be prepared to strongly oppose any efforts to inter­vene in Mozambican affairs in this way.

Discussions are currently being held about the possibility of a multi-party system in Mozambique. Like in Nica­ragua where the U.S. tried to legiti­mize the UNO coalition, there will be attempts to legitimize RENAMO as a political entity. Already there are on­going efforts in the U.S. and inter­nationally to portray RENAMO as a political movement, eventually trying to make it or a civilian counterpart eligible to compete in elections. There are elements in the U.S. government who would like to see open U.S. sup­port for RENAMO. An extensive pri­vate network of support for REN AMO already exists. An important task of U.S. and international solidarity is to combat all efforts to portray REN AMO as a legitimate political force in Mozambique.

continued on page 12

"An important task of U.S. and international solidarity is to combat all efforts to portray RENAMO as a legitimate political force in Mozambique. "

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The Coors-Renamo Connection by Barbara Gude

On April 19th members of the Mo­zambique Support Network and the Uptown Community Learning Center in Chicago picketed the unveiling of billboards by the Coors family that read 'The Right Dream - Pass It On" and included a literacy Hotline number to call. The local MSN chapter did an informational flier for the event that exposed the incredible hypocrisy of this billboard campaign which includes 18 billboards on the south and west sides of Chicago.

The flier asked the question, "Why support literacy billboards in Chicago and destroy schools in Mozambique?" or "What's the connection between Coors, 'The Right Dream' and Re­namo?" There is more than one con­nection. The Coors family has founded, funded and continues to participate at the top levels of several radical right wing organizations that are major sup­porters of Renamo in Mozambique and

BOOK REVIEW by William Minter, Ph.D.

John s. Saul, Socialist Ideology and the Struggle for Southern Africa. Africa World Press, Trenton, NJ, 1990. $11.95.

At meetings or in current articles, John Saul can always be relied on for subtle, committed and informed re­flections about the current situation in southern Africa. Picking up this book, one would like to hear him talking about today, reflecting on the impact of events in eastern Europe, Mandela's release and the war weariness of An­gola and Mozambique.

But books take a long time to be published, and there is no practical way this book could be so up-to-date. But it is a bit disappointing to find it consists of essays already published between 1980 and 1987, with some additional comments and an afterword written in 1988.

U nita in Angola. Three of these organi­zations are the Heritage, the Free Congress Foundation and the Conser­vation Caucus. According to a new, as yet unpublished, report by Russ Bellant of the Political Research Associates of Cambridge, Massachusetts, the Coors family helped found the Heritage Foun­dation in 1973 with an initial contribu­tion of $250,000 and has continued to

be a major contributor. The report goes on to say that it was the Heritage Foundation, as a right-wing think tank that came up with the idea of "low in­tensity conflict" to be used against small countries unfriendly to the United States. The proposal called for

Of the five essays, two focus on gen­eral issues of socialist ideology in Africa, one on Mozambique, one on Zimbabwe and one on South Africa. The Mozambique essay from 1987, on "development and counterdevelop­ment strategies," is still a useful sum­mary. The others, read in 1990, have the feel of being both too general and too specific. General reflections set in the context of specific times and specif­ic debates, they demand a lot of the reader trying to think through what still applies. It doesn't help that most sentences are twice as long as they should be.

Still, the essays pose issues that the solidarity movement must grapple with. Issues like just what kind of socialism is possible, how to avoid dogmatism and deal with particular situations

"increased bloodletting" as a way to control unfriendly governments or populations and it suggested not using the U.S. military in favor of "using other warriors who can be hired or conscripted to do the fighting." It is precisely this strategy that is being used in Mozambique and Angola today. It is this strategy that has destroyed schools, health clinics, cooperatives, energy sources and railways. It is this strategy that has terrorized and dislocated over half the population of Mozambique. It definitely seems a misnomer to call it "low intensity." The same report also points out Joe Coors' longtime mem­bership in and major contributions to the Conservative Caucus, a very ardent supporter of Renamo, and the Coors family participation and contributions to the Free Congress Foundation, whose newsletter the "Freedom Fight­er" reports on and suports the activi­ties of Renamo.

while maintaining a larger vision, how much can intentions and policies affect the objective circumstances. The answers here may not satisfy us. But the serious reflection they represent is indispensable.

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NEW RESOURCES

THIRTEEN NEW PUBLICATIONS are available from the Mozambique Support Network National Office, 343 South Dearborn, Suite 314, Chicago, IL 60604, 312/922-3286.

Bones (Baobab Books, 1989, 135pp $7.00), the award-winning novel by Zimbabwean author Chenjerai Hove, provides a rendering of the hardships in pre-liberation Zimbabwe and the struggle for freedom through the life of Marita, a Zimbabwean farm-worker whose son becomes a freedom fighter.

Harvest of Thorns (Baobab Books, 1989, 277pp, $8.00) is Shimmer Chinod­ya's latest novel. Chinodya, a Zim­babwean, also treats with the subject of liberation through an individual's experience, that of Benjamin Tichafa, who is torn between the forces of Christianity and Nationalism, his per­sonal responsibilities and public duties.

The Trial of Andrew Zondo (Baobab Books, 1987, l 79pp, $7.00) . Fatima Meer gives voice to a young man exe­cuted by Pretoria for sabotage in 1986 at the age of 19, discussing Andrew's early life, his political work, and the actual workings of the trial that led to his conviction and execution.

White Man Black War (Baobab Books, 1989, 134pp, $7.00). Bruce Moore­King, a former member of the Rho­desian armed forces, tells the story of his own lengthy involvement in various Rhodesian forces "terrs" (terrorists) as­sassinations, including the shooting of small children for being out after cur­few. This is an honest book which at­tempts to come to grips with the de­pravity of the attempt to maintain Rho­desia as a bastion of white supremacy.

Readers may already be familiar with Ruth First's 117 Days (Monthly Review Press, l 70pp, 1989, $9.00), First's ac­count, written in 1965 and now re­printed, of her four months in de­tention. Both as a piece of prison litera­ture, and as a personal chronicle of an important aspect of South African po­litical life, 117 Days remains an impor­tant work by one of the leading activ­ists and journalists from the 1940's until her death at the hands of the South African government.

Bridging the Global Gap: A Hand­book to Linking Citizens of the First and Third Worlds (Seven Locks Press, 1989, 339pp, $11.95), is a working guide to creating real people-to-people links with the peoples of the third world. Medea Benjamin and Andrea Freed­man cover a broad range of topics, including traveling with sensitivity and an eye to learning and linking, the question of aid, material aid work and creating linkages for these purposes, and actual organization-building. The book includes a useful resource sec­tion.

Banking on Apartheid (James Currey, 1989, 94pp, $8.00) is a well-document­ed examination of the effect of sanc­tions and a must for anyone who wishes to be conversant with sanctions argu­ments.

Apartheid Terrorism (Indiana Univ. Press, 1989, 163pp, $10.00), authored by Phyllis Johnson and David Martin, is a comprehensive country-by-country examination of the effects of South African-backed destabilization among the Frontline states, and an excellent, well-documented resource for activists, journalists and researchers.

Regional Conflict and U.S. Policy: Angola and Mozambique, edited by Richard J. Bloomfield (Reference Pub­lications Inc., 1988, 26lpp, $12.95), is a compendium of nine essays by experts such as Bender, Smith and Rotberg on U.S., Soviet, Cuban and South African policies in Southern Africa. This col­lection provides a useful overview of regional policy questions.

Among MSN's new offerings is the text of a speech given by Jose Oscar Mon­teiro to . delegates to the Provincial Assemblies Seminar at Beira in May, 1988. Entitled Power and Democracy, the speech is a meditation on the history and forms of power in Mozam­bique, and is part of a new series of such speeches to be published in Mozambique ($6.00, 75pp).

Mozambique 1990: New Directions (CIDMAA/ COCAMO, 1989, 184pp, $12.00, is a comprehensive compila­tion of articles, interviews, and analyses of Mozambique's political history and future. Among topics included are "FRELIMO after the Fifth Party Con­gres;;," "What is RENAMO?" and "New Economics."

1990: Mozambique Emergency Fact Sheet (United Nations, 1990, free) . This one-page glossy brochure outlines the total cost of Mozambique's Emergency Appeal, including food aid, survival items, and logistics.

UNMASKING THE BANDITS: The True Face of the M.N.R.: European Involvement with Apartheid's Tool of Terror (ECASAAMA, 1990, 9lpp, $9.00). Journalist and filmmaker Anders Nilsson traces the history of the Mozambique National Resistance (MNR or RENAMO) and identifies European support for the MNR from Portugal, West Germany, and the Unit­ed Kingdom. The book also contains three excellent appendices chronicling South Africa aggression against Mo­zambique from 1980-1988, post-inde­pendence achievements from 1975-1981, and the effects of MNR terrorism and destabilization.

Mini-Guide to Mozambique: Struggle For Survival (American Friends Ser­vice Committee, 1990, Spp, $1.25). A brief and precise overview of Mozam­bique's history and current situation.

BACK IN STOCK! Paul Gifford's The Religious Right In Southern Africa (Baobab Books, 1988, l 18pp, $7.00) is available in limited supply.

Malangatana T-Shirt, the "Sacred Well," is available in L and XL ($15.00).

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MORE ON MALANGATANA: THE ART OF RESISTANCE VISITS CHICAGO

Excerpts from an article written by Chicago MSN member Rollie Hudson reflecting on the November 1989 visit of Mozambique's "most famous cul­tural emissary" Malangatana Ngwenya

Once upon a time, Malangatana used his oil and canvass to battle Portu­guese colonialism. Now, he continues to struggle against apartheid's "front­line destabilization" tactics of using contrastyle raids against unarmed civilians in Mozambique's interior. His art conveys images of suffering and strength which are special, not simply because they are politically and emo­tionally noble. but because his techni­cal style is generally considered noth­ing short of genius. He is to the anti­apartheid cultural movement as Nelson Mandela is to the political.

"When I meet people I laugh, I sing, I dance. But when I go to the canvas, I am another Malangatana."

Malangatana is of the belief that as the world changes, an artist's job is not simply to entertain, but to "help the philosophers think. " And "something is really changing," he said. Referring to a sculpture he is building at the entrance of a new factory in Maputo, Mozambique's capital. the artist says that he sees new lines, new hope, a new direction in his part of the world. He maintains that "the lines are more human now. They are laughing. In­stead of chains there are tattoos-sym­bols of culture."

As part of his mastery of technique, Malangatana rejects easy solutions. Each bit of space on his canvas is occupied, compact and united, by figures engaged in a struggle of violent heat and shrieking colors. It is a near obsession he has with his work and it has become a characteristic trait. Rare­ly is a Malangatana work to be found which doesn 't have images swirling out of chaos towards the audience, only to recede into their private voids once again .

I turned to look at his art- a large canvas called "The Wishing Well" -and found it looking back at me. A myriad of eyes searched the room in which I was standing. Big eyes and small. Malangatana's creatures greet­ed me with lids half closed from wis­dom to unblinking orbs, frozen in stark terror. And the creatures themselves? Some were human, some animal, al­though many were a combination of the two. He had painted many of his forms metamorphosing between shapes. Sometimes, they would simply bleed into one another or fade into the background as if they had used up their usefulness. Others were sketched on top of the scenery. Were they ghosts or simply afterthoughts he couldn't bear to leave out? But it all seemed to fit together beautifully, like a menager­ie of grand design.

" ... rumor has it that there is no real Malangatana. Some say this is really the work of a civilized white man."

I found myself looking next at a dark green sea monster descending upon the entwined silhouettes of two naked lovers. But when I followed the creature's body away from its teeth, down its length, it faded into an amor­phous shape cast in maroon shadow. And I was left wondering what that mean looking bird of prey nearby was guarding.

In Vienna, much to his chagrin, Ma­langatana's work was rej ected from both the "contemporary" and "modern" art museums. He was rele­gated to the "African Art" museum primarily because his style did not fit the Europeans' categories, and because he was a black African. "Am I not a modern painter?" he asked ... He main­tained that while African art museums have their purpose, they tend to be thought of as warehouses of the past;

many are archives, galleries, and places for things long since dead. He asserts that he is very much alive and that his work speaks to the contemporary world situation as legitimately as any other.

The conquistadores and slave ships continue to sail in subtle and not so subtle ways through the fog. Euro­centric and implicitly racist standards are constantly imposed upon culturally specific aesthetic creations like Ma­langatana's art. During one of his open­ings in Portugal, in which Malangatana was wandering unnoticed in the crowd, he happened into earshot of a group of white Portuguese commenting on his works.

"It is quite good," one said. "Yes," replied another, "but rumor

has it that there is no real Malangatana. Some say this is really the work of a civilized white man."

"Indeed, I've heard such stories," added a third, "and they ring true. I find it difficult to believe that a black could paint this well."

Just as they were coming to a general consensus on how only a white could so successfully capture images from the 'black mind,' Malangatana, step­ping up politely, handed them a quick­ly drawn sketch of themselves.

continued on page JO

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Defeat Apartheid continued from page I

food, bedding, medicines and to repair infrastructures. Funds will also support staff training for rehabilitation pro­grams.

What you can do: • Send a personal donation today to

help counter the human cost of vio­lence (make checks payable to Well­ington Avenue Church).

• Organize a fundraiser. Fundrais­ing brochures and videos are available from the MSN National Office. MSN can also supply speakers for your event.

• Make this campaign an ongoing project for your organization.

DEFEAT APARTHEID

BOYCOTT CITIBANK!

South Africa has been able to negoti­ate more time-over three more years ­to pay back its huge debt. International bankers, including Manufacturers Han­over and J.P. Morgan and Company, agreed, in Fall, 1989, to an extension of time, rescheduling and thereby de­laying payments. They have joined Citi­bank which earlier had granted South Africa ten more years for repayment of old debt.

These actions can be contrasted with the 1985 refusal by banks to renew

loans to South Africa. That earlier action had enormous impact, forcing further decline to South Africa's econo­my.

But, even in this rescheduling, there are deadlines to be met: 20% of the $21 billion debt has to be repaid by 1993. And in 1990-91 a number of European bonds come due. A further $3 billion is due as Pretoria begins repaying prin­cipal on "exit-loans" converted under the earlier agreement. It is time to pressure the banks!

A Call for Consumer Activism We have two strategies: consumer

pressure on the banks, alerting them to their tarnished image; and vocal sup­port for legislative attention to financial sanctions.

MSN has chosen to focus on Citi­Corp 's complicity in the rescheduling, and on its correspondent banking re­lationships with South Africa. We seek to block further conversions of this debt. Our goal: a blizzard of postcards from all regions of the U.S. questioning the corporate image. Support Financial Santions

These strategies logically comple­ment and expand comprehensive sanc­tions on trade and investment. Goal: severance of the international financial lifeline - routine transactions such as correspondent banking relations, let­ters of credit , collections, etc. - to South African entities.

Since the U.S. dollar is the currency for the international foreign exchange system, thus serving as the intermedi­ary for transfers between South Africa

Zambezia Province Center for traumatized children.

and other countries, U.S. banks have particular leverage. They can refuse to process transactions which begin or end in South Africa. By continuing pressure on the banks, and by consis­tent advocacy to Congresspersons sup­porting HR3458, we can persuade them to choose to use this leverage. This bill, the Financial Sanctions for De­mocracy in South Africa Amendment Act, complements the Dellums/ Simon comprehensive sanctions bill.

Congressman Walter Fauntroy, serv­ing on the U.S. House Banking Sub­committee on International Develop­ment, Finance, Trade and Monetary Policy, is in the lead here. Hearings are scheduled on the bill requiring that banks which have rescheduled their debt, or converted it into 10-year exit loans, immediately sell these loans on the secondary market. Correspondent banking relationships with South Afri­can entities would be prohibited. Call or write a letter to your Congress­person and Senator today.

Please act now: first mail a postcard! Th en write the letter!

Mr. John Reed, Chief Executive Officer of Citibank, NA, 399 Park Ave­nue, New York, NY 10043, must hear from the thousands of Americans who believe that apartheid is a crime against humanity. Postcards are available from the MSN National Office.

In similar fashion , your elected rep­resentative on Capitol Hill needs to hear from you. Address : United States Senate, Washington, D.C. 20510; Unit­ed States House of Representatives, Washington, D.C. 20515.

"' <!)

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Cl

Art of Resistance from pages

The cultural history of Malanga­tana's people rests on its own beauty, myth, and folklore. It defines itself and does not need the approval of an oppressive culture in order to obtain legitimacy. His ancestral connections to past glories, courageous feats of warriors, stories of love, legends, music and song.,.- as well as spirits and magic-make Malangatana an artist with profound roots. He was also an apprentice to a traditional healer, and was initiated into some of most hidden secrets of ancient magic. It shows in his work.

Malangatana Ngwenya

He now mixes the mysterious worlds of the snake and monkey with the worlds of the absolute terror in the dead of night and that of his people's continuing struggle for political and economic self-determination. Malanga­tana is one of the few people who has learned how to show us how myth and legend flow from the magic of creation, then connect with the continuous birth­ing and dying of the evolutionary cycle. Appreciating his work reminds me of how richly political and fundamentally intertwined our lives are in this mutual journey, whether we be the American or Mozambican.

For a complete copy of article, write MSN National Office, 343 South Dear­born, Suite 314, Chicago, IL 60604.

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MSN Massachusetts Passes A Milestone

The City Couneil of Bo§ton ha§ endorsed the §I§ter-eity relation§hip between Bo§ton and Beira. Some exeerpts from the 14 "Wherea§" paragraph§:

WHEREAS: The citizens of Boston have repeatedly expressed in actions their ideals and fervor for freedom, justice and the common good, from colonial days of the present; and

WHEREAS: The residents of Boston would gain in awareness and understanding by learning about the human face of African urban development, as well as learn about the art, music and social reality of people building a nonracial democracy in southern Africa; and

WHEREAS: The residents of Beira, a port city with rail links to several landlocked African nations, would benefit from the knowledge Boston has acquired in promoting port development and sound municipal management, educational and health systems, successful business and commercial enterprises, and a thriving cultural center; and

WHEREAS: The people of both cities would gain from encouraging cooperative and mutual exchange in the areas of culture, social relations, health care, trade and education; and

WHEREAS: The Mozambique Support Network has developed cooperative relations with many political, cultural and professional leaders of the port city of Beira; has sponsored numerous visits by leading Mozambique diplomats to the Boston area; and will continue to build and mobilize public support for this project; and

WHEREAS: Establishment of a twinning relationship between Boston and this southeastern African multi-racial city would energize our community and help bring the diverse peoples of the city together to work cooperatively; Therefore Be It

RESOLVED: That the Boston City Council supports the formal establishment of a sister-city relationship between the City of Boston and the City ofBeira, Mozambique.

For full text, write the MSN National Office.

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CHICAGO YOUTH DECRY CITIBANK SUPPORT OF APARTHEID

by Rollie Hudson

If hindsight had benefited the decision makers at the Museum of Science and Industry when they decided to ask an active member of Chicago's anti-apartheid move­ment to speak at the Museum's annual "Black Creativity Month," they might not have also asked South Africa's most generous U.S.-based creditor to underwrite their program.

Lisa January, National Coordinator of the Mozambique Support Network (MSN), received early in February an invitation to speak to southside high school students on what life is like for students in the frontline states affected by the apartheid regime, particularly in the southern African country of Mozambique.

Accepting the offer to speak at the student workshop, January subsequently learned that Citibank­with more credit ($600-$700 million) now invested in the South African economy than any other U.S. bank-was the primary sponsor of the Museum's entire Black Creativity Month.

Despite a letter to Diane McCain, of the Museum's Community Programs department, indicating that she would raise the issue of Citibank's "complicity with apartheid," January found herself teaching some 400 wide-eyed students about terms like "destabilization ." From that afternoon's workshop came a story which Citibank officials are said to have asked, unsuccessfully , the Chicago Defender not to run.

Before opening the floor to questions, January showed the Chicago youths a video called "Riding Out the Storm," about Renamo's terror in the outback of Mozambique. They were then told of Citibank's recent decision to roll over some $600 million of its short- and long-term loans to apartheid businesses until 1997, with no repayment of principals due for the first five years, a move nearly equivalent to a new loan to South Africa. Pretoria, experts maintain, will now have total flexibility in how the new money will be spent. The arrangement is one which sets a dangerous precedent towards giving Pretoria a renewed legitimacy, rather than increasing the pressure on South Africa's white minority leaders to dismantle apartheid.

"And after everything you just learned about apartheid in Southern Africa," January asked her students, "I ask you how, on one hand, can Citibank support apartheid, yet, on the other hand, sponsor black creativity in the United States?" The students were in an uproar, a few accusing her of working for Citibank, but most were filled with abhorrence for apartheid and empathy for Blacks in Southern Africa. Several even asked about other corporations heavily invested in South Africa, such as Coca-Cola and Shell Oil.

The meeting closed with students promising to tell their parents to cut up their Citibank credit cards and close their accounts. If they do so, they will be contributing to a divestment movement in the U.S. which has precipitated a slew of mandatory debt repayments and a financial crisis in South Africa totalling a net capital drain of more than $10 billion since 1985.

Reprinted, in part, from Heartland, June 1990.

-12-

Seattle Volunteers Respond to Need in Mozambique - Children Send a Message

The Mozambique Health Committee of Seattle is preparing to ship a con­tainer of medical supplies, clothing, hospital linens, bicycles and paint to the adopted Manica District in central Mozambique. The medical supplies being shipped include an obstetrical delivery table, examination table, syringes and HIV test kits. Many of the items being sent have been donated by individuals and businesses throughout the Seattle area. For the past two years, the Mozambique Health Committee has worked in conjunction with the Mozambican Ministry of Health to provide equipment and supplies for basic medical care materials and as­sistance to rebuild health posts, and physicians and nurses to teach and provide care.

The project is a collaboration be­tween the American Friends Service Committee, Pratt Fine Arts Center and the Mozambique Health Committee in an effort to generate interest in the current social and political situation in Mozambique.

EDITORIAL continued from page 5

cratic Journalists. the Congress of South African Writers, the Film and Allied Workers Organization, and the Union of Democratic Universities South Africa.

Recognizing "the great contribution by the people and governments of the Front line States to South African liber­ation" despite apartheid destabiliza­tion, the organizations pledge assis­tance to "our colleagues in Mozam­bique." "Our destinies are inextricably intertwined. "(O)ur struggles are one." The organizations commit themselves to campaign "for the cessation of all aid to the forces responsible for the destruction and genocide in Mozam­bique."

Nelson Mandela, speaking late Feb­ruary, declared that the "government of South Africa has repeatedly allowed sections of its forces to violate the sov­ereignty of Mozambique." He urged

Mozambique Health Committee

deKlerk to make any assistance to the MNR a punishable offense. In a speech at Bloemfontein, Mandela added that the U.S. should do likewise. "The South African government must cease to be the terror and scourge of our people and their neighbors," he de­clared.

The Mozambique support move­ment in the United States can benefit from the experience of the Nicaraguan solidarity movement as well. In its efforts to publicize the freeness and openness of the Nicaraguan elections, the solidarity movement neglected to emphasize the unfair context in which the elections were taking place. De­spite early discussions about the diffi­culty of the FSLN campaign, the move­ment neglected to seriously consider the possibility of the UNO winning and were as surprised as the FSLN by the results. The FSLN campaign and pro-

grams were perhaps too uncritically praised and we were inadequately pre­pared to deal with an FSLN defeat.

In the international solidarity move­ment in the U.S., we must continually stress that democracy is not simply a question of people voting once every few years. The Nicaraguan and Mo­zambican people have demonstrated much more fundamental ways in which people can exercise democracy and have political control over their lives. We must continue to oppose U.S. government attempts to interfere in Mozambican affairs and continually broaden our movement in support of southern Africa. We must struggle to give Mozambique the most breathing space it can have to continue its social transformation and development, by hastening the fall of apartheid, by un­dercutting U.S. support for RENAMO and by providing material solidarity.

-13-

National Campaigns -continued from page 1

Renamo Watch Ambassador Valeriano Ferrao spoke

first about South Africa's initial back­ing of Renamo forces during the Rhodesian revolution in 1979. Mozam­bique aided that country's popular movement in its struggle against Ian Smith's fascists. South Africa trans­ferred Renamo from Southern Rhodesia to South Africa and then into Mozambique "by all possible means," the ambassador said. "They came by land, air, and sea . . . there was war everywhere. They destroyed trans­portation, economic projects, terror­ized, raped, killed children, kidnapped people, destroyed entire villages, and bombed crops. "

"When we were in Mozambique we had the opportunity to really see what was the best in human beings and what was the worst in human beings," said Chicago 46th Ward Alderperson Helen Schiller during her introduction of Ferrao. She also described the effects of apartheid on Mozambique in gra­phic detail. "We saw children in refu­gee camps maimed from torture or starving or traumatized from seeing mothers and fathers killed before their eyes." Renamo's tactics of forced en­listment bear striking similarity to the devastating CIA/KGB actions in Viet­nam, Nicaragua, Rhodesia, and else­where.

Shiller added, "There is no question that in defense of apartheid, in defense of a system that is so vicious in terms of what it does to human beings, an entire nation, an entire region, is being torn asunder. Millions of people, many among the children, have been mur­dered. Entire economies have been destroyed to insure that independent people and countries cannot be self­sufficient."

Why Destabilization Ferrao outlined three reasons why

he though Mozambique has been under such heavy attack by South Africa over the last decade. "First,

black African country was supposed to govern and rule and be successful. To those whites in South Africa, the racists, the blacks are still monkeys living in the trees.

"Second, Frelimo is a non-racial movement." Ferrao pointed out how he, an Asian, represented not simply Asian Mozambicans, but all Mozam­bicans. "To South Africans, this was an anathema," he said. The essence of apartheid is separate development.

"Third, the South Africans knew quite well that if they could destroy Mozambique and Angola, east and west coasts, they would be able to control all the hinterland countries like Zimbabwe, Malawi, Zambia, and Botswana." Under such conditions, these countries would become even more dependent on South Africa's ports, trading corporations, and inter­ests with economic ties to the region.

Mozambique has 4.6 million "dis­placed" people wandering its hills and plains or living in refugee camps. Last year, one such isolated camp lost 5,000 to starvation. Neighboring Malawi has had its population swelled over 10 percent from the 1.2 million Mozambi­cans fleeing South Africa's proxy bandits. Meanwhile, Mozambique has never been able to fully organize its military, its borders consist of over 4,900 miles of primarily unprotected coastline, and it still suffers from the after-effects of Portuguese colonial en­slavement which ended only 15 years ago.

The U.S. Role "We must force a recognition of the

role the U.S. government and U.S . corporations have been playing in maintaining apartheid, destabilization, and genocide in Mozambique, both directly and indirectly," Shiller said. "Based on that understanding, we need to pressure, in the spirit of reparations, forty acres and a mule, for aid and trade and the extension of credit to the

Mozambique was a bad example. No government of Mozambique."

Shiller's work with sanctions and reinvestment has been done in con­junction with MSN, other Chicago-area anti-apartheid groups, church organiza­tions, and some locally-based banks. "Nothing is beyond the reach of an in­formed and conscious people," she said. "We are not an exception to that rule. We who are here in the center of (where) financial decisions (effect) the world, can reach with our fingers into the World Bank and the IMF (Inter­national Monetary Fund). We have responsibility to do so. I am told that even a small news article can bring down a bank."

Ambassador Ferrao, whose six-year tenure in Washington will be ending shortly, closed his public address and bid Chicago farewell by saying, "It is a collective effort that will bring down walls, that will bring down apartheid, injustice, and intolerance in Southern Africa and elsewhere."

Mpzambique Support Network

Newsletter

Editors Dr. Loretta Williams

Lisa January

Design Serif ftd.

-14-

Reprinted with permission from African Commentary, March 1990, pp. 62-63.

African Commentary: Who is RENAMO and how

INTERVIEW did the group come into existence?

Teodato Hunguana: RENAMO was created by the Rhodesian army during colonial rule. The major objective of RENAMO was to gather intelligence information for the Rhodesian army that could be used against ZANU (Zimbabwe African National Union). ZANU was at the time fighting a war of liberation against Rhodesia and Mozambique was used as ZANU's rear guard. RENAMO, therefore, also had as its objective to prevent Mozambique from being a rear guard. In order to achieve these objectives, the Rhodesians recruited Mozambicans to become mem­bers of Rename. These Mozambicans were marginals in the society, criminals and those who had been com­promised with colonial structures in Mozambique. And fina lly, some were recruited who were not satis­fied w ith the situation in Mozambique. Many of such recruits were in re-education camps where we were trying to rehabilitate them so they could be re­integrated into the society. RENAMO assaulted these camps, captured these people and trained them as tools for their inte lligence purposes. You can read the history of the creation of RENAMO in a very interesting book by the late Ken Flower who was head of the intelligence in Rhodesia and was leading these operations.

AC: Would you describe your country as being engaged in a civil war?

Hunguana: Well , to have a civil war you need some pre_mises; namely, an internal national force rebelling against the established order, against the government, against the party, against something inside the country. This never happened. So we don't have a civil war in Mozambique. What we have is a war of aggres­sion waged by RENAMO.

AC: Why has South Afr ica been interested in destabilizing Mozambique?

Hunguana: South Africa has a long history of involvement in Mozambique. During our colonial struggle Pretoria was involved in trying to help the Portuguese and trying to prevent the armed struggle from reaching central and southern Mozambique. The South Africans argue that the war is being waged be-

with

Teodato Hunguana cause of the danger of a communist onslaught against South Africa and that Mozambique is to be the spearhead of this communist onslaught. But the real fact, if you look at the history of this region, the history of this war, is that it's not the threat of com­munism that the government of South Africa is concerned with, but the threat of a truly independent African state in the region: an African state that represents victory of armed struggle; the victory of the African people against an European army; aga inst whites. The Portuguese were here, they were whites and we defeated them. Similarly, Zimbabwean liberation forces, with our assistance, defeated the whites in Rhodesia. So to the racist regime of South Africa, Mozambique is a very dangerous example. They fear we can play the same role in South Africa as we played in Zimbabwe. This is the reason South Africa has waged a war against our country.

AC: Who initiated the proposal for peace between your government and the rebels?

Hunguana: Of course, the government initiated the proposal for peace. And this is not the first initiative. You can recall the 1984 Nkomati Accord. It was the initiative of our government as was the meeting with President Botha in Songo in September 1988. We have always been interested in peace. From the time of our struggle for independence we have never had peace in this country so that we could develop Mozambique. We reach peace agreements with our neighbor, but South Africa continues to violate such agreements. Now we are trying to establish dialogue with the Mozambicans who are fighting as proxies for South Africa. Our idea for establishing a dialogue was presented by President Chissano on July 17th, 1989. The 12 principles for peace are outlined in the govern­ment's position paper. [Since this interview, RENAMO has responded to the paper with its "16 points," which the government of Mozambique has responded to in turn.) If these principles are accepted we'll have a phase II. This phase will be one of dialogue and maybe we can lay down a real plan.

AC: Do you think RENAMO is interested in peace?

Hunguana: As a group, RENAMO has never been prepared for dialogue. They have never been prepared

Interview conducted by Margaret Carol Lee of Tennessee Techno logical University at Cookeville.

Minister of Information Mozambique

for negotiations and in fact have only been prepared to act as instruments of the South African government. They are therefore not a political entity. Consequently, I think the majority of people in RENAMO must be tired of the war, of killing and destroying. I don't think they imagine themselves as being in the bush forever, so I believe it's possible to come to terms with them . The other issue that must be considered is what RENAMO's patrons want. This is the decisive point and here is where I think some other factors must be taken into consideration. The main one is the fact that the United States and the Soviet Union now favor peaceful solutions to the various regional conflicts in Southern Africa. This is a positive and very important element. A second factor that must be taken into consideration is that the in­ternational community, including the United States, has an understanding of the real problem in Mozam­bique. This has left RENAMO isolated internationally. The United States is supporting Mozambique. In fact,

recently read a U.S. policy statement that said, "We must defend nationa~ reconciliation in Mozambique but we must avoid legitimizing the hideous behavior of RENAMO." This is a very positive attitude and one which has had an influence on the attitude of RENAMO and its patrons.

AC: What about South Africa? F.W. de Klerk was recently here visiting President Chissano. Do you think the South Africans are really interested in peace?

Hunguana: Well, it is very hard to speak about South Africa because when you talk about that country, do you mean the South African government? South African citizens? The military? Intelligence? Well, we have all these realities in South Africa. We have a relationship with the government of South Africa and we have reached some agreements with them. We have the business community that is mainly interested in peace. We believe they are genuinely interested in peace and want to do business with our country. But you still have support going to RENAMO from South Africa. This is a matter of fact! We had an understanding with the government of Mr. P.W. Botha. He promised to put an end to supporting RENAMO. We told him we were waiting to see the facts. The fact is that the support continued after

-15-

Songo. De Klerk asked to come here. He reaffirmed the policy of P.W. Botha.

AC: It appears that bringing peace to Mozambique is going to be a very complicated process.

Hunguana: Yes, and we are trying to get as many parties involved as need be to accelerate the peace process. For instance, it was very important that Mr. Cohen, during his recent visit here, expressed the responsibility of the U.S. government to help in this process. And, in fact, I believe the U.S. government can do a lot. We have the African involvement. As you know, President Daniel arap Moi of Kenya was here recently to talk to President Chissano about peace and some months ago a similar meeting occurred with President Mugabe of Zimbabwe. And prior to t_his meeting. Chissano was in Zaire during the meeting in Gbadolite. While there he also talked with President Mobuto Sese Seko of Zaire about peace. We also have the support of Portugal as well as the Soviet Union. So we have not excluded anyone who can be helpful in expediting the peace process in our country. We are interested in peace because the violence, the war must end. This is the main goal we want to reach in the short term.

AC: Do you plan for RENAMO to participate in the building of a democracy in Mozambique?

Hunguana: Yes. In fact, what we are saying to our brothers in the bush is that they should return to the society and begin to exercise their right to express their views in constitutional terms. They are free to do it. So, if they come back into the society they already have a democratic framework where they can exercise political rights. If you look at the current political framework in Mozambique, you will find religious as well as non-religious participation. You will find Marxist as well as non-Marxist participation. You will find all groups in Mozambique discussing and trying to reach certain goals for the country. So the members of RENAMO, as Mozambicans, are supposed to be integrated in this framework.

~~'~'~,~~ \~'~'~,~~

What is the Mozambique Support Network? The Mozambique Support Network

is a not-for-profit organization that pro­motes and conducts educational cam­paigns, fundraisers, emergency aid drives, and other humanitarian efforts in the name of the People's Republic of Mozambique. Today Mozambique is under seige - South African-backed groups dubbed MNR or Renamo, call­ed "bandidos armados" by the people in the country, have destroyed more than 1.800 schools, hundreds of health­care centers and villages, and left 5.9 million people homeless and destitute.

The United Nations Children's Emer­gency Fund estimates that over 325,000 children have died as a result of the apartheid terrorists.

The MSN Newsletter is a bimonthly publication of the National Office of the Mozambique Support Network. Opinions expressed in this newsletter are the authors' and not necessarily representative of the editorial staff .

. Please address all inquiries and/or submi~sions for publication to the at­tention of the Editor, MSN Newsletter.

Mozambique Support Network 343 S. Dearborn • Suite 314 Chicago, IL 60604 / q 312 I 922-3286 FA x ~ (:2 - f-::i-::i- -to ( 'cY%

Mozambique. Learn More About It. Become Involved!

Mozambique Support Network.

343 S. Dearborn• Suite 314 Chicago, IL 60604 312. 922-3286

I am interested in:

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Renamo Watch "We Have to Transform Invisible Networks of Support for

Renamo into Exposed and Highly Visible Networks." ·Prexy Nesbitt, Author of Auarthejd in Our Livinfrooms

Exposing U.S. Support in Order to Help Fight Renamo Atrocities No. 2 Spring/Summer 1990

U.S. Right Tries to Legitimize Renamo Bandits

With direct talks beginning between the Mozambican gov­ernment and the Renamo bandits, efforts to portray Renamo as a legitimate political entity in Mozambique have been increas­ing. A number of organizations and publications have ap­peared which attempt to hide the destruction the South Afri­can-sponsored Renamo bandits have caused in Mozambique. Describing the conflict as a 'civil war' and portraying Renamo as an indigenous political force, these new organizations seem to be trying to legitimize Renamo in the eyes of U.S . policy makers and the Western media. The most prominent of these institutions are the Mozambique Humanitarian Foundation, the Mozambique Business Assocation, and .the Global Strategy Council.

Mozambique "Humanitarian" Foundation

The Mozambique Humanitarian Foundation (MHF) was founded in March 1989, supposedly as a non-partisan, non­profit, humanitarian foundation "dedicated to providing human and social services for needy and underprivileged Mozambi­cans." What they don't tell you about in their literature is the background of the people who set up the MHF. The three founders of the MHF-Benjamin Ngwenya, Boaventura Le­man, and Julius Seffu-are all Renamo members. Julius Seffu has in fact recently been appointed as the official Renamo rep­resentative in the United States. A slick speaker and public re­lations man, Seffu's appointment indicates an increased effort on Renamo's part to improve their image in the U.S .

The MHF claims to focus their 'humanitarian' efforts on Mozambicans "who are not affected by their proximity to the war zones". However, since this humanitarian aid is distribut­ed through MHF's "overseas representatives", this undoubtedly means aid to Renamo. The Mozambique Humanitarian Foun-

Renamo Watch is a project of the San Francisco Bay Area Chapter of the Mozambique Support Network. Our goal is to help expose Renamo atrocities while identifying and exposing networks of U.S. support for Renamo. Private networks of right-wing support are be­coming an increasingly important base for Renamo and need to be confronted to end their atrocities. If you have any information about Renamo supporters in the U.S. or know of creative ways these right-wing supporters can be fought, please write to: Bay Area Mozambique Sup­port Network, c/o ARC, 464 19th Street, Oakland, CA 94608, (415) 763-8011.

Renamo's vicious attacks on civilian populations have earned it the nickname the Khmer Rouge of Southern Africa.

dation should be exposed for what it is-a front for Renamo at­tempting to gain U.S . support for Renamo activities.

The Mozambique Humanitarian Foundation, Inc . PO Box 27147 Philadelphia, PA 19118 (215) 576-8016

~~Mozambique Business Association"

In October of 1989, the Mozambique Business Association (MBA) was formed, supposedly with the intention of "increasing foreign direct investment in Mozambique". Their claim to be apolitical, however, is absurd. The head of the MBA and Chair of their Board of Directors is James Blanchard, a Louisiana Busi­nessmen who allegedly gives Renamo $3,000 a month worth of supplies. The MBA is a for-profit corporation which is supposed­ly attracting "international interest from a wide range of large and small multinational corporations interested in eventually estab­lishing manufacturing, distribution and retail sales divisions with­in Mozambique". Membership in the MBA, however, is by invi­tation or request only and almost certainly only includes Renamo sympathizers.

Blanchard himself was in Kenya in the fall of 1989, consult­ing with Renamo during the supposed "peace talks" with the Mo­zambique government. He met with Renamo leader Afonso Dhlakama, undoubtedly discussing with him the formation of the MBA and other ways of increasing financial support for Renamo.

Mozambique Business Association 3254 Jones Ct .. NW Suite A Washington, DC 20007 (202) 625-6542 Fax: (202) 342-2481

Please photocopy and distribute .freely.

Global Strategy Council

The United States Global Strategy Council, a conservative think tank based in Washington whose members include promi­nent Reaganites Jean Kirkpatrick, Roger Fontaine, and Donald Rumsfeld, recently published a glossy publication about Rena­mo. The book, entitled Renamo. Anti-Communist Insurgents in Mozambigue, is aimed at members of Congress and the me­dia and tries to legitimize Renamo in a variety of ways.

The publication downplays Renamo's terrorist attacks by claiming that they have used military means only to gain legal status and representation. They claim that Renamo's murder­ous reputation is because of a "public relations debacle". They argue that Western reporting on Renamo atrocities, including the State Department report written by Robert Gersony, has been biased. They actually dispute the occurrence of Renamo massacres, suggesting that they are an invention of the Mozam­bique government.

The book is based on a field visit to Renamo bases within Mozambique by Sibyl Cline. According to various sources, Ms. Kline was invited to Mozambique by Renamo leader Afon­so Dhlakama in May 1989 to visit Renamo headquarters in Go­rongoza. Her companion on this trek was Nick Della Casa, a South African agent of British origin who was a mercenary in the Rhodesion Army before joining the South African Defense Force in 1981. Della Casa was part of the notorious Batallion 32 which fought alongside Unita in Angola, and he was in­volved in SADF activities against the ANC in Botswana. After his trek with Sibyl Kline, Della Casa tried to pose as an es­caped Renamo prisoner. Before being exposed, he was able to print several articles favorable to Renamo in the New African and other magazines in Southern Africa.

U.S. Global Security, Suite 1102 1800 K St NW, Washington, DC 20006 (202) 466-6029

South African Support for Renamo Continues

The recent changes in South Africa have not yet helped to alleviate the devastation being caused by Renamo. In fact, Re­namo att~cks have increased during the last several months, ap­parently m an effort to strengthen their own hand and weaken the Mozambican governments bargaining position in direct ne­gotiations. South African support for the Renamo rebels contin­ues unabated. Recent investigations in South Africa have re­vealed an extensive network of support for Renamo. According to an article in the March 22 edition of The Weekly Mail : . •Former ~ortuguese colonists from Mozambique now living m South Afnca regularly force Mozambican refugees into join­ing Renamo, provide them with weapons, uniforms, and food, and ferry them across the border so that they can undertake op­erations in Mozambique.

•Renamo rebels often cross into South Africa after attacks in­side Mozambique, passing unhindered through the electrified fence that guards the border.

•South African soldiers often cross into Mozambique for dis­cussions with Renamo, and Renamo rebels often come · to the fence with money so that the soldiers can buy them goods in South Africa.

•South African Army helicopters have ferried wounded Re­namo members and members of the South African Defense Force (SADF) to a South African hospital. . •Renamo operates mobile bases in South Africa, particularly m the Ndumu and Kruger Game Parks which border Mozam­bique. They have used these bases as a launching point for at­tacks on electric pylons from the Cahora Bassa hydroelectric plant.

Other U.S. Based Individuals and Organizations that support Renamo: About My Father's Business, Inc., Lexington, KY Good News Communications Atlanta GA Amer~can Freedom International; Dennis Hoffman, Director Dr. Thomas H. Henrickson, S~nior Feilow, Hoover Institute Am~ncans .For Tax ~eform, Grover Norquist, President High Frontier, lobbying branch of Star Wars Campaign run by ex-Dav1d Balsiger, President RAMBOC (Restore a More Benevolent Or- CIA Deputy Director, Daniel Graham

der Coalition) and Publisher, Family Protection Scoreboard. Costa International Freedom Foundation, Bruce Rickerson Mesa CA International Society for Human Rights

Bashore International, linked to American Constitution Committee Lew Lehrman and Citizens for America Director: Judy Campbell Bashore ' Don Normand and Ministries, Melrose, FL, raises funds for Sheki-

Pat Buchanan, syndicated columnist and White House Advisor for nah Ministries President Reagan National Association of Religious Broadcasters

The Believers Church, Coalinga, CA Representatives Dan Burton (R-IN) and Phillip Crane (R-IL) Charles Breece, Jacksonville, FL Representative Jack Kemp (R-NY), retired Coalitions for America RUFFPAC, Howard J. Ruff, Chairman Conservative Action Foundation (CAF) Senators Robert Dole (R-KS), Jesse Helms (R-NC) and The Conservative Caucus, Howard Phillips, National Director Senator Bob Kasten (R-WI) Cuban American National Foundation Harry Shultz, U.S . citizen living in Monaco, finances Renamo activ-End-Time Handmaidens, Jasper, Arkansas ities and press trips, also publishes Schultz Investment Newsletter Free Congress Rese:irch and Educati?n. Found~tion; Connie Marshner Luis Serapiao, Political Science Dept., Howard University, DC. Free the Eagle, Daniel Elynn and Knstma Amaga Reverend Jimmy Swaggart Freedom, Inc. Valley Center, CA U.S. Council for World Freedom Freedom Research Foundation, La.Jolla, CA Washington Times newspaper Friends of Mozambique, Arturo Vilankulu Western Goals Foundation, Alexandria, VA Fund for Africa's Future, Director: Phillips Nicolaides, from White World Anti-Communist League

House NSC staff World Missionary Assistance Plan (World MAP), CA

If you have any information about these or any other organizations who support Renamo, please contact us.

.. We Resoect You: we Admire You: Most of all, we Love You."

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