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MS Tanzania - ActionAid DenmarkCountry Programme Strategy 2008 - 2012

1 1Editor: Pernille Bærendtsen, Information Officer

Editor-in-Chief: Kristian S. Petersen, Country Director

Contributing: Andrew MhinaMaselle Maziku Henry WeiiaFlorida HenjeweleKristian Fevejle AndersenRakel Larsen

Lay-out and Print: Jamana Printers Limited

Cover photo by: Pernille Bærendtsen Information Officer

In the cover photo: Women walking on line. Kiteto DistrictPhoto by Pernille Bærendtsen.

Editorial

Women on the Road. Same DistrictPhoto by Pernille Bærendtsen

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Open door. Dar es SalaamPhoto by James Seigel

1 4Tanzania is rightly known as a country of tranquillity and peace but the country also has many challenges to address. Two of them are those of strengthening democracy and reducing poverty. MSTZAADK see these two challenges as interlinked. To us, the structural causes of poverty are constituted equally by the denial of peoples’ socio-economic rights on the one hand and of their civic and political human rights on the other hand. In other words, poverty reduction is the fulfilment of peoples’ socio-economic, civil and political rights. History shows that poverty eradication in this sense only succeeds in societies where people are able to hold their leaders accountable through the building of local and national democracies. This Country Programme Strategy (CPS) of MSTZAADK describes how we together with partners will contribute to this type of poverty reduction between 2008 and 2012.

All societies have sources of and potentials for wealth. In Tanzania, as in many other African countries, potential wealth and economic profit is predominantly derived from access to and economically profitable use of land. One of the most important preconditions for ensuring that all sections of society, including the poor, benefit from the wealth produced from the country’s natural resources, is the existence of well-functioning democratic structures that can ensure the rights of all citizens; the right to land, the right to education, the right to influence agricultural development, the general right to influence decision-making processes during and between elections, etc.

This CPS has three thematic focus areas: Building Local Democracy (BLD); Land Rights (LR); and Youth for Development (YFD). Promotion of anti-corruption (AC) and equal gender rights and relations are cross-cutting issues, while women, youth and marginalized communities are special target groups of the interventions. In total, these components make up MSTZAADK’s pro-poor governance approach.

MSTZAADK supports civil society organisations in empowering citizens politically so that they can engage in processes of holding government accountable. For instance, partners on the LR theme empower citizens to influence the processes determining who gets access to what land; partners on BLD empower citizens to influence the development and outcomes of District Agricultural Development Plans (DADPs) and to influence the work of school committees; and partners on YFD empower young citizens to influence decisions at local and national level. It is all about empowering poor people and communities to use the space created by democratic structures and institutions to engage, influence and hold government accountable. This way of promoting pro-poor governance, we believe, is the sustainable way to strengthened democracy and poverty eradication in Tanzania.

Thanks to everybody who contributed to the development of this strategy – partner organisations, the Policy Advisory Council (PAC), Country Office staff and Development Workers.

Kristian Sloth PetersenCountry DirectorMSDKAATZ – ActionAid Denmark

Foreword

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Sunflower. KitetoPhoto by Pernille Bærendtsen

1 6Even though much political focus is on poverty reduction, 57.8% of the rural population in Tanzania live on less than $ 1 a day. In 2006 growth in the agriculture sector, which currently contributes 50% to GDP, declined from 7% to 3.5% despite the fact that government spending for agriculture development has increased under the Agricultural Sector Development Programme (ASDP). The decline in growth is significantly important to the well being of ordinary women and men since 80% of all livelihoods in Tanzania depend on contributions from agriculture. This in turn have increased vulnerability of the poor as they rely on employment in an uncertain and unregulated market for casual labour.

Direct support to schools, under the Primary Education Development Programme (PEDP), has reduced misallocation of funds for primary education thereby making education a feasible route out of poverty. However, inequity in the school system has left the rural schools with one teacher for every 135 pupil, compared to a national average of one teacher for every 37 pupil, which have negatively affected passing rate and opportunities for the poor to attain a better life.

87% of rural livelihoods in Tanzania depend on contributions from forests and woodlands. However, increased demands have raised pressure on customary land and natural resources in general, which, in combination with extensive corruption and incomplete implementation of an otherwise promising Land Act, has made land access more difficult for the poor and vulnerable, especially women.

Today the Local Government Reform Programme (LGRP), promoting good governance and a government close to its people, has created substantial opportunities for Local Government Authorities (LGAs) and Civil Society Organisations (CSOs). Good governance is considered critical for the betterment of the quality of life of the people of Tanzania, and local governments are tasked through a process of decentralisation by devolution to ensure citizen participation in improving the welfare of their local communities. Unfortunately, a culture of upward accountability, volatile and rigid fiscal policies have made the reform process slower than anticipated.

There is a great need for organising and raising the political awareness of ordinary women and men to make use of the opportunities offered for public participation in the Opportunities and Obstacles to Development (O&OD) process. This calls for strengthened collaboration and supporting to local organisations for development activities and related lobbying/advocacy activities leading to political empowerment.

Under the Building Local Democracy (BLD) theme MSTZAADK seek to use the opportunities provided in the LGRP, PEDP and ASDP for reduction of poverty though empowerment of ordinary women and men to hold School Committees (SCs) and LGAs accountable for providing better basic education and agriculture development. MSTZAADK shall furthermore promote fair and transparent land allocation of land and natural resources through public participation and empowerment of women under the Land Rights (LR) theme and finally ensure better working conditions and political empowerment of youth through establishment of District Youth Councils (DTC) under the Youth for Development (YFD) theme.

Executive Summary

7In acceptance of the devastating effects and close linkages between corruption, political violence and democratic development, MSTZAADK will mainstream AC. This entails implementation of MS ActionAid Denmark’s (MSAADK) code of conduct on corruption as well as making civic education, Public Expenditure Tracking (PETs) and legitimate confrontation central means in the poor and marginalised fight against the structural causes of poverty.

This Country Programme Strategy (CPS) will, until the merger with ActionAid Tanzania (AATZ) is complete, represent MSTZAADK and partners’ vision for democratic development in Tanzania which entails that democracy; accountability and public participation are not ends but means to fight the structural causes of poverty.

1 8Foreword . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 4Executive Summary . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 6List of Content . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 8List of Abbreviations . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 11

1. Overall Country Analysis . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 131.1 Poverty . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 141.2 Policy Environment of Poverty . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 15 Vision 2025 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 15 The MKUKUTA . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 15 Local Government Reform Programme . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 16 Gender Policies . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 17 Non-Governmental Organisation Policies . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 171.3 Structural Causes of Poverty . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 181.4 Constraints to Fighting Poverty . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 191.5 Democracy . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 20 Political Parties . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 20 Political Culture . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 221.6 Civil Society . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 24

2 Past Experiences Relevant to the Choice of New Themes . . . . . . . . . . . . 27

3 Strategic Analysis and Justification for Choice of Themes . . . . . . . . . . . . 313.1 Building Local Democracy . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 32 MSAADK’s Perception of Democracy . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 32 Justification and Thematic Choices . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 32 History of Local Government Authorities . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 33 Structures and Jurisdiction of Local Government Authorities . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 34 The Village Assembly and the Village Council . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 34 The Ward Development Committee . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 34 The District Council . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 35 Local Government Capital Development Grant System . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 35

List of Contents

9 District Agriculture Development Plans . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 37 School Committees . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 38 Accountability . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 38 Transparency . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 40 Gender . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 40 Non-Governmental Organisations . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 41 Donors . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 413.2 Land Rights . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 43 MSAADK’s Policy on Land . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 43 Justification and Thematic Choices . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 44 The Legal Framework . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 44 Village Land Rights . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 44 Natural Resources . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 45 Gender . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 48 Civil Society and Donors . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 483.3 Youth for Development . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 49 Justification of Youth for Development Theme . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 49 Definition of Youth . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 49 Political Framework for Youth Participation and Representation . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 49 Gender . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 51 Employment . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 51 Civil Society and Donors . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 523.4 Crosscutting themes . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 52 Anti-Corruption . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 52

4 Programme Design . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 554.1 Programmatic Setup . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 56 Partnerships . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 56 Strategic Partnerships . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 57 Thematic Teams . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 57

1 104.2 Building Local Democracy . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 57 Political Empowerment . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 57 Anti-Corruption . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 59 Accountability . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 60 Geographical Scope . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 61 LFA Matrix . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 61 Narrative Output Description . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 644.3 Land Rights . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 68 Poverty and Property Rights . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 68 Anti-Corruption . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 69 Participatory Forest Management . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 69 Geographical Scope . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 70 LFA Matrix . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 70 Narrative Output Description . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 734.4 Youth For Development . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 76 Youth and Building Local Democracy . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 76 Anti-Corruption . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 76 Intercultural Exchange . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 76 Geographical Scope . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 77 LFA Matrix . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 77 Narrative Output Description . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 78

5 Monitoring and Evaluation . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 815.1 Baseline . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 84

6 References . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 85

Appendixes . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 89Annex 1 Mapping of Civil Society . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 90Annex 2 Partner Portfolio and Personnel Needs . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 90 Annex 3 Strategy for Local Fundraising . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 92Annex 4 Rolling Budget . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 95

11AC Anti-CorruptionAfDB African Development BankASDP Agriculture Sector Development ProgrammeBLD Building Local DemocracyBoT Bank of TanzaniaBTC Belgian Technical Cooperation (Belgian Development Agency) CBFM Community Based Forest ManagementCBO Community Based OrganisationCCM Chama Cha Mapinduzi CDF Constituency Development FundCG Central Government CHADEMA Chama cha Demokrasia na MaendeleoCIDA Canadian International Development AgencyCPS Country Programme StrategyCSO Civil Society OrganisationCUF Civic United FrontDADG District Agriculture Development GrantDADP District Agriculture Development PlanDC District CouncilDCI Development Cooperation IrelandDFID Department for International Development (UK)DP Development PartnerDPG Development Partners Group DW Development WorkerESRF Economic and Social Research FoundationFAO Food and Agriculture OrganisationGDI Gender Development IndexGEM Gender Empowerment MeasureGTZ Deutsche Gesellschaft für Technische Zusammenarbeit (German Development Agency)

List of Abbreviations

HBS Household Budget SurveyIFAD International Fund for Agricultural Development ILFS Integrated Labour Force SurveyILO International Labour OrganisationIMF International Monetary FundJAST Joint Assistance StrategyJICA Japan International Cooperation AgencyJFM Joint Forest ManagementKfW Kreditanstalt für Wiederaufbau (German Development Bank) LFA Logical Framework ApproachLGA Local Government AuthorityLGCDG Local Government Capital Development GrantLGRP Local Government Reform ProgrammeLR Land RightsMCC Millennium Challenge CorporationMDG Millennium Development Goals MKUKUTA National Strategy for Growth and Reduction of Poverty (translated from Kiswahili)MP Member of ParliamentMS Mellemfolkeligt Samvirke (Danish Association for International Cooperation). Now MS ActionAid DenmarkMSAADK MS ActionAid Denmark (previously MS Denmark or/and MS)MSTZAADK MS Tanzania ActionAid Denmark (previously MS Tanzania)NEC National Electoral CommissionNGO Non-Governmental OrganisationNPES National Poverty Eradication StrategyNYC National Youth CouncilNYDP National Youth Development Policy

1 12O&OD Opportunities & Obstacles to DevelopmentPAP Partnership Against PovertyPD Paris DeclarationPCB Prevention of Corruption BureauPCCB Prevention and Combating of Corruption Bureau PEDP Primary Education Development ProgrammePET Public Expenditure TrackingPF Policy ForumPFM Participatory Forest ManagementPM Programme ManagersPHDR Poverty and Human Development ReportPESP Primary Education Sector ProgrammePMO-RALG Prime Ministers’ Office for Regional Administration and Local GovernancePPP Public Private PartnershipPRSP Poverty Reduction Strategy PaperREPOA Research on Poverty AlleviationSC School CommitteesSDC Swiss Agency for Development and Cooperation SIDA Swedish International Development AgencySOAS School of Oriental and Asian StudiesSNV Netherlands Development Organisation TACOSODE Tanzania Council for Social DevelopmentTANGO Tanzania Association of NGOsTAS Tanzania Assistance StrategyTCDD Tanzania Coalition on Dent and DevelopmentTFCG Tanzania Forest Conservation GroupTNRF Tanzania National Resource ForumToT Topic TeamTT Thematic TeamUDP United Democratic PartyUNAIDS Joint United Nations Programme on HIV/AIDS

UNCDF United Nations Capital Development Fund UNDP United Nations Development ProgramUNESCO United Nations Educational, Scientific and Cultural OrganisationUNHCR United Nations High Commissioner for RefugeesUNICEF United Nations Children’s FundUNIDO United Nations Industrial Development OrganisationUNFPA United Nations Population FundURT United Republic of TanzaniaUSAID United States Agency for International DevelopmentVA Village AssemblyVADP Village Agriculture Development PlanVDP Village Development PlanVC Village CouncilVLC Village Land CouncilVNRC Village Natural Resource CommitteeWADP Ward Agriculture Development Plan WB World BankWEC Ward Education CoordinatorWDC Ward Development CommitteeWDI World Development IndicatorsWHO World Health OrganisationWFP World Food ProgramWFT Ward Facilitation TeamYFD Youth for Development

Overall Country Analysis1

Selling charcoal. Dar es Salaam. | Photo by James Seigel

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1 11.1 Poverty

16 million people, out of a total population of 37 million, in Tanzania live on less than $1 a day (UNDP 2007/8). Absolute poverty prevalence is highest in pastoralist communities and among the few remaining hunter-gather communities, whereas relative poverty is common in low producing areas and among the landless. The Gini-coefficient for Tanzania remains relatively low, especially considering that the country has experienced a significant average annual growth rate of 6% leading to a Gross Domestic Product (GDP) at Purchasing Power Parity per capita of $744 (WB 2006).

• Compared with other countries in the region Tanzania’s Gini index of 0.346 is rated relatively low i.e. Kenya 0.425 Uganda 0.457 and Mozambique 0.473 (UNDP 2008).

The economic growth at the national level has hardly improved the daily lives of ordinary people. Over half of the interviewed in the ‘Views of the People’ (a national survey carried out in April 2007) claim to experience an ongoing deterioration of their economic capability. Furthermore, almost 3/4 expressed major problems in meeting the costs of living due to increasing costs of basic goods and poor access to basic services. High levels of unemployment made many households invest heavily in securing a source of remittance, typically from seasonal labour in commercial tea, sisal and forest plantations. This in turn have made them victims of a volatile and uncontrolled casual labour market as well as significantly increased the spread of HIV/AIDS (URT & REPOA 2007).

• 35% of Tanzania’s youth are unemployed and rural women’s main occupations are subsistence farming and reproductive activities (URT & REPOA 2007).

Development agents define poverty in a variety of ways, yet the concept of development as a ‘better life’ resulting from reduced poverty seems commonly adhered to. MSTZAADK perceives poverty as ‘the outcome of the process of impoverishment and deprivation rooted in the political, social, economical and cultural relations present in societies’ thus MSTZAADK endeavours ‘to enable poor and other marginalised people to realise their vision of a dignified life’ (MSiS 2005).

• Tanzania is ranked 159 out of 177 on the Human Development Index (HDI-1), a three dimensional poverty measure of human development (UNDP 2008).

Agricultural contributes 50% to GDP. However, in 2006 growth in the agriculture sector declined from 7% to 3.5%, compared with an expected

15 increase to 10% (MKUKUTA 2006). With an estimated tripling of the population by 2015 and given the fact that 80% of the poor depend on agriculture for their livelihoods, agricultural development will remain key to poverty reduction in Tanzania. 87% of rural livelihoods in Tanzania depend on contributions from forests and woodlands, however, increased demand has raised pressure on customary land and resources and in combination with extensive corruption it has made it diffi cult for the poor to secure access and land rights (Maoulidi 2004).

• Only 4% of potential revenue from logging ends up in offi cial public coffers (Milledge et. al 2007).

1.2 Policy environment of poverty

With Vision 2025, the PRSP alias the National Strategy for Growth and Reduction of Poverty (the MKUKUTA in Kiswahili) and the Local Government Reform Programme (LGRP), Tanzania has in place a comprehensive and visionary framework for democratic and people oriented development.

Vision 2025The country’s overall development framework and long-term social and economic development goals are laid out in the National Vision 2025 and Zanzibar Vision 2020. The National Poverty Eradication Strategy (NPES) provides the long-term framework for guiding poverty eradication efforts in order to reduce absolute poverty by 50% by 2010 and eradicate absolute poverty by 2025.

The MKUKUTAThe MKUKUTA (2006/07 – 2009/10) centres on a notion of national ownership, participation and partnership between i) civil society, ii) private sector and iii) development partners (DPs), It is structured in three strategic clusters in which programmes are developed and implemented by government with support from donors, civil society organisations and the private sector. These clusters are:

• Growth and reduction of income poverty• Improvement of quality of life and social well being• Good governance and accountability

The MKUKUTA is the agreed basis for national development to which both government and DPs subscribe, and to which also MSTZAADK’s CPS will adhere. Unfortunately, the process leading to the current MKUKUTA had limited participation from civil society and the private sector and therefore it is widely regarded to refl ect donor demands rather than public and private sector needs. This is not to say that the

1 16plan is not useful as a framework for development, but merely to point out the underlying reasons for lacking ownership. Implementation of the MKUKUTA is supported by the Poverty Monitoring System (PMS) under the Ministry of Finance and Economic Affairs. Its main objective is to collect information on implementation of the MKUKUTA and to inform policy makers and the general public of fi ndings in due time for its revision in 2010. The PMS based on inputs from three independent working groups with representation from the government, civil society and research and academia.

Local Government Reform Programme Tanzania has embarked on a major Local Government Reform Programme (LGRP), which is carried out in three phases: (i) 2002-2005, (ii) 2005-2008 and (iii) 2008-2011. The LGRP is characterised by decentralisation through devolution which entails that eventually policy-making and implementation will be fully vested in 128 district and urban councils. The lead agency is the Prime Ministers’ Offi ce for Regional Administration and Local Governance (PMO-RALG).

The vision is to create local, strong, autonomous institutions lead by democratically elected leaders and to facilitate popular participation in development planning and implementation through Local Government Authorities (LGAs) including District Councils (DCs), Ward Development Committees (WDC), Village Assemblies (VA) and sub-Village Assemblies (Kitongoji). Implicitly, the reform entails a transfer of resources from the centre to the districts and the sub-district levels. Although the reform has progressed through the fi rst two phases, there are still many challenges to be addressed in the third phase (BLD Review 2008).

The LGRP aims to promote good governance and envisages a government that stays close to its people and implements policies in close consultation with the people. Within the LGRP framework, good governance is considered critical for the betterment of the quality of life of the people of Tanzania, and local governments are tasked to ensure citizen participation in improving the welfare of their local communities. Citizen participation also helps local governments to earn their legitimacy by encouraging transparency and accountability to their local population. The LGRP sets out four main components:

• Political decentralisation - the formation of operational, effective and autonomous governments at the local level that are multi- sectoral.• Financial decentralisation – creating environments whereby LGAs have unhindered and discretionary fi nancial capabilities and central government provides unconditional and other forms of grants.• Administrative decentralisation – creating environments whereby LGA staff is answerable to local councils.• Transformed central-local interaction – building and sustaining a system of inter-governmental interactions.

17 Gender policiesEqual status of women and men is provided for in the constitution of Tanzania, and the government has ratifi ed several international conventions such as the ‘Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination against Women, the SADC declaration on Gender and Development as well as the Global Beijing Platform of Action. Hence, the government is formally committed to international policies that emphasise gender equality as a human right and mandate the removal of all forms of law, customs and traditions that discriminate against women (Mascarenhas 2007).

Vision 2025 accepts gender as an underlying issue and the MKUKUTA states that ‘gender biases in favour of males for instance in terms of land (property) rights for girls’ access to education add to the pain of poverty by reducing current and prospective earnings of females.’ In this regard, eradicating these biases is a critical challenge’ (MKUKUTA 2005). As such, the MKUKUTA is an improvement on the way to gender equity in Tanzania by entailing gender specifi c goals in each of the three clusters and by being the fi rst strategy to identify the need to address gender violence. In addition, the Ministry of Community Development, Gender and Children published a “Women and Gender Development Policy” in 2000 followed by a “National Strategy for Gender Development” in 2005, which both are comprehensive documents (Mascarenhas 2007).

Non-governmental organisation policiesUntil recently, Tanzania did not have a law specifi cally on non-governmental organisations (NGOs). The NGO policy was formulated in 2001, and later in 2002 a Non-Governmental Organisations Act (NGO Act) was passed, followed by an amendment in 2005 with the intention of establishing one law for all NGOs in the country (Duhu 2005).

The NGO Act defi nes a non-governmental organisation as: ’a voluntary grouping of individuals or organisations which is autonomous, non-partisan, non-profi t sharing – (a) organised at the local, national or international level for the purpose of enhancing or promoting economic, environmental, social or cultural development or protecting the environment, lobbying or advocating on such issue; or (b) established under the auspices of any religious or faith propagating organisation, trade union, sports club, political party, religious or faith organisation or community based organisation, – but does not include a trade union, social club, a religious or faith propagating organisation or community based organisation’ (URT 2005).

The NGO Act requires all NGOs to register with a government-appointed NGO Coordination. Failure to do so – as well as failure to meet any of the act’s other requirements is a criminal offense. Initially, the registration of NGOs was heavily infl uenced by offi cials, but with the 2005 amendment offi cials no longer have unfettered discretion. Thus statutory provisions now specify the procedures for accepting and permissible grounds for refusing registration as well as oblige offi cials to inform rejected applicants. Moreover, the decision making

1 18board has substantial NGO representation and similar provisions govern the process of de-registering organisations as well (Duhu 2005).

1.3 Structural causes of poverty

Tanzania has a rich natural resource base for agriculture, mining, energy, fi shery, forestry and tourism. However, ‘poor’ governance, unjust distribution and unsustainable exploitation of resources at all levels of the economy have resulted in widespread poverty. Moreover, extensive corruption has reduced the contribution from primary production to a level where only 4% of all revenues derived from commercial timber exports are captured by government (Milledge et al. 2007). This is particularly worrying considering that 85% of the country’s total export comes from primary products (UNDP 2008). Structures supporting ‘poor’ governance date back to the one party era when the national economy was commanded from the centre and fi nancial policies were designed for the party to maintain power. Even today, where the LGRP has created substantial opportunities for LGAs and Civil Society Organisations (CSOs) to pull resources and promote democratic development, volatile and inadequate allocations from central to local government, ‘poor’ governance and various other elements of deconcentration are hampering the reform progress. Thus, the command structures of the past are still present and used to consolidate the power of the ruling party. Currently, government policies are hindering citizen’s empowerment through decentralisation and limiting the opposition from gaining political power, using the electoral law and Constituency Development Funds (CDF) (REPOA 2008). The fact that only 25% of Tanzania’s farmers benefi t from government extension and subsidy programmes underpins a worrying trend of social and political exclusion exercised through biased policy implementation. To the rural poor this means that ‘There is a government offi cer here but if you need him until you follow him and pay him…There is no livestock extension here until you go to town; it is far and you have to bear all costs. Therefore agricultural and livestock keeping extension is diffi cult to get here’, views expressed by a group of marginalised pastoralists in Tanga (URT & REPOA 2007).

In 2007 the net primary school enrolment in Tanzania was 97.3%. High enrolment rates do not automatically translate to good education and regional variations in passing rates and teacher pupil’s ratio also indicate a close proximity between poverty and poor education. The rural poor has one teacher for every 135 pupil and a passing rate of less than 50% compared with the national average of one teacher for every 37 pupil and a passing rate of 70.6% (TCDD 2006).

The commodity export capacity of Tanzania, particular of processed commodities, is very low which makes development of domestic supply and factor markets essential to reduction of poverty. Furthermore, improvements in the labour market are, by young people

19themselves (in ‘Views of the People’ regarded the 15-24 year old), seen as the single most important factors for a better life. Almost 80% of youth have not recently experienced improvements in their livelihoods (URT & REPOA 2007).

1.4 Constraints to fighting poverty

Around three-quarters of respondents in the national ‘Views of the People’ survey in 2007 stated that corruption affected their personal as well as political life and business in Tanzania. On the basis of corruption allegations from the World Bank (WB), the Tanzanian government in 2004 introduced a system of clean audit certifi cation. Unfortunately, the percentage of clean audits in local government fell from 53% in 2005 to 43% in 2006, while in the same period, clean audits in central government rose from 34% to 57%. The number of corruption cases reported nationwide to the Prevention and Combating of Corruption Bureau (PCCB) (previously Prevention of Corruption Bureau) - almost tripled between 2000 and 2005, but the number of convictions remains very low – six and 49 respectively (PHDR 2007).

The Ministry of Finance reports that the full amount of fi nancing for LGAs in 2007 was allocated accordingly, but acknowledges that equitable human resources remain a challenge. Recent sector reviews of education and health as well as reviews of the local government reform process and the public expenditure review indicate that all service sectors experienced signifi cant problems in staffi ng during the same period (PHDR 2007). Whilst low educational levels translate into poor leadership and poor development, it also serves to maintain unequal gender relations and undermine citizen’s ability to fi ll or to claim that gaps in human resources for the social sectors are fi lled accordingly.

Most districts are close to gender balance in net primary school enrolment; however, it is common that pass rates are 20% higher for boys than girls, and as a result the gender literacy ratio is 62% for women and 78% for men. In addition, there are strong indications that many more women compared with men are excluded form the public debate, i.e. almost half of all women have never heard of corruption in Tanzania. Further adding to gender subordination are customs such as early marriage; traditional inheritance and patriarchal systems; many childbirths and female genital mutilation (URT & REPOA 2007).

• Tanzania is ranked 137 of 156 on UN’s Gender Development Index (GDI) and 44 of 93 on the Gender Empowerment Measure (GEM) (UNDP 2008).

Even though the Village Land Act No. 5 of 1999 provides a fair, just and gender sensitive framework for land allocation, ownership and access to resource, women still remain subordinated. Hence, inadequate and unreliable mechanisms for enforcement of land rights, in combination with an often unjust and partly dysfunctional state bureaucracy, has left almost half of Tanzanian farmers and pastoralists

1 20struggling with land shortages and scattered plots. The following is how bureaucracy is experienced by a group of pastoralists in Manyara:

‘There is no farming land, there are too few areas. The problems we face on land shortage arise from the bureaucracy in land allocation. These issues are decided at the district level instead of the ward or villages where they know about our problems because of the investments on land by large companies owned by private people… These [people] are a hindrance on access to land in our village’ (URT & REPOA 2007).

A new National Youth Development Policy from 2007 opens space for youth to participate in local politics. However, only few has entered the political realm, thereby leaving adults to reside over important issues such as unemployment and poor working conditions faced by 60% of the youth (NYDP 2007, URT & REPOA 2007).

1.5 Democracy

While less than 10% of ordinary citizens have taken formal part in public decision-making, they are still very interested in politics and feel that they should be more involved in decision making concerning basic economic and social development which affects their lives. Most people believe that citizen’s expressing their views make a difference, and that the attitude of letting offi cials ‘get on with their job’ is inadequate thus they support public pressure for accountability. Many ordinary Tanzanians consider participating in decision making a virtue but remain rather sceptical about whether government offi cials are willing to listen and change (URT & REPOA 2007).

It is very common that even controversial decisions are made and implemented without public participation; however, local media has for the past two to three years become more outspoken and this has signifi cantly increased pressure on politicians. Nevertheless, press freedom in Tanzania still remains fragile and the capacity and level of engagement can at times be low (LHRC 2007).

Political partiesA total of 18 political parties contested the national election in 2005, with Chama Cha Mapinduzi (CCM), the ruling party, and Civic United Front (CUF) being the two main parties (Mascarenhas 2007). CUF does not, at present, pose a real threat to power due to unequal electoral laws and biased election procedures. At present, CUF enjoys support from a majority of the 40% Muslim population, but holds only few seats in Parliament.

• On Zanzibar, the political and religious environment is rather different from the mainland (Tanzania), thus CUF would, on the basis of support from the 99% Muslim community, be ruling if the political environment was free and fair. Zanzibar has an independent government

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Voter’s Card. Kiserian Village, Longido District.Photo by Pernille Bærendtsen

1 22and currently claims independence from Tanzania.

CCM is the only political party having a policy on women representation in its National Executive Council where currently 20% are women. However, both CCM and CUF have a women’s wing mobilising women voters and candidates at national and local level and women have been contesting for seats in the parliament since the fi rst general elections in 1995. In 2005, affi rmative action increased the number of seats held by women in parliament to 30%, and for the fi rst time women contested for the presidency. In addition, female representation in the Cabinet of Ministers and Deputy Ministers has increased to 27%, and women are now for the fi rst time heading the prestigious Ministries of Finance, Foreign Affairs and International Cooperation, Education and Vocational Training as well as Legal and Constitutional Affairs. Recognising the need for mutual support, the female Members of Parliament (MPs) have also formed a Women Parliamentarians Association (Mascarenhas 2007).

Political cultureIn December 2005, Tanzania conducted its third election since the country’s transition to multiparty democracy in 1992. The electoral process was broadly recognised as free and fair by domestic and international observers. While noting some ‘general challenges’, the International Observer Groups gave positive overall evaluation of the election. The National Electoral Commission (NEC) was seen to have created ‘the appropriate conditions for voters to cast their ballots according to their choice’, and NEC offi cials were commended for a ‘strong commitment… to work out and apply the rules as best as possible given the conditions’ (UNDP 2007).

In comparison with countries having similar institutional arrangements, Tanzania’s political culture strikingly emphasises consensus and avoids open confl ict, thus, parliamentarians prefer voicing their opposition in private encounters rather than in public. In Tanzania, as in many other Sub Saharan countries, politics centre more on patronage than the political merits of a candidate and it is therefore essential that candidates maintain good personal relations within the party and among the elite in his or her constituency. Consequently the ‘Big Man’ image is often used by politicians to infl uence government sponsored development rendering government development policies useless. The politics on Zanzibar are less consensus seeking and more confrontational or even violent.

• During the 2005 local elections a new sense of political power emerged with several constituencies rejecting candidates imposed by the central authority (CCM).

In continuation of the ‘Big Man’ phenomenon there is strong support in parliament for district managed development funds to be allocated by MPs via Constituency Development Funds (CDF). The CDF, if passed into law by parliament, is by the British High Commission estimated to be the 22nd option for funding of local development in Tanzania. Hence, civil society and ordinary citizens strongly oppose

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Country Programme Strategy 2009 - 2012

Black hand on wall. Stone Town, Unguja.Photo by Pernille Bærendtsen

1 24the proposal as unnecessary and prone to corruption due to its lack of mechanisms for transparency and accountability. Coincidently, in 2006 the Supreme Court ruled the common practise of giving ‘presents’ to the electorate illegal, and also in 2006 it was ruled that local politicians have to be members of national registered political parties to be un-constitutional (Policy Forum 2008).

While increased press freedom has raised people’s consciousness of irregularities in the public administration, it has neither provided them an understanding of their constitutional rights as citizens nor brought their attention to the fraud of ‘political commitments without budgets’ (REPOA 2008).

1.6 Civil Society

During the one party rule, CSOs were constrained to comply with party interests and therefore remained few in numbers (25 registered organisations in 1980) and isolated to work with service delivery only; however, in response to liberalisation of government and the economic reform package civil society had by 2005 increased to 4000 registered organisations. Following three decades of economic and public service failure, effi ciency approaches still remain the main focus for majority of CSOs which often act as government partners in terms of basic needs and service delivery (UNDP 2007). While such approaches can be effective and contribute signifi cantly to poverty reduction in the short run their acceptance of existing power structures often makes them biased in assuming that economic growth will trickle down to the poor and subordinated (i.e. women and youth). This is however rarely case unless issues of equality and power sharing are also addressed (SOAS 2007).

As a result of weak or underfunded public education system, many CSOs suffer from poor human capacity, meaning that they do not adhere to mainstream principles for fi nancial management, transparency and good governance. Moreover, many organisations in the civil society are created as trusts to serve the interests of a few individuals; thus, many operate in the grey zone between civil society and the private sector (i.e. drawing on benefi ts from donor funding and legislation to achieve on unfair, competitive advantages).

• The NGO Act allows substantial government control over CSOs; however, government has only on rare occasions, once or twice, wielded its powers and banned organisations from operating (UNDP 2007).

While effi ciency approaches have been and still are central to Tanzania’s development focus, the new donor environment emerging after the Paris Declaration (PD) has made more CSOs focus on social inequalities and empowerment through citizenship (JAST 2006). Results and best practises from these efforts are now starting to emerge and it seems that public pressure, mainly at the local level, has lead politicians to deepen the democratic process through increased participation resulting in opportunities for empowerment (SNV 2005).

25• Government has, over the last couple of years, several times stated that civil society is too critical of government policies and criticised NGOs for not being adequately transparent and accountable (UNDP 2007).

Due to a tendency of focusing on effectiveness of individual development interventions rather, than on the effi ciency of development in general, civil society is still seriously constrained in achieving political infl uence of scale. And as a result, the great increase in numbers has not signifi cantly strengthened the political voice of civil society nor has it signifi cantly provided a better life for the poor. Thus, diversifi cation, competition and duplication hamper the ability of civil society to penetrate the political realm and articulate demands of poor and marginalized vis-à-vis the state.

All the major International NGOs (INGO) are present in Tanzania, but only few work to build the capacity of civil society. However, two major players in this fi eld are UNDP with the ‘Deepening Democracy in Tanzania (DDIT) project’ and SNV who in their 2007-2015 country strategy ‘embraces ‘governance as empowerment’ and seeks strongly to engage in local capacity building’. Lacking coordination and participation in networks such as the national Policy Forum (PF) or umbrella organisations such as TANGO or TACOSODE have lead INGOs to apply a similar ‘out of touch’ approach as refl ected in the civil society.

Notwithstanding, the positive development in Tanzania, civil society still strives to strengthen the democratisation process and form adequate links to counter balance the state’s strive to control its expansion and activities. As a result, civil society in Tanzania fi nds itself struggling to overcome the legacy of three decades of state and party hegemony and the entrenched interests that still loom around it. Indeed the government’s own National Framework on Good Governance admits that civil society still is a long way from becoming a ‘key player in governance’ and point to ‘considerable capacity weakness in areas of problems analysis, advocacy, outreach, networking, management, revenue raising, accountability and responsiveness’ (URT 1999).

Past Experiences relevant to the choices of new themes2

Flora Masoy, Coordinator of Morogoro Paralegals. Morogoro. | Photo by Pernille Bærendtsen

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MSTZAADK HAS BEEN in Tanzania since 1963 and has over the years sought to develop in accordance with local, national and global demands. Since the introduction of the partnership approach, MSTZAADK has embarked on building capacity of civil society organisations, focusing on organisational development, advocacy and service delivery. The focus on service delivery faded in 2005 with the introduction of the ‘MS in South’ (MSiS) policy framework.

Geographically MSTZAADK has over the years covered most parts of the country with a certain emphasis in the Southern and Northern Highlands and areas around the commercial capital of Dar Es Salaam. The size of the MSTZAADK programme was ‘average’ in MS terms until 2002 where a major cut in funds reduced the programme by 40%, reasons amongst others being a lack of dynamic developments of the programme.

In terms of emphasis and themes, MSTZAADK was up until 2005 fairly broad in building capacity of CSOs in areas ranging from organisational structuring to service delivery. Rural development has, and still is, the main focus of MSTZAADK’s work in Tanzania. The past practices have made service delivery, agriculture and environment based organisations feature prominently in the partner portfolio. And as a logic consequence MSTZAADK has a long history of working with pastoralist communities, who are often marginalised in relation to land and their rights as citizens, even though they are essential to the rural economy in Tanzania.

In late 2005, MSTZAADK embarked on process of making the organisation more professional and better suited to meet the needs of the new development environment. MS’ new policy framework emphasised the need to:

‘…reduce and ultimately eradicate poverty… by confronting the underlying causes of poverty’ through ‘challenging the structural causes of poverty and improve access for those groups who lack basic rights ’ (MSiS, 2005)

The context and history of MSTZAADK in Tanzania provided for continued support to partners providing direct livelihood support, while maintaining it as a necessary means for opening up space for widening and deepening democracy through lobbying and advocacy. MSTZAADK therefore decided on a twinned approach, drawing on elements from the efficiency approach to complement and raise efficiency of the political (or empowerment) approaches.

A key element in MSTZAADK’s work since 2005 has been Public Private Partnership (PPP), which supports local government to provide

29public goods and services by pooling capital from the private, public and civil society sector. Partnerships under the PPP framework are constructed on the merit of comparative advantages. It opens up space for differing inputs as parties contribute in accordance with their capabilities. The notion of PPP is rooted in the idea of Corporate Social Responsibility making the common interest in positive externalities from provision and consumption of public goods and services the main driver. PPP development takes place within the local government framework thus it entails public participation (MSTZAADK 2006).

Since late 2005, the overall focus in the country programme has been ‘Rural Livelihood – Rural Development through Popular Participation’, which entails supporting CSOs’ participation in a process aimed at and framed by Building Local Democracy (BLD). While MSTZAADK has succeeded in reforming its partner portfolio, the notion of good governance has not yet trickled down to the partner level; thus only 30% of current partners are membership based organisations. MSTZAADK has since 2005 gained signifi cantly insight and acknowledgement for supporting civic empowerment through Social Audits, Public Expenditure Tracking (PET) and PPP.

Land rights and access to resources has for the last decade been central to MSTZAADK‘s fi ght against poverty, in particular in relation to pastoralist communities, small scale farming and gender equality. While substantial institutional knowledge is available from setting up a Land Rights Working Group, network support and organising participatory resource management schemes, there is still a need to develop a more structured and comprehensive support strategy for pursuing opportunities provided in the Land Acts no. 4 and 5 of 1999.

Strategic Analysis and Justifi cation for choices of themes3

Baobab tree. Iringa District. | Photo by Pernille Bærendtsen

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THE STRATEGIC ANALYSIS and justification of thematic choices is informed by MSAADK’s strategic framework; MSiS. The overall objective is to empower the poor to claim their rights and entitlements to resources, and as a result gain enhanced knowledge, security and a better life. MS applies a multi-dimensional understanding of poverty in which empowerment entails developing capabilities and challenging injustice through legitimate confrontation of political and institutional causes of poverty (MSiS 2004, MSAADK BLD concept paper 2007). • The partnership approach is instrumental in creating opportunities for actions based on understanding, dialogue and shared responsibility and it is important that it is applied in a flexible way, with respect for the realities on the ground level (MSiS 2004)

Hence, MS is committed to democracy not only as a value in itself, but also as a key strategic means for achieving poverty reduction and has in this regard defined five thematic focus areas for implementation of the political approach. Each country/regional programme shall work with at least two and no more than three of these themes. The BLD theme is mandatory and shall be allocated a minimum of 50% of resources available in a country/regional programme.

3.1 Building Local DemocracyThis section serves to justify and align the thematic choices within BLD on the basis of experiences and opportunities identified from a detailed context analysis in Tanzania.

MS’ perception of democracyThe concept of democratic development is based on notion that ‘development leading to poverty reduction by providing more influence to the poorer and marginalised citizens which will enable them to achieve their interests to a greater extent, and as such, improve their access to rights and entitlements, and further, contribute to an improved livelihood, ultimately, leading to sound human development benefiting poor men and women’ (MS BLD concept paper 2007)

It is the overall objectives of the theme to ensure transparency and accountability of local governments as well as to empower citizens to claim their rights and entitlements from local governments, by being able to analyse their predicament, understand their rights and be able to engage, influence and hold accountable institutions that affects them (MS BLD concept paper 2007).

Justification and thematic choices The choice to place the BLD theme within the Agriculture and Education sector is based on the potential for achieving poverty reduction of

33scale, by contributing to improving the livelihood of the 87% of the rural population who dependent on primary agriculture production and the 97.3% who are enrolled in primary education programmes. Hence, MSDKAATZ sees an urgent need to empower ordinary citizens to claim their rights and entitlements in accordance with government and donor commitments made in the MKUKUTA and subsequent in the Agriculture Sector Development Programme (ASDP) and Primary Education Sector Programme (PESP). This entails that MSTZAADK does not regard neither enrolment rates nor District Agriculture Development Plans (DADPs) as an end in themselves but as a means for poor and marginalised citizens to influence and hold Local Government Authorities (LGA) accountable.

Regardless of political commitments to public empowerment, accountability and transparency in the LGRP, public participation in planning and implementation of government development programmes remains widely neglected among LGA in Tanzania. Thus, decentralisation and attempts to bring development ‘closer to the people’ continue to fail due to political neglect and corruption, leading to teacher-pupil ratios of 1:135 and a 25% access to agriculture extension services in rural areas. The thematic focus therefore expresses a sincere desire to empower ordinary citizens to influence Local Government (LG) decision making and thereby enabling citizens to claim their rights and entitlements to quality education and agricultural development.

In line with MSAADK’s global commitment to the Paris Declaration (PD), interventions in the theme shall be designed to support national and donor priorities in the Vision 2025, the MKUKUTA and subsequently the ASDP and PEDP. The underpinning arguments for supporting sector priorities is that these come with long term financial and ideological commitment to democratic development and thus offer an ideal opportunity for civil society organisations (CSOs) and ordinary citizens to influence and hold LGAs accountable for decisions affecting their lives. Moreover, the democratic platforms, created as a means for delivering the ASDP and PEDP, the Opportunities & Obstacles for Development (O&OD) process and School Committees (SCs) respectively, provide legitimate arenas for political empowerment and holding LGA accountable.

History of Local Government AuthoritiesTanzania has since independence in 1961 had political intentions of fighting poverty, illiteracy and diseases. Until 1972 central government devised decentralised structures to implement its social reforms; however, financial mismanagement, ineffective tax collection and lack of technical expertise rendered these local authorities ineffective. By 1972 local authorities were abolished (at the time there were 66 rural district councils and 15 urban councils) and replaced by direct central management under a deconcentration policy popularly known as ‘decentralization’, making the central government (CG) responsible for all social services and economic development activities.

By 1980 the ‘decentralisation’ framework centred on socialism and self reliance - as a means for achieving social development and economic growth – had lead to a decrease in social welfare, school enrolments had significantly dropped, illiteracy increased and the

1 34economic capability of ordinary women and men had deteriorated (PMO-RALG 2008).

In January 1984, following a legal reinstatement of local elections and a constitutional amendment, rural and urban LGAs were reinstated. The reintroduction of LGAs raised hopes for an improved performance through greater involvement of citizens, but for many of the same reasons as in the 1970s, this did not happen and the anticipated improvements in service delivery and development never occurred (PMO-RALG 2008).

Structures and jurisdiction of Local Government AuthoritiesCitizens’ participation at the grassroots level is possible through VAs, SCs, and WDCs. The Local Government Acts from 1982 and 1999 provide that the WDC is responsible for initiating and promoting participatory development in the ward, including formulating tasks for enterprises designed to ensure the welfare and well-being of all residents in the ward (URT 1982, URT1999). The following provides an overview of relevant structures and jurisdictions within LGAs.

The Village Assembly and the Village CouncilAll residents in a village aged 18 and above, are members of the Village Assembly (VA), which is held four times a year. The Village Council (VC) is the village government elected by the VA on a three year basis. In addition to elected members from the village, VCs comprises a Village Chair and a Village Executive Officer who are paid government officials (URT 1982, URT 1999).

The VC’s functions and roles include planning and coordination of village activities, rendering assistance and advice to villagers in their economic and social engagements as well as encouraging village residents to undertake and participate in communal enterprises. VCs can, dependent on local needs and decisions at the district level, attach different standing or ad hoc VCs. VC proposed by-laws are adopted by the VA before channelled to the WDC for clearance and further submission to DC for approval (URT 1982, URT 1999, ESRF 2003).

The Household Budget Survey (HBS) 2007 Community Characteristics Report finds that more than 70% of the villages hold regular meetings, but only 29% have formal platforms for public information, and only half of the 29% have recently posted information (PHDR 2007).

The Ward Development Committee The ward is a ‘meeting point’ between the LGA and the village level. Hence, the ward is governed by a Ward Development Committee (WDC) consisting of an elected councillor, chairmen of all VCs in the ward, members of the District Council (DC) residing in the ward and invitees such as CSOs with no rights to vote. In addition, a government appointed Ward Executive Officer serves as the secretary of the WDC.

35The WDC is responsible for ensuring the implementation of decisions and policies of the DC as well as for submission of local plans and budgets to the DC for review and approval. In addition, the WDC is responsible for monitoring revenue collection, supervising funds and promoting participatory development and gender issues on behalf of the district (URT 1999).

The District CouncilThe DC is composed of elected members from each ward in the district, MPs representing constituencies within the districts area, three members appointed by the minister responsible for local government, and one member representing the VCs in the district on a rotational basis of three years. The chairperson and vice-chairperson of the DC are constituted by the elected members of the DC (LGDAA 1982). Apart from the DC itself, there are three DC committees: finance, administration and planning; education, health and water; and economic affairs and environment with the possibility of establishing other standing committees. The current policy reforms have provided room for cooptation of CSOs into the committees of the DC as non-voting members; however, as a rule the meetings are also open to the public and the press.

The DC is responsible for supervising the implementation of all economic, commercial, industrial and social development plans in the district as well as a large number of other responsibilities such as the co-ordination of plans, projects and programmes for the villages and wards, including agriculture development under the Agricultural Sector Development Programme (ASDP) within its area of jurisdiction. The DC makes by-laws on the basis of the submissions and proposals from the village and ward levels as well as on the basis of its statutory committees.

Inclusive governance at local level implies participation as well as gender equity in the decision making processes. However, only a fifth of the rural adults have participated in a local level planning exercise and only 9% have attended a full DC. Likewise, the representation of women in LGA remains extremely low, with only 5% of the elected district councillors being women (PHDR 2007, URT & REPOA 2007). However, a constitutional amendment in 2000 entails that the number of special seats for women should constitute 33% of the total number in urban and rural DCs (Mascarenhas 2007).

Local Government Capital Development Grant SystemLGA in Tanzania have traditionally received funds from a number of sources such as central government, donors through projects (e.g. NAEP I and II, PADEP etc.) and from locally administered taxes and fines. However, when the reforms laid out in the LGRP have been implemented, all funds will go through a block grant system administered by the central government. Most donor support will also be channeled through the government system, and development funds will be transferred through a Local Government Capital Development Grant system (LGCDGs). Funds needed for salaries and running costs will also flow through a grant system.

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Woman in Kiserian Village. Longido District.Photo by Pernille Bærendtsen

37Broadly, councils in Tanzania prepare two types of plans and budgets: development and recurrent budgets. The recurrent budget covers personnel emoluments (PE) and Other Charges (OC). For example, the DALDO, who is the head of department of Agriculture and Livestock Development Department, is charged with the responsibility for preparing the budget for PE and OC for his/hers department. The preparation of recurrent budgets is required to be performed in accordance with the planning and budgeting guidelines provided by PMO-RALG. These guidelines provide information on the types of sources and ceilings for various sectors for recurrent budgets. Recent studies indicate that the lower level government (village and wards) and other stakeholders are not consulted in as far as preparation of the recurrent budget is concerned (PF 2008).

District Development Plans to be funded with funds from CG are prepared through the process of Opportunities and Obstacles to Development (O&OD). O&OD is a community participatory planning methodology with the aim of empowering people on the basis of a bottom-up approach. Hence, O&OD is used nationwide in the 81 out of 128 LGAs having received the O&OD training and consequently setup District Facilitation Teams (DFTs) (URT & JICA 2006).

District Agriculture Development Plans District Agriculture Development Plans (DADPs) are based on Ward Agriculture Development Plans (WADP) constituted from Village Agriculture Development Plans (VADP) (URT & JICA, 2006). The VADP is developed for a three years period and then reviewed by the VC every year using O&OD with the help of a Ward Facilitation Team (WFT). The VADP is then submitted to the WDC, which provides technical advice on the village plan. Once the feedback from the WDC is reflected to the village plan, the VA finally approves the plan and submits it to the LGA for inclusion in the district plan (URT & JICA 2006).

DADPs are thus based on a bottom-up approach in which the wards have a crucial role i.e. of assembling Ward Facilitation Teams (WFT) to facilitate participatory planning at village level, coordination of the negotiations on allocation of indicative planning figures to village agriculture development projects and the consolidation of the village plans to one common ward development plan (URT 2004). Upon consolidation of WADPs these are forwarded to the District Facilitation Team (DFT) for incorporation into DADPs which guides grant disbursements from the District Agriculture Development Grant (DADG) allocated by CG. Hence, essentially all funds for agriculture development are managed at the district level, with few exemptions for construction projects and little resource for building capacity of farmers; however, in the process of transferring funds from district to village accounts there tend to be enormous time lags that have adverse effects on project implementation (Mattee et al 2008)

The DADPs have been tentatively prepared and implemented since 2003; however, the integration of VADPs into the Village Development Plan (VDP) is still insufficient and thus the bottom up input from villages to DADPs is lacking (URT & JICA 2006).

1 38School CommitteesIn 2001, direct support to primary schools became effective with the Primary Education Development Programme (PEDP), where individual schools and local communities have become responsible for the local school finances and performance.

All primary schools have a School Committee (SC) that prepares school development plans and budgets and supervise its implementation. The secretary of the SC is the head teacher and the chairperson is elected among the SC members who are appointed by the parent school council. The term period for a SC is three years. The village chair and village executive secretary are invitees to the SC. For each ward, there is a Ward Education Coordinator (WEC), who works under the WDC with the schools in each village within the ward. School budgets are forwarded to the district education committee for review and incorporation into three year rolling district primary education sector plans, approve by DCs in the form of annual sector budgets.

Direct support to schools has reduced misallocation of funds for primary education. However, budget guidelines are issued with fixed items of expenditure and costs and funds are transferred accordingly. The system, therefore, still does not give schools enough financial leverage. In addition, the schools are still facing challenges related to institutional arrangement and responsibilities, management issues, corruption, local capacity constraints, influence from local politicians and donor dependency (Mushi 2006).

AccountabilityThe underlying assumption of the LGRP is that because of the close positioning to its constituency, local government will be better able to tailor local policy and implementation to local needs. However,

‘only when government, both at central and local level, are held accountable can there be sustainable and successful decentralisation with a positive impact on the poor’ (Jutting 2004).

Despite commitments made in the LGRP, as well as in the MKUKUTA, and by President Jakaya Mrisho Kikwete in his inauguration speech - to uphold principles of good governance - accountability and transparency still pose a great challenge in the local government system. The local government system still struggles with a culture of upward accountability. This slows down the momentum of change and depresses ordinary women’s and men’s expectations to the benefits from decentralisation. The ordinary women and men are not used to holding their government leaders accountable (Kees de Graaf 2005).

A main area of contention for BLD is the waning effect of ineffective governance on citizens’ ability to tackle collective problems and take collective action through the formalised development processes at local level (O&OD) (UNDP & URT). There is also a number of policy

39and legal requirements that seem to prevent LGAs from being accountable to citizens. Hence most councillors and council staff, in a survey covering six districts, perceive the abolition of local government taxes and grant systems as a means of maintaining considerable central control. Hence, by applying a principle of minimum national standards the CG require district budgets to meet national guidelines, and unless alternative sources of funding are identified, the decentralisation of local governance, as supported in the policy reform documents, will not be realised (REPOA 2008):

‘… it is crucial for the success of the reforms of both central and local government that sources and revenues are divided fairly, efficiently and transparently giving local governments realistic revenue sources. Those public revenues are increased and that these revenues are used to improve service delivery. The present system of allocating sources and revenue does not meet these criteria’ (URT 1998).

The inability of CC to deliver on this acknowledgment has been harmful to the ability of local authorities to provide adequate public service to local citizens. Hence, although LGAs in the LGRP framework are empowered to implement social service priorities set by citizens it remains a fact that these only can take place within a rigid sector framework provided by CG including, amongst other sectors, education and agriculture. Hence, CG still has close control over public services delivery by LGA. The little space for influence undermines the ability of councils to be accountable in prioritising in accordance with citizens’ demands as per village plans. Consequently most people, in accordance with Iringa DC, do not believe in the O&OD process as projects can materialise (REPOA 2008).

• On average LGAs are between 80% and 95% reliant on transfer from the Central Government (URT & JICA, 2006).

Accountability in the education sector is seriously hampered by complex financial transaction procedures within the PEDP and in the agricultural sector a wide range of issues has been raised by farmers concerning the incorporation and allocation of funds for local agricultural development projects (URT & REPOA 2007, Mattee et al 2008). However, as the LGRP has proceeded, CSOs have increasingly realised the scope and opportunities for working with LGAs in developing new modalities for CSOs’ involvement in planning, service delivery and project implementation (Policy Forum 2007). Despite the fact that participatory planning mechanisms have emerged at the local level the overall progress of the programme has been below expectations (BLD review 2008). This goes together with the inherited problem of the CG fearing a loss of power if real responsibility is delegated. This in turn has made central ministries seek to maintain as much control over LGAs, and ruling political powers concerned about loosing control over the political processes at local level (Policy Forum 2007).

Acknowledging the slow progress of devolution, PMO-RALG has begun the process of formulating a new restructuring programme.

1 40A Formulation Team was subsequently formed and has been identifying key issues for the new programme including the main priorities and interventions needed (Policy Forum 2007).

TransparencyThe LGRP has over the past few years introduced a number of computer based information systems to be used at district level. Two of these systems have integrated planning and reporting in one package and contain detailed information, including budget and expenditure, disaggregated to village level. Since 2006 all districts have submitted their plans in the Planrep format but public access to this information remains restricted. It is, however, the intention of PROM-LOG that the Planrep shall dramatically increase available information related to planning and implementation of social development (UNDP/SNV 2008).

A Local Government Monitoring Database holds over 100 centrally formulated indicators, including indicators based on MKUKUTA and Millennium Development Goals (MDGs). It will undoubtedly increase upward accountability and transparency i.e. from village to district and from district to national level. However, little attention is given to downward accountability, from policy makers to citizens, as well as to horizontal accountability of intra-governmental control mechanisms. And it is unclear how relevant information will be made available to citizens and their organisations. Thus having acknowledged the good intention of Planrep, it is a fact that neither capacity nor political will to collect and disseminate this type of information exist in the local government system. Hence, a major stumbling block in achieving accountability and empowerment of ordinary citizens remains to be transparency (UNDP & SNV 2008).

Despite the fact that media ownership has become more diverse and press freedom has increased significantly, the media is not fulfilling its potential as a vehicle for public voice or watchdog. The media remains hampered by a number of capacity constraints and operates in an environment one study has termed ‘liberalised ambiguity’ whereby ‘individuals and organisations are largely free to exercise their rights on a daily basis, but do so with the knowledge that their capacity to do so is contingent rather than immutable’. In addition, functional relations with the government and other political actors are poor and the media practitioners complain that access to information is impeded (UNDP 2005). Gossip and radio are the primary and secondary source of information for people in rural areas (URT & REPOA 2007).

GenderA progressive policy commitment, since the PRSP of 2000, has strengthened women’s political and legal status in Tanzania. However, inadequate policy implementation and difficulties in dealing with cultural norms and traditions have rendered more women than men in poverty. On average, men are paid almost twice that of women, and few women are elected to official positions. In 2003 the African Gender Development Index found that implementation plans with realistic targets, sufficient resources as well as skilled human resources where yet to take place in relation to gender in Tanzania (TAS 2000, Mascarenhas 2007).

41In addition, whilst achievements have been in terms of increasing the representation of women at high political levels, it should be noted that most women MPs were elected through affirmative action and that they therefore have a different status e.g. not receiving the same emoluments as MPs elected in a constituency and not having equal access to the planned Constituency Development Fund. Putting women in power has not yet ensured gender equity of scale thus women are often subjected to patriarchal social norms and even though more women register less cast their voters compared to men. In short women in Tanzania have managed to break the political deadlock of gender, but they are still being treated unfairly in a male biased community (Mascarenhas 2007).

Non-Governmental OrganisationsThe democratic space created by the LGRP is by many seen as instrumental for civil society’s participation in development. However, a recent ban of the NGO Haki Elimu from ‘undertaking and publishing critical studies and articles on the Tanzania education system’ points to the challenges still remaining before achieving a transparent, accountable and responsive structure of governance (UNDP 2007).

There are two distinct arenas for application of the BLD theme in Tanzania, each with its particular set of objectives and stakeholders. Firstly there is the national arena relating to national policy making and governance within CG. This arena is dominated by few rather large players, such as the national Policy Forum, which has significant donor backing and some influence over politicians through mobilising or influencing the public opinion. Secondly, there is the local arena in which the LGAs are the main political stakeholder and in which a mosaic of small and medium sized CSOs attempt to support and hold local politicians accountable to principles of good governance. In order to identify appropriate partners in the local arena MSTZAADK, in 2008, carried out an organisational mapping of CSOs in seven districts (Kibaha, Kilindi, Kiteto, Kisarawe, Simanjiro, Njombe and Mbeya Rural), using proxies such as institutional direction, governance, management capacity, activities, collaboration with LGA and networking.

DonorsA Development Partners Group (DPG) was formally established in 2004, in order to build a coordinated Development Partner (DP) response to the Government’s Tanzania Assistance Strategy (TAS), within the overarching framework of the Poverty Reduction Strategy (PRS). The purpose of the DPG is:

‘To promote the implementation of the Paris principles on Aid Effectiveness in Tanzania in order to support national efforts to achieve Tanzania’s growth and poverty reduction goals. In its efforts, the DPG under the Government leadership exists to organise better to improve quality of aid and development partnership’ (DPG 2007)

Since the formalisation of the DPG, DPs have moved towards increasingly close collaboration and improved internal coherence and in

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Advertising in Kwa Mattias. Kibaha District.Photo by Pernille Bærendtsen

432006 agreed on a Joint Assistance Strategy for Tanzania (JAST) as a medium-term framework for managing development co-operation between the Central Government of Tanzania and the 45 bilateral and multilateral donors so as to achieve more effective external assistance in reaching the national development and poverty reduction goals.

The intermediate objective of the JAST is to build an effective development partnership in line with national and international commitments to aid effectiveness by: Strengthening national ownership and government leadership of the development process; aligning DPs’ support to government priorities, systems, structures and procedures; harmonising government and DPs’ processes; managing resources for achieving development results; ensuring mutual accountability of the government and DPs; and strengthening accountability of the government to the citizens of Tanzania. It also outlines the role of non-state actors to the extent that they contribute to the successful implementation of the strategy.

The membership currently comprises Belgium (Embassy and BTC), Canada (CIDA), Denmark, European Delegation, Finland, France, Germany (GTZ, Embassy and KfW), Ireland (DCI), Italy, Japan (Embassy and JICA), Netherlands, Norway, Spain, Sweden (SIDA), Switzerland (SDC), UK (DFID), US (USAID and MCC), UN (UNDP, UNICEF, ILO, UNFPA, UNIDO, UNAIDS, UNCDF, WFP, UNHCR, FAO, UNESCO, WHO, UN-Habitat and IFAD), AfDB, IMF, and the World Bank (JAST 2006).

3.2 Land Rights

MSAADK’s Policy on Land Rural poverty is strongly associated with insecure access to land and MS intends to pursuit greater equity in access to land as a way of reducing poverty. To MS, land distribution and land rights (LR) have strong linkage to democratic development by awing and adhering to claims from the poor and marginalised in society. One possible way to securer land rights may be to recognise customary land practices and uplift them to statutory tenure systems.

• MSAADK defines Land Rights as the rights and opportunities of poor and marginalised people in developing countries to access and tenure land.

Although assurance of access to land is not sufficient in reducing or eradicating poverty, MS perceives insufficient land to live on as well as insecure rights over land as contributing factors in sustaining poverty. Moreover, MS recognises the risks related to a formalising of LR e.g. that poor land holders end up selling their land as a short term strategy, with the result of them ending up in an even more vulnerable situation as landless. Based on the multidimensional perception of poverty LR fall under natural capital; however, MS recognises the fact

1 44that the right to land is strongly related to economic interests and power relations in a society, thus making the theme politically sensitive to engage in (MSAADK 2007).

Justification and Thematic ChoicesTaking into account the comprehensive legal framework on land in Tanzania, the LR theme shall focus on legal empowerment at the local level with the aim of making citizens in rural areas in Tanzania capable of influencing as well as taking decisions related to land. Hence, the LR theme runs parallel to the BLD theme in terms of empowering citizens and promoting public participation.

The LR theme shall at the collective level support village registration and village planning and thereby reduce the risk of village land being allocated by central authorities to large scale investors. The theme shall also support participatory forest management (PFM). At the individual level, the LR theme shall focus on increasing ordinary women’s and men’s knowledge of different forms of land ownership and participatory forest management procedures.

Recognising the special issues related to women’s access to land, the LR theme shall have a strong focus on empowerment of women by making them the primary target group. However, the right to land is also fundamental to pastoralist communities as well as to small scale farmers which justify adding them as target groups of the LR theme.

The Legal Framework Tanzania has been undertaking major reforms in land tenure for the past fifteen years, unmatched by any previous land reforms in the history of the country since the colonial times (Olenasha 2003). A National Land Policy was adopted in 1995 in response to rapid population growth, increasing conflicts between farmers and pastoralists as well as unclear understandings of land rights despite increasing transactions of land taking place (CARE & TFCG 2008). The National Land Policy addressed four major areas; i) land tenure and administration, ii) surveying and mapping, iii) urban and rural land use planning and d) land use management. As such, the policy formed the basis of new land acts adopted in 1999, coming into force in 2001.

Village Land Rights Land in Tanzania is public, though user rights can be private and inheritable. The Land Acts no. 4 and 5 of 1999 maintain the dual land tenure system of statutory rights on the one hand and customary rights on the other hand, however with the significant difference of customary land rights no longer being ‘deemed’ but also ‘granted’ i.e. formally given equal status and effect (Maoulidi 2004).

The Land Act no. 4 divides public land into three different types; a) reserved land b) village land and c) general land. The reserved land

1includes all land set aside for special purposes like forests, national parks and game reserves (around 25% of all land in Tanzania). The village land is land within the boundaries of a village, which can be defined in a number of ways from formal registration to customary rights of occupancy. The general land is land, which is neither reserved land nor village land.

The Village Land Act No. 5 governs all village land. The VCs are responsible for the village land use planning and can divide village land into common land (for communal use), occupied land (for individual and family use) and future land (to be allocated in the future) as well as enter into joint village land use agreements with other VCs. In addition, the VC is responsible for allocating village land and can decide to lease land to an outside party. However, such decisions need to be approved by the VA (Care & TFCG 2008). The government has also a mandate to transfer village land to general or reserved land when required for public purposes – a cause of several land conflicts due to a lack of adequate compensation of the villagers (Maoulidi 2004).

Pastoralists are especially vulnerable when demand for land increases and are as such often involved in land conflicts. Pastoralism is providing a living for 400,000 Tanzanians by using the harsh dry lands for commercial livestock (Care & TFCG 2008). The Village Land Act recognises the pastoralists’ claim to a customary right of occupancy, but pastoral land has not been recognised as a specific category of reserved land. The legislation does, however, provide for land-sharing schemes between pastoralists and farmers as well as a possibility of applying for the use of communal village land. In addition, in the case of underutilisation or neglect of farm pastures, the land is to be restored to pastoral communities. Despite an increasing need for necessary infrastructures for livestock breeding due to the pressure from private investors and large scale farming, the implementation of these provisions in the land legislation is lacking (Maoulidi 2004).

Whilst the land legislation in general is comprehensive, the implementation is lacking due to the immense cost of a full implementation as well as a lack of skilled staff, i.e., surveyors, land valuers and administrative staff (Larsson 2006). Hence, the public is generally unaware of the land acts and the bureaucratic and expensive procedures e.g. prohibitive surveying costs, bar the majority from registering land and demarcating village land (Maoulidi 2004).

Natural ResourcesA specific aspect of the land right issue in Tanzania is the rural communities’ dependence on and right to access other natural resources – in particular forest, wild life and mineral resources. In poor communities agriculture remains the most important source for household income, but forest products make a significant contribution. Hence, forests and woodlands support the livelihoods of 87% of the rural poor. However, the forest resources represent substantial trade value and access and rights to forest land is thus being challenged by private investors. With an estimated 57% of forest land in Tanzania being largely unprotected and outside government forest reserves, this pose a challenge to communities throughout the country as well as to Tanzania’s ability to achieve its development targets in the

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Transporting charcoal from Kisarawe to Dar es Salaam. Photo by Pernille Bærendtsen

47MKUKUTA, Vision 2025 and the MDGs (Blomley 2006, TNRF 2008).

• Only 4% of potential revenue from logging ends up in official public coffers (Milledge et. Al 2007).

However, Tanzania has a sound forest policy in place as well as progressive and innovative forest laws with the potential of changing the status quo. A Tanzania National Forest Policy and a Forest Act were adopted in 1998 and 2002 respectively, along with a National Forest Programme 2001-2010, all supporting Participatory Forest Management (PFM) (TNRF 2008).

PFM is ‘…a strategy to achieve sustainable forest management by encouraging the management or co-management of forest and woodland resources by the communities living closest to them, supported by a range of other stakeholders drawn from local government, civil society and the private sector’ (URT 2008).

PFM is now operating, or in the process of being established, in 11% of the total forest land, and in 18% of all villages in Tanzania (Blomley 2006). PFM incorporates two modes of management: Community-Based Forest Management (CBFM) and Joint Forest Management (JFM).

• CBFM refers to forest management where local communities are owner managers of Village Land Forest Reserves (VLFR), Community Forest Reserves (CFR) or Private Forests (PF).

• JFM refers to forest management where local communities are co-managers of Village Forest Management Areas (VFMA) under Joint Forest Management Agreements (JFMA) with Central Government in National Forest Reserves (NFR) or District Governments in Local Authority Forest Reserves (LAFR).

The main difference between the two is the fact that under CBFM, the forest owner is the community. Hence, the community bears all the management costs, but it also accrues all the benefits. CBFM therefore offers great potential for community benefits and poverty reduction whereas the benefit mechanism under JFM is yet to be established. PFM has in general shown a positive impact where implemented. Hence, more than 80% of individuals in CBFM and JFM communities perceived improved forest conditions compared to 69% in non-PFM communities perceiving the forest condition to have deteriorated (URT 2008, Blomley 2006).

Despite the intentions of PFM, the PFM stakeholders are not necessarily committed to a pro-poor approach. Hence, the poorest are in general either excluded from or underrepresented in the Village Natural Resource Committees (VNRC) and they fail to be able to pay

1 48the required cost of registration in order to harvest forest products for sale and cash income generation. Thus, a number of challenges regarding implementation of PFM still need confrontation to increase the benefits of the poor (URT 2008).

GenderWomen constitute a dominant part in the use of land compared to men, thereby making land an essential resource and asset to women in particular. In addition, the poorest in a village are usually found among the women, the old and the child-headed households. This is partly due to the fact that traditionally women can use but not own land. However, the Land Act and The Village Land Act of 1999 both address this discrimination by giving women the same right to ‘acquire, hold, use and deal with land as any man’. In addition, the Village Land Act provides for equitable representation in the Village Land Council (VLC) and customary rights are only recognised in land tribunals when the customary laws and practices do not contradict gender equality (Land Act no. 4 of 1999 and Village Land Act no. 5 of 1999, Mascarenhas 2007).

Despite progress, women are still precluded from accessing and owning land in a majority of communities in Tanzania, especially in the case of inheritance from husbands. Hence, more than 30% of the widows in a case study from two districts had been assaulted and banished from the marital home and family land by relatives wanting to sell the land (Olenasha 2003). As a result, widows are left in a very disadvantaged situation as all investments have been directed towards the land. Furthermore, women who are excluded from land ownership and inheritance have limited incentive to make any major long term investments in expanding agricultural production beyond the subsistence needs of the family. The legal framework providing men and women with equal land rights, once implemented will stimulate the investments at village level and contribute to empowerment and poverty alleviation (Mascarenhas 2007).

Civil Society and DonorsA number of CSOs are already addressing land rights and have shown to be effective in reaching out to rural areas by conducting training of paralegals, WDC, VLCs and villagers as well as awareness raising through media campaigns and information in Kiswahili on land legislation in general and on women’s land rights in particular. As a result of the CSOs’ active engagement, the Ministry of Lands has started to recognise CSOs as important co-actors in the implementation process of the land acts. However, the government is still not involving and co-operating with CSOs in an extensive manner (Larsson 2006).

Donor interests in land and natural resource issues have been focused on substantial support to improve the legal framework. In addition, much has been related to pastoralist issues and CSOs, especially conflict resolution in specific ‘hot spot’ areas. Donors have, during the last part of 2007, been focusing on corruption in relation to land, mainly due to the reports uncovering the poor forest management and massive corruption in management of natural resources in general.

49 3.3 Youth for Development

MSTZAADK perceives youth as a distinct social group, who is marginalised even where a legal framework is supportive of youth empowerment (NYDP 2007). Hence, MSTZAADK works to lobby for policies that are responsive to the needs of the youth and which seek direct co-operation with organisations representing this group (MSiS 2005). Besides being targeted in the specific Youth for Development (YFD) theme, youth will also be an integrated part of the BLD and LR themes as one of the main target groups in the CPS.

Justification of the Youth for Development Theme Based on the provision for establishing National and District Youth Councils, in the 2007 National Youth Development Policy, MSTZAADK will support youth in making use of and deepen the space for their participation in local politics at district, ward and village level. The YFD theme is thus a direct complement to the BLD theme aiming specifically at empowering youth to claim their right to better employment opportunities and working conditions.

The relevant government act supporting the actual establishment of District Youth Councils (DYCs) has not yet been adopted, but since DYCs are necessary for youth to be formally recognised, MSTZAADK will, in the interim period, work to increase youths’ and politicians’ capacity to make use of these forums once established by supporting parallel meetings at village, ward and district level. These meetings shall serve to inform LGAs of youths’ perspectives and claims on development and other issues affecting their lives as well as mobilise youth to wield influence, build capacity of youth organisations and widen politicians’ ability to cope with raising demands from the youth.

Definition of YouthIn 2007 the Ministry of Labour, Employment and Youth Development declared that social practice in Tanzania necessitated a definition of youth as persons between 15 to 35 years (NYDP 2007). Due to the implications of the ministry’s understanding of youth on the political framework, MSTZAADK accordingly adopts youth as persons between 15 to 35 years. The 2002 Population and Housing Census estimated that 35% of the population is youth.

Political Framework for Youth Participation and RepresentationAt present, youth hardly participate in politics, and, therefore, scarcely have a say in decisions affecting their lives, despite that the 2007 National Youth Policy states that:

• The government shall facilitate the formation of a National Youth Council (NYC) as well as mechanisms to facilitate effective participation of youth on local levels.

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Young student at Jitegimee Secondary School in Dar es Salaam.Photo by Pernille Bærendtsen

51• The government, in collaboration with local authorities, has put forward the objective of establishing youth cardres at regional and district level and to employ youth development officers to coordinate youth issues at the local level.• In accordance with the Local Government District Authorities Act (LGAA), 10% of the revenue of local authorities has to be set aside to youth activities with the possibility of supplementing these 10% with funding from the Youth Fund established by the Ministry of Labour, Employment and Youth Development (NYDP 2007).

Note that neither the act on NYC, nor the act involving youth in local government, has been adopted and that there is a common practise of spending the 10% earmarked for youth to fill gaps in district budget, remotely labelled under youth (e.g. running costs of schools). One major reason why this malpractice occurs is that budgets are agreed upon in the DC where youth interests currently are not represented.

A positive trend in relation to participation and representation of the youth is that a large majority of Tanzanians are interested in politics and public affairs and believe that public voice makes a difference. But this does not mean that young men and women necessarily are prepared to take up leading positions in local government nor in civil society, since they are politically, economically and socially marginalised (NYDP 2007). People living in rural areas are generally suffering from poor access to information and lower standards of education compared to urban areas. This entails that face-to-face communication is the poor’s main source of information, thus they have no inputs from outside the country and that intercultural exchange between the poor in Tanzania and wider society are somewhat limited. This in turn makes it difficult to raise youth’s awareness of democracy, i.e. the ways in which it affects and may affect their lives in the future, and to convince them of their role as voters and agents with ability to change the system through action (NYDP 2007, URT & REPOA 2007).

Gender A common challenge facing youth is the gender inequality expressed in social values, norms and culture. These clearly favour men over women, and as a result women and girls are excluded from decision making in general and the political arena in particular (NYDP 2007). Even though legislations and regulations are already in place, gender equity is not yet achieved, as girls do not have the same opportunities as boys. MSTZAADK perceives this gender inequity as a clear barrier to development (MSiS 2005).

Employment The unemployment rate among the youth is rapidly increasing, Presently 63% of the youth are facing significant problems finding work and 35% are unemployed (URT & REPOA 2007, ILFS 2001). This means that the unemployment rate is far higher among educated and non-educated youth compared to the adult labour force (MKUKUTA 2005). Hence, 32% of the youth consider their economic situation as having declined in the last three years. This emphasises the need of integrating awareness creation and empowerment of the youth in

1 52relation to income generating activities. Despite the fact that education provides no secure passage to employment, it offers a comparative advantage as self employed or when competing in the formal job sector. Note that an overwhelming majority of the employed youth are engaged as self-employed in the informal sector where dysfunctional factors and input markets hampers young entrepreneurs’ access to essential capital. In addition, 83% of the informally employed are in the agricultural sector (ILFS 2001, URT & REPOA 2007).

Civil Society and DonorsOn the basis of the YFD theme being implemented under the umbrella of BLD, the main features of this analysis resemble that of BLD and partners shall therefore be identified using the same proxies as for the BLD theme.

3.4 Crosscutting Themes

In the acknowledgment that corruption is an important element likely to influence outcomes of the country programme MSTZAADK adopts AC as a cross-cutting theme. This entails, that all activities and partnerships under the BLD, LR and YFD themes shall be corruption free.

Anti-CorruptionEmphasising the synergy between corruption and poverty in Tanzania, MSTZAADK adopts AC as an integral part of the country programme. The political environment and the public opinion have since 2006, when the first CPS was drafted, become more conducive for MSTZAADK to embark on AC. Advocacy, awareness raising and support for watch dog institutions have thus become applicable in the Tanzanian context (MSAADK 2007). The immediate focus shall be on supporting measures of budget transparency and accountability in the public and civic sectors.

Since the early days of independence, Tanzanian leaders have demonstrated a clear commitment to fighting corruption. This has lead to the adoption of various Anti-Corruption measures since 1999. Latest, in 2007, the Prevention and Combating of Corruption Bill outline the establishment of a Prevention & Combating of Corruption Bureau (PCCB); expanded the range of corruption offences provision; the forfeiture of the proceeds of corruption and inclusion of new provisions relating to tackling corruption in the private sector (Hatchard 2007). The PCCB is mandated to investigate corrupt practices, promote preventive measures and raise public awareness.

• To increase efficiency, it is recommended by donors that more members from the private sector, media, CSOs, religious institutions and MPs are included in the PCCB (DPG 2007).

However, insufficient enforcement of AC measures has floored the fight against corruption in Tanzania. In 2004 the Ministry of Finance

53estimated that 20% of the government’s budget in each fiscal year was lost to corruption. Hence, to increase efficiency in government spending, efforts are directed at improving public services delivery and do away with loopholes through a comprehensive reform package including the education, health, public service, finance, local government and legal sectors (UNDP 2007).

• Between 1995 and June 2004, the PCB received 10,319 reports of corruption and investigated 9,507 of them. Of the cases investigated 357 were prosecuted resulting in 48 convictions (USDS 2005).

Despite the legal framework and increased efforts to improve public service delivery, rent-seeking remains widespread in Tanzania thus in 2006 there were a 10% decrees in LGA achieving clean audit certificate, from 53 to 43%. Today corruption is perceived to negatively affect the livelihoods of 45% of the population. Figures show that 55% of all encounters with the police; and 43% of all encounters with legal system, in Dar es Salaam, involve payment of bribes (URT & REPOA 2007).

Consequently, political corruption leads to unfair and unsustainable natural resource exploitation. It is a common practise that forest and mining concessions are awarded on the basis of bribes leading to marginalisation of the poor (Miledge et al. 2007, CMI 2006). However, recent progressive initiatives, such as publication of government grants and budgets along with increased freedom of the press to investigate corruption allegations, have lead to an increased awareness and change in the public mindset. Thus, in 2008 a report by the Parliamentary Select Committee lead Prime Minister Edward Lowassa to tender his resignation along with three of his minister colleagues, and currently investigators from PCCB are looking into the Bank of Tanzania case where USD 131 million External Payment Arrears (EPA) funds were stolen from the Bank of Tanzania (BoT) (UNDP 2007 & The Citizen 2008).

Programme Design 4

Woman selling charcoal. Dar es Salaam. | Photo by James Seigel

55

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OVERALL, MSTZAADK PLANS to allocate 50% of resources to the BLD component, 30% to LR and 20% to YFD. For the YFD component the 20% will be for developing a strategic approach and for supporting certain youth organisations in their collaboration with LGAs. Under the BLD component youth programmes will be equally eligible for support; hence the actual support for youth programmes will certainly exceed the 20%.

There are relatively few financial resources available for achievement of this CPS. MSTZAADK shall therefore only form partnerships with organisations capable of contributing to implementation of one or more of the planned outputs. Partnerships are not be seen as life long ‘marriages’, where the parties agree on most issues or have to share a common vision. Rather, they should be perceived as alliances for joint action towards a common goal – not only in relation to a specific project, but also at a more general (thematic) level.

MSTZAADK’s partnerships are not static and will change over time. In general, partnerships aim at supporting partners to develop into independent professional organisations where the organisations join forces based on shared ideas and strategic co-operation. When the CPS has been developed or revised, existing partnerships shall be reviewed in accordance with the thematic and geographical focus areas. Thus, some partners might have to be phased out, if their focus areas are not within the scope of the CPS, while new ones can be included (MS Guidelines for Thematic Programming 2008).

4.1 Programmatic Setup

PartnershipsIn line with MSTZAADK’s partnership approach the country programme will form partnerships with local organisations around development activities and related lobbying/advocacy activities. The emphasis shall be on organisational capacity building and empowerment, which enables partners to initiate, plan and implement their programmes within a framework of mutual recognition, linking practical and strategic interventions. While there may be an imbalance between MSTZAADK and a partner in terms of resource input into the partnership, it is fundamental that the partner relation is equitable and based on mutual trust and respect. All parties must feel that they benefit and contribute (MSiS 2005).

Membership based organisations shall form the majority of partners in the country programme as they have the scope to ‘practice what they preach’. Moreover, it is MSTZAADK’s experienc that membership based organisations with a socio economic focus often are better to organise and mobilise the grassroots. Since grassroots organisations often are the least capacitated, links between the local, regional and national level in the partner portfolio will pursued through establishment of thematic teams.

57 Strategic PartnershipsA strategic partner is a partner that enters into a joint alliance with MSTZAADK in relation to a shared vision or goal. Strategic partners are usually highly professional NGOs that do not need fi nancial or capacity development support from MSTZAADK, but which will benefi t from the links made within the MSTZAADK network. Strategic partners are important to MSTZAADK because of the expertise (e.g. on women’s rights) and the access to networks that they can offer.

The relationship between MSTZAADK and a strategic partner is professional and builds on mutual trust and shared resources without involving MSTZAADK grants, although limited funding may be provided to specifi c initiatives such as workshops or advocacy campaigns. Memorandum of Understanding (MoU) must be drawn up. MSTZAADK Country Offi ce may invite strategic partners to the annual Thematic Review Workshops (MS Guidelines for Thematic Programming 2008).

Thematic TeamsIn response to the poor coordination of development among civil society organisations in Tanzania, the Country Programme shall establish three thematic teams (TT), one for BLD, LR and YFD respectively. Each TT shall be lead by a Programme Manager (PM), and it shall consist of a representative from each partner organisation affi liated to work within the theme. The main aim is to strengthen the thematic focus in the country programme by providing additional opportunity for partners to network horizontal and vertical on issues of thematic relevance.

The core obligation for each thematic team will be to ensure achievements and thus recommend changes to this CPS. This entails performing thematic reviews and contributing to MSAADK’s Global Thematic Reviews in accordance with MSAADK monitoring and learning system. Key outputs from the three teams will be annually completed Thematic Refl ection Matrixes, Annual reports to MS Global Thematic Review reports and best practise papers (MSAADK Guidelines for Thematic Programming 2008).

4.2 Building Local Democracy (BLD)

Political EmpowermentIncreasing poor people’s consciousness about their subordination is an important element in empowerment. Only when people are conscious they are able to act, and as their consciousness increases so will their need to protest and their desire to combat discrimination and political exclusion. MSTZAADK sees investment on political empowerment as essential to civic empowerment and necessary for agency through which the poor can challenge existing hierarchies and remove the structural barriers keeping them from yielding their rights as citizens (MSAADK’s BLD concept paper 2007).

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Listening to the radio in Kwa Mattias. Photo by Pernille Bærendtsen

59Political empowerment can take many forms and have many expressions and purposes, but most importantly, political empowerment must be applied in a fl exible and sensitive manner, which takes into account local needs and issues. For MSTZAADK there are no set boundaries for political empowerment; merely goals and issues to be tackled. Therefore, political empowerment approaches at the same time must be innovative, inclusive and sensitive to political violence. Political empowerment shall strive to promote political harmony, inform citizens about the rules and regulations that govern the society and the rights and obligations that individuals, the state and businesses have as members of it. This does not exclude informing citizens about the opportunity for using confrontation as a means to claim their rights, but merely that confrontation shall be promoted in a legitimate and non-violent manner.

Raising citizens’ awareness of their rights and duties is an essential element in reducing poverty, and special attention shall be paid to building partner organisations’ capacity to develop and apply effective approaches in civic education. Approaches which shall include but not be limited to public meetings, public debates, cartoons, posters, books, fl yers, games, plays, forum theatre, radio and television broadcasts etc. Networking and sharing of experiences and materials between partners in Tanzania and through MS global network is another fi eld which shall receive special attention in the country programme.

An outcome of political empowerment sought in MSTZAADK’s work is political empowerment of the poor through agency. Agency to MSTZAADK is not an explicit, but an inclusive term, which covers a whole range of actions ranging from ‘foot-dragging’ to demonstrations depending on the context. CSOs in Tanzania play an important role in mobilising and organising individual actions into political motions which can then contests the political culture through lobbying and advocacy. Therefore, MSTZAADK supports partners that use political empowerment to mobilise and formalise citizens’ claims for better education and agriculture development from LGAs or SCs.

Anti-CorruptionMSAADK defi nes corruption as the misuse of entrusted power for private gain. Corruption is especially affecting poor people and vulnerable groups (i.e. women and youth) due to the fact that corruption reduces tax revenues and thus the level and quality of public service, upon which these groups heavily depend. Hence, MSTZAADK sees corruption as closely linked to poverty. In addition, political corruption prevents poor people in claiming their rights as citizens e.g. by being ‘forced’ to sell their vote in exchange for basic goods and/or services (MS’ Anti-corruption concept paper 2007).

In order to prevent corruption MSTZAADK internally as well as with partner organisations will apply ‘MSAADK Code of Conduct on Anti-Corruption’ and emphasise the AC clause in partnership agreements. ‘MSAADK Code of Conduct on Anti-Corruption’ shall form the basis for ensuring that MSTZAADK works in a responsible manner, i.e., that behaviour and work ethics are characterised by high standards of personal and organisational integrity, and that means from donors are managed in a responsible and sound manner. Further, the MSTZAADK

1 60partners shall be supported to put in place AC measures. In case of any incidents or suspicions of corruption, the staff of MSTZAADK and the partners are obliged to report the incident through whistle blowing system, which clarifi es the structures and responsibilities in relation to reporting corruption within MSAADK. Corrupt practices include offering, giving, receiving, or soliciting, directly or indirectly, anything of value to infl uence improperly the actions of another party (‘MSAADK Code of Conduct on Anti-Corruption’ 2007).

A favourable environment for AC in Tanzania implies that accountability interventions such as PETs shall also be used in the fi ght against corruption in LGAs. This includes, amongst other things, that MSTZAADK will support partners’ efforts for transparency and public access to LGAs’ and CSOs’ budgets as well as efforts in political empowerment aimed at enhancing ordinary women’s and men’s knowledge on corruption and capacities for holding LGAs accountable.

AccountabilityIt is a proactive process by which public offi cials inform about and justify their plans of action, their behaviour and results are sanctioned accordingly. Accountability is a process concerning plans, decisions and approaches to implementation of policies and provision of services. For MSTZAADK the fundamental basis for social equality is based in social contracts defi ning the accountability of government (supply side) to society at large (demand side), upon which political leadership and administrative governance is based (MS BLD policy paper 2007).

CSOs can monitor the way the state, private companies and other organisations behave (i.e. are the ‘rules of the game’ followed? If they are not, are culprits held to account and measures taken to make sure that transgressions are not repeated?). It is the process of monitoring in combination with interpretive public evaluation and government responsiveness that MSTZAADK seek to strengthen in Tanzania. The poor performance of LGAs to deliver quality education and agriculture extension under the LGRP shall be addressed explicitly as it poses a central treat to poverty reduction. Accepting that the LG do not command development funds beyond those granted from the central level, MSTZAADK shall support partners, through networks and strategic partnerships, to seek infl uence on the highest political levels.

MSTZAADK’s involvement in making local government accountable will promote CSOs’ and citizens’ participation in DCs’, WDCs’ and SCs’ planning and budgeting processes in accordance with the LGRP planning and budgeting guidelines. Explicit support will be granted CSOs’ capacity to use PETs as a tool for measuring and contesting LGAs effectiveness and effi ciency to deliver public service. Another element in achieving public participation in planning and budgeting is MSTZAADK’s support for partners to train and monitor WFT as well as participation in O&OD processes and compilation of ward development plans.

The overarching aim of MSTZAADK’s support to PETs is for the public to be more engaged in debates and discussions about spending

61priorities in LGA. Whereby PETs serve to increase the publics’ understanding and opinion about the way government money is spend and how it links with outputs and actions of service providers. This entails collaboration between district/council offi cials and CSO and timely access to fi nancial and nonfi nancial data. A contributing factor to MSTZAADK’s increased focus on PETs as a means for public participation in Tanzania rests on the introduction of PlanRep, whereby necessary data have become easily accessible.

Geographical ScopeIn line with the overall focus on rural poverty, the BLD theme shall be implemented in seven rural districts in mainland Tanzania. These districts are chosen on the basis of MSTZAADK’s comparative advantages (i.e. where MSTZAADK has experience and knowledge from previous interventions, as well as carried out district mapping) assuming an increased likelihood of achieving the thematic objectives. The district mapping aimed at identifying potential partners working within the themes of the CPS in the districts, and lead to selection of the following districts: Kibaha, Kisarawe, Kilindi, Kiteto, Mbeya Rural, Morogoro Rural and Njombe.

The geographical scope does not exclude collaboration with partners beyond the selected seven districts as long as it serves as the overall purpose outlined in the in the Logical Framework Approach (LFA) and/or serve special interests relevant to achievement of the BLD theme.

Logical Framework Matrix

OBJECTIVES INDICATORS ASSUMPTIONS

Development Objective: Poverty is reduced in Kibaha, Kisarawe, Kilindi, Kiteto, Mbeya Rural and Njombe districts by 2012.

Poverty data from MKUKUTA monitoring.

Immediate Objective 1 - Accountability:LGAs provide improved primary education and agriculture development projects.

Quality of DADPsQuality of school development plans and budgets.

The LGRP will continue to be implemented along existing policies and guidelines.LGAs and CSOs will accept increased citizens’ participation.

1 1

Country Programme Strategy 2009 - 2012

1

A young farmer nursing his tomatoes in Tegeta.Photo by James Seigel

63 OBJECTIVES INDICATORS ASSUMPTIONS

Outputs:1.1. Citizens track expenditure and infl uence planning in CSOs.

1.2. CSOs track expenditure and infl uence planning in SCs.

1.3. CSOs and Farmers Forums track expenditure and infl uence planning in LGA.

1.4. Collaboration between local and national CSOs.

Output Indicators:1.1.1. Number of PETs performed on CSOs.1.1.2. Changes made in CSOs on the basis of budget tracking.1.2.1. Number of PETs performed on SCs.1.2.2. Changes made in SCs on the basis of PETs. 1.3.1. Number of PETs performed on LGA.1.3.2. Changes made to DADPs on the basis of PETs.1.3.3. Extent to which VADPs are incorporated in DADPs.1.4.1. Increased sharing of information.1.4.2. Number of joint actions.

CSOs adhere to fi ndings from PETs.

SCs adhere to fi ndings from PETs.

DCs adhere to fi ndings from PETs.

CSOs are willing to share information and can agree and coordinate common actions.

Immediate Objective 2 - Political empowerment:LGAs and SCs provide services responding to needs identifi ed by ordinary women and men.

Participation of ordinary women and men in elections of and meetings by LGAs and SCs.

Representation of CSOs in LGAs.

Representation of ordinary women and men in SCs.

Continued support for the LGRP from Central Government.

CSOs represent the opinion of ordinary women and men.

1 64OBJECTIVES INDICATORS ASSUMPTIONS

Outputs:2.1. Ordinary women and men claim(ing) their rights and entitlements from LGAs and SCs.

2.2. Ordinary women and men are organised and claim their rights from LGAs.

2.3. LGAs, WFTs and SCs respect citizens’ claims and rights.

Output indicators:2.1.1. Number of ordinary women and men aware of their rights.2.1.2. Increased infl uence of ordinary women and men on DADPs through the O&OD processes.2.1.3. Increased infl uence of ordinary women and men on school development through SCs.2.2.1. Increased grassroots membership in CSOs.2.2.2. Number of queries raised by CSOs to LGAs.2.3.1. Number of LGAs’ and SCs’ decisions altered on the basis of claims from ordinary women and men.

CSOs capable of conducting political empowerment on the LGRP and O&OD.CSOs allowed to work with DCs, SCs and WFTs.

DCs, SCs and WFTs empowered to respond.

Narrative output descriptionOutput 1.1 Citizens track expenditure and infl uence planning in CSOsCitizens’ expenditure tracking and participation centres on a notion of downward accountability and emphasises the need for CSOs to be accountable to citizens in advocating and providing for effective and effi cient development. It is, however, important that activities do not turn citizens into principles, but that it empowers them to participate in planning and budgeting of development interventions affecting their lives. Moreover, it is central that activities seek to maximise the potential of CSO to ‘practice what they preach’ in terms of democracy, good governance and AC.

MSTZAADK’s support shall focus on creating a transparent civil society where ordinary women and men have access to information and are capable of assessing and comparing the performance of CSOs. More specifi cally, MSTZAADK shall support political empowerment in:• the use of Budget Tracking

65• rights and opportunities of citizens to access information• participatory planning methodologies • the rights, duties and limitations of CSOs• setting up AC measures

Note that this does not exclude citizens from undertaking or participating in expenditure tracking and participatory planning at other levels.

Output 1.2 CSOs track expenditure and infl uence planning in SCsThrough PET, CSOs shall, on behalf and with participation of ordinary women and men, assess and inform about the effi ciency of SCs. It is important that expenditure tracking and social audits are applied in a participatory rather than confrontational manner in order to create and/or deepen the space for public participation in SC planning and budgeting processes.

In acknowledgment that unjust access and poor quality of primary education are structural causes of poverty in Tanzania, MSTZAADK’s support shall focus on this sectors in particular. The role of SCs is to develop and submit school development plans and budget for incorporation into sector education plans and to administer funds and resources of the school accordingly. By linking CSO to SC in school planning and budgeting it provides a spinoff whereby CSOs gain the fundamental information and know-how needed for holding the LGA accountable to objectives and allocations within the PEDP.

Activities supported by MSTZAADK shall include, but not be limited to:• training of CSOs in the use of PET and social auditing• training of CSOs, WECs and SCs in participatory budgeting and planning• lobbying and advocacy activities, networking and linkages of CSOs• organisational capacity building of CSOs

Finally, MSTZAADK acknowledge the need to strengthen teachers’ capabilities as a means for achieving quality education and will therefore seek to strengthen advocacy for high quality education of teachers through the Teachers Resource Centre (TRC).

Output 1.3 CSOs and Farmers Forums track expenditure and infl uence planning and budgeting of LGAThrough expenditure tracking and social audits, CSOs and Farmers Forums shall involve and inform citizens about the effectiveness and effi ciency of LGAs to provide agriculture development. It is important that processes of expenditure tracking and social audits are applied

1 66in a participatory, rather than confronting, manner in order to deepen the space for CSOs’ engagement in DADP planning and budgeting processes.

LGA and hereunder the DFT are the single most important government authority after Central Government in planning and administration of agriculture development, thus DFT develop and draw up budgets for approval by DCs for village and ward level agriculture development. While high quality DADPs (subsequently VADPs and the O&OD process) are essential for LGAs to be able to fulfi l their duties and meet the needs of citizens for agriculture development, budget tracking of funds allocated from the District Agriculture Development Grant (DADG) and LGCDGs are equally important in order to hold LGAs accountable for providing quality agriculture development.

Activities supported by MSTZAADK shall include, but not be limited to: • training of CSOs and Farmers Forums in the use of PET and social auditing • training of CSO, Farmers Forums and DFTs in participatory planning and budgeting • support for CSOs to engage in and support O&OD processes• advocacy and lobbying, networking and linkages of CSOs• organisational capacity building of CSOs and Farmers Forums

Output 1.4 Collaboration between local and national CSOsIn general, civil society in Tanzania is poorly organised, thus a lack of coordination hampers its ability to attain political empowerment of scale. Hence, support to networking between national and local CSOs is partly intended as a means to improve coordination of interventions and partly to provide a political voice to ordinary citizens. A central notion underpinning MSTZAADK’s support for network activities is the need to compliment bottom-up pressure on LGA with top-down pressure from national umbrella organisations or networks, such as the Policy Forum, MVIWATA, TANGO, HakiKazi and possibly TACO-SODE, in the national arena.

A central issue to be addressed in by national networks is the political culture of upward accountability and deconcentration of power which occurs in the form of tight budget control and national sector standards for LGA service delivery. However, in order for national networks and umbrella organisations to be effective in lobbying and advocating they need ‘grassroots connection’ i.e. access updated information from the local level. Consequently, the ability of local CSO to offer such information becomes crucial.

MSTZAADK shall support efforts on: • information sharing between the national and local level• networking activities between partners and beyond

67• training of local CSOs in data collection and interpretation• lobbying and advocacy activities• capacity building and organisational development in national CSOs• MSTZAADK as an organisation shall enter into strategic alliances with national CSOs of relevance to the achievement of the theme

Output 2.1 Ordinary women and men claim(ing) their rights and entitlements from LGAs and SCsPolitical empowerment is an important fi rst step in empowering ordinary women and men to claim their rights by making them conscious of their rights and oppression, and it is instrumental in paving way for citizens to wield their rights using agency, common actions, social movements and/or CSOs. The assumption is that once citizens are aware of their democratic and judicial rights they will act against oppression, and since confrontation is a likely outcome of civic education, thus it is essential that political empowerment is designed and applied in a ‘wise’ manner that does not motivate or lead to political violence.

MSTZAADK shall therefore pursue broad and innovative approaches to political empowerment making ordinary women and men aware of their rights and duties as citizens of the Democratic Republic of Tanzania and as voters in the common and general elections in 2009 and 2010 respectively.

Output 2.2 Ordinary women and men are organised and claim their rights from DCs Actions whereby ordinary women and men claiming their rights and entitlements from LGA and SC can take many forms, but here we distinguish between participation and protesting. Participation refers to actions where ordinary women and men in a formal manner, through existing institutions or organisations, claim their rights i.e. by contributing to an effective and effi cient O&OD process or local CSOs. Protesting on the other hand is actions whereby ordinary women and men confront DCs in a legitimate but less formalised manner, for instance by marching or using the media. MSAADK accepts and supports protesting as a necessary means, if space is not provided for ordinary women and men to claim their rights through participation.

This entails that MSTZAADK shall mainly support and strengthen partners working with the participatory approach; however, at the same time MSTZAADK accepts and supports legal forms of legitimate and non-violent protesting. Note that a precondition for MSAADK to support protesting is that it has a legal mandate and takes place in a manner not yielding political violence.

In accordance with the notion that membership-based organisations have signifi cant infl uence on the political culture in, MSTZAADK shall support CSOs’ efforts to strengthen their grassroots democracy through increased membership. This entails strengthening the outreach of CSOs to the rural poor and efforts to build institutional capacity of CSOs to adhere to the voice from the grassroots (i.e. their members).

1 68Output 2.3 LGA and SC respect citizens’ claims and rightsRespect for citizens’ rights has a close connection to the political culture, thus activities shall aim at building the capacity of offi cials and representatives of LGA and SC, and strengthen the linkage and opportunity for CSOs to represent and petition decisions in DCs and SCs. This includes strengthening offi cials’ capacity to carry out O&OD processes and technical capacity in formulating applicable DADPs and school development plans and budgets.

In acknowledgment of the volatility of funding provided through the LGCDGS, DADG and PEDP, MSTZAADK shall support partners, LGAs, SCs and private business to form PPPs which may, on a short-term basis, include assisting in service delivery. One key action will be for MS to support partners and WFTs and VAs in the process of formulating unmet claims in DADPs and school development plans and budgets into project proposal applicable for external funding through for instance Tanzania Second Social Action Fund (TASAF II).

4.3 Land Rights

Poverty and Property RightsMSAADK defi nes Land Rights as the rights and opportunities of poor and marginalised people in developing countries to access and tenure land. MSDKAATZ, in its work with land rights shall adhere to a notion that most land-based livelihoods rely on secure access to land as a precondition for economic growth, increased agricultural production and/or sustainable natural resource management. Securing land rights is largely a question of having effective and reliable institutions in place for measuring, monitoring and enforcement of land rights. Land rights is therefore just as much about securing social cohesion as it is about securing legal rights. Hence, biased land distribution and weak land administration often renders the poor powerless in formal tenure registration systems.

Rural poverty is strongly associated with poor access to land, either in the form of landlessness or because of insecure and contested land rights. While assurance of stable access to land is clearly not a suffi cient route out of poverty on its own, insuffi cient land to live on and insecure access or rights over land are well-recognised factors in sustaining poverty. Security of land tenure is therefore one of the most important economic assets rural people have, and land rights are a source of fi nancial security, as collateral to raise credit or as a transferable asset that can be sold, rented out, mortgaged, loaned or bequeathed. Moreover, if people do not have land tenure security, they do not invest in the land and thereby improve their methods and production. However, it is necessary to be aware of the risks related to more secure land tenure. One is that poor land holders will sell land as a short term strategy and will fi nd themselves in a more vulnerable situation. Another is that the larger possibility to trade land will cause a concentration of land on fewer hands (MSTZAADK 2007).

In Tanzania, the government’s opening up for land rights to the poor, in the Village Land Act No. 5, shall be pursued explicitly by

69MSTZAADK partners. MSTZAADK sees insecure tenure as binding resources, which could otherwise have been invested and created growth. It is, however, not a manifest that tenure shall be neither private nor common, but merely that village land shall attain statutory protection and that it shall be distributed free and fairly (transparent and accountable) by functional VLCs.

Special attention shall be paid to women and their opportunities for securing access and benefi ts from land. Women in Tanzania are traditionally subordinated by culture and thus their legal rights, social needs and economic/social contributions are often dismissed on the basis of customary practise. It is, however, essential for poverty reduction that women obtain secure land rights and that their contributions to society from is acknowledged and advocated.

Anti-CorruptionWith reference to MSAADK’s general perception of corruption and its implications on poverty (outlined in section 4.2 above) MSTZAADK shall support partners in implementation of AC measures both internally, in their organisation, and externally in councils, tribunals and in local governments. In particular MSTZAADK shall support the establishment of good practises for land distribution at village, ward and district level. This includes that MSTZAADK and its partners shall provide legal support and offer protection to whistleblowers assisting in the organisation’s work against corruption.

Participatory Forest ManagementMSTZAADK perceives PFM schemes to be in line with both the MSAADK thematic policy of securing access for the poor and vulnerable to benefi t from the use of land, and the development objective of MSTZAADK to reduce rural poverty. Hence, PFM is an essential means in promoting and enhancing the contribution of the forest sector to sustainable development, and MSTZAADK shall support partners facilitating citizens’ involvement in planning, securing and managing such schemes.

PFM encompasses different forms of community involvement; CBFM entitles that full management responsibility is granted to communities (i.e. to undertake patrols, levy fi nes for illegal forest users, issue licenses for forest products and set rules and regulations regarding forest management and use) thus the fi rst step in this process is to declare village forest reserves as part of the village land demarcation. In JFM, forest adjacent, communities enter into management agreements with the central or local government for management of forest resources and initially the process follows the same steps as CBFM regarding demarcation of forest boundary and formation of Village Natural Resource Committees (VNRCs).

In order to achieve the objective of involving the poor in PFM, political empowerment is seen as instrumental in performing participatory mapping and dealing with issues of equality and equity in the formation and functioning of VNRCs.

1 70Geographical ScopeThe LR theme will be applied in Morogoro Rural, Bagamoyo, Kisarawe and Kiteto districts. Due to down-stream synergy effects in natural resource management and land uses MSTZAADK acknowledges and will adhere to needs for expanding the LR theme to include activities and advocacy in other districts on a case-to-case basis.

Logical Framework Matrix

OBJECTIVES INDICATORS ASSUMPTIONS

Development Objective: Poverty reduction in Morogoro Rural, Bagamoyo, Kisarawe and Kiteto districts by 2012.

Poverty data from MKUKUTA.

Immediate Objective 1 More women have secure access to land.

Number of Certifi cates of Village land, Land Use Plans, Functioning Village Land Registries and Village Land Councils, and issued Certifi cates of Customary Rights of Occupancy.

Women benefi t from secure village land rights.

Outputs:1.1. 1/3 of all women are conscious of their rights to land and tenure opportunities.

Output Indicators:1.1.1 Number of women trained in land rights and tenure opportunities.1.1.2. Number of claims (as indicators 1.2.2-1.2.4 and 1.4.3) made by women to VCs and VLCs.

CSOs capable of conducting political empowerment on land rights and land administration procedures.

71 OBJECTIVES INDICATORS ASSUMPTIONS

1.2. Women claim their rights from VCs.

1.3 Village land rights secured in 30 Villages.

1.4 Decrease in land disputes.

1.2.1. Number of women requested CCRO’s from VCs (in the process) 1.2.2 Number of CCROs issued to women individually or jointly with spouse1.2.3 Number of women obtaining other documentation than CCROs’ from VCs to affi rm customary right of occupancy.1.3.1 Number of villages with Certifi cate of Village Land.1.3.2 Number of villages with developed Land Use Plans.1.3.3 Number of villages with functional Village Land Registries.1.4.1 Number of functioning Village Land Councils 1.4.2 Number of cases handled by VLCs1.4.3 Number of cases resolved by VLCs1.4.4 Number of cases fi led by women to VLCs1.4.5 Women representation in VLCs.

Women are interested in claiming their rights.VLCs are empowered.

Land tenure reduces land disputes.

Immediate Objective 2Ordinary women and men in 10 villages have safe and sustainable access to forest resources.

Number of PFM schemes operational. PFM schemes supported by citizens and LGAs.

1 11 1

Woman in Kanaani Village. Njombe District.Photo by Pernille Bærendtsen

73 OBJECTIVES INDICATORS ASSUMPTIONS

Outputs: 2.1. Ordinary women and men form and participate in PFM schemes.

2.2. Ordinary women and men are empowered to claim their right from VNRCs and LGAs.2.3. Fair and functional VNRCs.

Output indicators:2.1.1. Number of PFM schemes formed.2.1.2. Number of women participating in PFM schemes.2.2.1. Number of VNRC established.2.2.2. Number of claims made to VNRCs.

2.3.1. Number of poor women and men represented in VNRCs.2.3.2 Number of Villages with Forest Management

Village forest land is designated.

LGA support establishment of VNRCs.

VNRCs empowered.

Narrative Output Description Output 1.1 1/3 of all women aware of rights to land and tenure opportunitiesMaking the poor aware, i.e. making them conscious of their rights and sub-ordination, is crucial for MSDKAATZ to assist ordinary women and men in claiming their rights for equity and equality in the distribution of village land. However, accepting that equal distribution of land does not protect the individual from neither the social consequences of culture nor the fi nancial implications of the market, MSDKAATZ shall in its support explicitly emphasise the need to inform ordinary men and women of the social costs and benefi ts as well as possible market trends relevant to different tenure systems.

MSTZAADK shall explicitly focus on women land rights and the aim is to educate 1/3 of all women in Morogoro Rural, Kisarawe, Kiteto and Bagamoyo districts as a means to achieve the critical mass (i.e. 30% representation) necessary for women to infl uence political decision-making in VCs (SOAS 2007). Note that political empowerment under the LR theme otherwise shall adhere to the principles of participation and protesting outlined for BLD above.

Political empowerment on land rights shall focus on the following:• raising ordinary women’s and men’s knowledge about their legal, social and market rights• enabling individuals to make informed choices about tenure systems

1 74• providing insight to the poor about the functioning and risks of engaging in land and fi nancial markets

Output 1.2 Women claim their rights from VCs Even though women in Tanzania constitute a large proportion of the economically active population engaged in agriculture and play a crucial role in ensuring household food security, they often face insecure land and market access (i.e. to inputs, credit and extension services). In recent years, however, greater attention in Tanzania has been devoted to gender, and considerable political efforts have been made to improve women’s land rights. Yet, as for other policies, implementation has progressed slower than anticipated and today women still suffer from inadequate legal and economic protecting. This is mainly to do with social institutions being bias towards maintaining a status quo in the existing power balances thus leaving women to deal with gender inequality and inequity on their own. Note that in the Village Land Act No. 5 there are provisions for women to own their land and for gender equality in VLCs.

While MSTZAADK shall support women’s effort to claim their legal rights to land from VCs and representation in VLCs, MSTZAADK shall not support a particular tenure system but efforts to fi nding feasible individual and/or group solutions. This includes supporting VCs and citizens in establishing VLCs and VLRs and holding VCs accountable as well as building the capacity of CSOs to support women in claiming a fair and equal distribution of village land.

Output 1.3 Village land rights secured in 30 villagesWith special focus on the needs of pastoralists and other marginalised groups in Tanzania, MSTZAADK shall support local partners and umbrella organisations to engage of pastoral land demarcation on village, district, regional and national level. However, emphasis shall be on the village level, i.e. assisting VCs in land demarcation and registration as well as lobbying for anti-corruption and advocating for accountability of the government for protection of village land tenure and designation of pastoral land on state land.

Activities leading to this output shall therefore include but not be limited to:• building CSOs’ and VC’s Village Adjudication Committees, Village Land Use Management Committees and Village Land Registries capacity to do village land demarcation, village land use planning and land registration• lobbying for anti-corruption in distribution and enforcement• CSOs networking and advocacy activities at local and national level• strengthening CSOs’ effort to ensure accountability and state protection of land rights

Output 1.4 Decrease in land disputesAssuming that agreed village land rights on its own will not signifi cantly reduce the number of land disputes, but rather it will change the

75type of disputes from informal to formal. It is thus necessary, in order to reduce the number of land disputes that councils, tribunals, and LGAs and other existing institutions at village, ward and district level are strengthened in their ability to handle the new type of ‘formal’ disputes.

In a rural context, MSTZAADK acknowledges that land has both a cultural and a fi nancial value and that equality in village planning is a precondition for reducing the number of land disputes reported which makes it essential deal with existing power structures which are likely otherwise to promote biased land rights. This entails that partners as part of building the institutional capacity of VCs, in handling land disputes, shall support and institutionalise public participation in village land planning, councils, tribunals and LGA.

Output 2.1 Ordinary women and men form and participate in PFM schemesThis output is based on the common notion of conscientisation, meaning that ordinary women and men, once aware of their rights, will seek to maximise their benefi ts by lowering the transaction costs through collective actions. Considering the prevalence of poor protection and high dependency of rural livelihoods on forest resources in rural Tanzania, PFM shall be pursued as a means of organising and institutionalising common actions of forest protection and poverty reduction.

Accepting the high cost of organising collective actions (free-riding) at the village and LGA level, MSTZAADK shall focus on building the capacity of CSOs to reduce these costs by facilitating the formation and running of CBFM and JFM schemes. This includes raising local awareness and building the capacity of ordinary women and men and LGA offi cials to plan, register and run PFMs.

Output 2.2 Ordinary women and men are empowered to claim their right from VNRC and LGAThe potential for poverty reduction through PFM schemes depends on ordinary women’s and men’s capability to claim their rights from VNRC and LGA. Generally, administrative arrangement and local culture in CBFM and JFM tend to exclude ordinary men and women from decision-making and considerable delays in signing PFM results in considerable fi nancial and social losses to ordinary men and women, especially the poor, who have made initial investments in organising registration, protection and management of forest reserves

MSTZAADK shall support partners working to change the mechanisms in favour of poor benefi ting from natural resources, i.e. prohibitively expensive harvest fees, high initial investment costs as well as combat delays in signing of PFM contracts. MSTZAADK shall support CSOs to advocate for accountability, equity and equality between the poor and powerful and the government as well as efforts by partners to strengthen their grassroots membership.

Output 2.3 Fair and functional VNRCsIn order for PFM schemes to become operational, VAs must elect a VNRC; however, representation of the poor and women in VNRCs are

1 76often low and benefi ts are biased in favour of the powerful (those better-off). Hence, there is a chance that PFM will widen rather than close the gap between the poor and everyone else, and thereby contribute little in terms of reducing gender inequality and poverty.

MSTZAADK shall support partners working for inclusion of ordinary women and the poor in VNRCs as well as inclusion of specifi c needs of the poor in rules and regulations governing PFM schemes. This is intended as a means of increasing the possibility of reducing poverty and shall include wide ranging capacity building of stakeholders and support for formulation of pro-poor regulations and manifests in VNRCs.

4.4 Youth for Development

Youth and Building Local DemocracyMSTZAADK’s work on YFD deals with the same issue as BLD, focusing on political empowerment; however it explicitly focuses on youths’ infl uencing local governments. Bearing in mind that underlying issues affecting the lives of youth are somewhat different from issues affecting adults. The YFD theme is designed in a manner to specifi cally target the structural causes of and use opportunities for reducing poverty among rural youth in Tanzania.

Anti-CorruptionWith reference to MSAADK’s general perception of corruptions and its implications on poverty (outlined in section 4.2 above) MSDKAATZ shall support partners’ implementation of AC measures both internally, in their organisation, and externally in society and at the work place. In particular MSDKAATZ shall support partners in mobilising youth against corruption in Tanzania. This entails support to civic education, lobbying and advocacy against corruption and support for internalising anti-corruption as part of leadership trainings, voters’ education and support to young politicians. Furthermore, MSDKAATZ and its partners shall adhere to MS’ anti-corruption ‘code of conduct’ and provide legal support as well as offer protection to whistleblowers assisting in the organisations’ work against corruption.

Intercultural ExchangeIn accordance with MSAADK’s focus on universal equality achieved through intercultural exchange between people, the YFD theme shall support the building of global citizenship by uniting youth from North and South around activities in the organisations work against poverty. This entails that attention shall be paid to opportunities for meaningful incorporating of volunteers in MSTZAADK’s partnership support. The intercultural exchange serves the purpose of expanding the human resource base for future development cooperation at all levels – from the grassroots to the multilateral in both North and South (People4Change 2008)

77More specifi cally, MSTZAADK intend, via the Global Contact Programme, to access additional resources for politically empowerment of youth in Tanzania. This entails that young people from the North shall provide information and insight into the structures, functioning and culture of democracy to their peers in South. Thus, the volunteers’ main purpose will be to bridge the gap in information; as well as contribute to a socio-political movement towards global democracy, equality and unity.

Geographical ScopeAs YFD is to complement efforts in the BLD theme, consideration has been on maximising the aggregated benefi ts of democracy and the theme shall be applied in Kibaha, Kilindi and Kiteto.

Logical Framework Matrix

OBJECTIVES INDICATOR ASSUMPTION

Development Objective:Poverty reduction in Kibaha, Kilindi and Kieteto districts by 2012.

Number of youth participating in local government policy structures.

Immediate Objective 1Politically empowered young women and men infl uencing Local Government.

Number of youth registered and voting.Number of youth candidates running for offi ce in local elections.

Local Government accept youth participation.Youth carders empowered to perform.

Outputs:1.1. Young women and men claim(ing) their rights and entitlements from LGA.

1.1.1. Increased infl uence by young women and men in the O&OD processes.1.1.2. Number of youth councils established.

LGA empowered to respond.

1 78OBJECTIVES INDICATOR ASSUMPTION

cont... 1.2. Young women and men are organised and claim their rights from LGA.

1.3. Better job opportunities for youth

1.2.1. Increased youth grassroots membership in CSOs.1.2.2. Number and changes made on the basis of quieries raised by CSOs to LGA.1.3.1. Decrease in unemployment among youth.

Public acceptance of youth’s engagement in LGA.

CSOs are able to mobilise youth.

Narrative Output DescriptionOutput 1.1 Young women and men claim(ing) their rights and entitlements from LGAAlerting young women and men to their political rights is seen as crucial in achieving a pluralistic democratic society i.e. where all groups are able to participate and make their voices heard. The underlying assumption is that the problems facing youth can be solved, if the youth themselves take active part in the political process of identifying opportunities and obstacles to pro-youth development.

MSTZAADK shall support political empowerment on citizenship and empowerment to youth in the following two categories: • increasing young women’s and men’s awareness of their rights and duties as citizens and voters (in the common and general elections 2009 and 2010 respectively) • political empowerment of youth to access and infl uence the discussion in Local Government and O&OD processes. • claim and participate in the formation of DYCs and NYC

Generally, MSTZAADK seeks to support innovative ways of conducting civic education, which takes into account the distinct characteristics of youth as a social group and draws on benefi ts from intercultural exchange provided for through Global Contact. Acknowledging the vulnerability of youth to political propaganda and the central role youth have had in direct political violence in Tanzania, Kenya and Zimbabwe, political empowerment on the use of confrontation in political empowerment shall be applied with caution.

Output 1.2 Young women and men are organised and claim their rights from LGAAs outlined under BLD, actions whereby young women and men claim their rights and entitlements from LGAs can take different forms,

79including both participation and protesting. Through participation, young women and men engage in politics in a structured way, through existing institutions and organisations. Protesting, on the contrary, is often unstructured and appears in from of demonstrations, advocacy or agency. Note that protesting supported by MS has to be legitimate.

Whether youth’s perspectives appear on the local political agendas is closely connected to young women and men getting organised and claim their rights collectively. Here, the LGRP provides for inclusion of CSOs in LGAs decision-making bodies offering good opportunities for youth to enter the political realm by joining or forming their own CSOs. Another relevant entrance point for youth is through the political parties’ youth leagues, where they have the opportunity to engage directly with LGAs i.e. as elected and represented in the formal structures.

Accepting that youth currently have limited access to local politics, MSTZAADK shall support partners in:• running parallel youth discussions, of the political agenda, to LGA meetings including advocacy of relevant fi ndings for inclusion on the political agenda• capacity building of District Youth Development Offi cers• establishment and participation of CSOs in DYCs and NYCs

Additionally, MSTZAADK shall seek to from strategic partnerships with political youth leagues as a complementary action to support youth claiming their political rights and infl uencing the political agenda. This may include training of young women and men running for offi ce in the common elections in 2009. Note that such partnerships can only be strategic and may under no circumstance involve transfer of MS funds to political parties or activities organised by political parties, including youth leagues of such parties.

Output 1.3 Better job opportunities for youthEmployment is at the core of sustainable development and clearly has strong links to poverty reduction and draws on issues of youth’s rights to decent work conditions, equal access to employment, equal pay for equal work, social protection and workers’ rights. Thus, decent work will allow young women and men to achieve a decent standard of living and thereby increase their social and physical capabilities to take active part in local politics.

MSTZAADK shall support partners’ effort to organise youth and advocate for better job and work conditions for young women and men as well as support activities aimed at increasing youth’s capabilities in the job market as entrepreneurs or employees. This includes providing political empowerment to young women and men on their labour rights and support legitimate protesting aimed at achieving equal job opportunities and working conditions for youth. Improving basic business capabilities and securing equal access to factor markets for

1 1youth are other activities which shall be supported.

MSTZAADK does not aim to give direct livelihood support, but instead seeks to facilitate fulfilment of basic needs though PPP and/or other local development projects; however, partners working with income generating activities for youth as complement to political empowerment may be supported if found necessary.

Monitoring and Evaluation5

Woman monitoring village life outside her mgahawa in Mikindani. Mtwara District | Photo by Pernille Bærendtsen

81

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GENERALLY, MSDKAATZ SHALL adhere to msaadk’s overall framework for m&e with the exception of accommodating special needs related to the merger with action aid tanzania. This entails that programme implementation is done by partner organisations on the basis of partnership agreements and supplementary project documents. A partnership agreement defines the frame within which ms and a contracting organisation shall corporate, i.E. It outlines commitments and contribution to the achievement of a common goal. In contrast to partnership agreements, projects documents are more detailed and describe activities and outcomes to be achieved by the contracting organisation with the timeframe of a particular project.

Programme managers (pms) monitor project progress and outcomes in close cooperation with the partner organisations. It is also the responsibility of the pm to monitor project budgets and the use of funds, especially with regards to instalment and functioning of anti-corruption measures – although the administrative staff will assist on the financial issues. Note that financial procedures are not merely an administrative issue. The administration of funds shall adhere to acknowledged accounting procedures and legal regulations. Budgetary control, however, is also a monitoring tool for programme management, as financial matters are directly related to the implementation of project activities or purchase of project inputs formulated in the project document.

To sustain a process of mutual understanding, trust and capacity building for both (all) organisations, partners need to cultivate their partnership through frequent contact and meaningful interaction. The ms country office, together with partners, shall make arrangements that indicate when joint activities and meetings and pos visit to organisations and its beneficiaries shall take place.

Msaadk’s monitoring system consists of various processes which provide opportunities for exchanging experiences and making joint reflections on the progress achieved together with the partner organisations. The country office (or regional office) is responsible for three of these processes; i.E. The quarterly reflection & learning workshop, the annual project review workshop and the annual thematic country review workshop. The objective and format for these workshops are described below.

83 ACTIVITY OUTPUT LEVEL OF INTERVENTION

PARTICIPANTS FREQUENCY RESPONSIBLE

Baseline data collection

Baseline Programme Target group rep.’sPartner organisationProgramme Officer

At programme start MS Country Office

Quarterly Reflection & Learning Workshop

Quarterly Reflection Matrix

Project/ partner Target group rep.’sPartner organisationProgramme OfficerDW’s

Quarterly PM

Annual Project Review Workshop

Annual Reflection Matrix

Project/ partner Target group rep.’sPartner organisationMS Country officeDW’s

Annually (October-November)

PM

Thematic Countrywide Review Workshop

Thematic Reflection MatrixRevision of CPS

Thematic Country Programme

All partners within the theme in the countryMS Country OfficeDW’s

Annually (December) MS Country Office

MS Global Thematic Review

Report.Good practice papers.Input to various MS reporting.

Global Thematic Global Thematic Team(where all countries participating in the theme are represented)

Annually(January)

Thematic Coordinator

1 84ACTIVITY OUTPUT LEVEL OF INTERVENTION

PARTICIPANTS FREQUENCY RESPONSIBLE

External Thematic Review

ReportRevision of Concept Papers and Strategies

Global Thematic Partners participating in the theme in each countryMS Country OfficesThematic Coordinator

Every 3-4 years Thematic CoordinatorInternational Director

5.1 Baseline

Monitoring shall be based on the CPS documents, and in particular on monitoring at the output, outcome (immediate objective) and impact (development objective) levels. The important issue is to obtain relevant and reliable data regarding how work is progressing at these three levels, which shall be done through monitoring the indicators defined during the project planning process (or further developed at a later stage).

This entails establishing a baseline using indicators in the CPS and project documents, thus it is a prerequisite that detailed programme objectives and outputs have already been defined and that indicators are appropriate and applicable. The data will consist of both quantitative and qualitative information. Obviously, it should involve the project target group since they are the ones affected by the project as well as project staff and management as they are empowered, if necessary, to change project design or otherwise. More specifically, MSDKAATZ will apply a rapid baseline system, using thematic scorecards, in which each output indicator in the CPS is assigned four scenarios describing milestones to be achieved in the process its achievement. In doing so, MSAADK accepts a certain loss of details over the gains of applicability, retro perspective learning and opportunities for cross-comparison between districts and partners. The scorecard system shall be used to identify unexpected developments or declines in performance by alerting MSTZAADK and partners to problems and found the basis for assessing and evaluating partnerships and projects.

85 References6

Fried cassava for sale. Bagamoyo | Photo by Pernille Bærendtsen

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Blomley, Tom, Mainstreaming Participatory Forestry Within the Local Government Reform Process in Tanzania, 2006.

Care International & The Tanzania Forest Conservation Group, A Plain Language Guide to the Environment, Land Forest, Beekeeping and

Wildlife Policies and Laws of Mainland Tanzania, 2008.

Development Partner Group, Comments by Development Partners on Prevention and Combating of Corruption Bill 2007: comments consolidated

by DPG Governance Working Group, 2007.

Duhu, Jared, Donors Strengthening Civil Society in the South: A Case Study of Tanzania in International Journal of Not-for-Profit Law no. 1 vol.

8, 2005.

JICA, The Study on Improvements of Opportunities and Obstacles to Development (O&OD) Planning Process, JICA 2006.

Jutting, Johannes et al, Decentralisation and poverty in developing countries: exploring the impact. OECD Development Centre working paper

no. 236, 2004.

Hatchard, John, Review of the prevention and combating of corruption Bill 2007 of the United Republic of Tanzania, 2007

Kees de Graaf, Public Expenditure Tracking (PET) in Tanzania at district level: effects on local accountability, 2005

Lange, Siri, CMI, Benefit steams from Mining In Tanzania: Case Studies from Geita and Mererani, 2006.

Larsson, Per, KTH, Swedish Royal Institute of Technology, The Challenging Tanzanian Land Law Reform; A study of the implementation of the

Village Land Act, 2006.

Legal and Human Rights Centre, Annual Progress Report, 2007.

Maoulidi, Salma, Haki Ardhi, Critical Analysis of the Land Laws in Tanzania, 2004.

Mascarenhas, Orphelia, Tanzania Gender Networking Programme & Swedish International Development Cooperation Agency, Gender Profile of

Tanzania, Enhancing Gender Equity, 2007.

Mattee et al, An assessment of the performance of agriculture extension services delivered under the ASDP: A case study from Kilosa and

Kilombero Districts, 2008

Milledge, Simon A.H, Gelvas, I.S., Ahrends, Antje, TRAFFIC, Forestry, Governance and National Development: Lessons Learned from a Logging

Boom in Southern Tanzania, 2007.

MSAADK, Building Local Democracy, 2007.

MSAADK, BLD Review – MSDKAATZ, 2008.

MSAADK, Guidelines for Thematic Programming, 2008.

MSAADK, Land Rights Concept Paper, 2007.

87MSAADK, Partnership Against Poverty, 2005.

MSAADK, People4Change, 2008

MSAADK, Policy on Gender-Equality, 2007.

MSAADK, MS-Anti Corruption Theme, 2008.

Mushi, Deograsias P., Economic Research Bureau, University of Dar Es Salaam, Review of Experience with Direct Support to Schools in

Tanzania, 2006.

National Bureau of Statistics, Integrated Labour Force Survey, 2000/2001.

Olenasha, William, Haki Ardhi, Reforming Land Tenure in Tanzania: For Whose Benefi t?, 2003.

Policy Forum, Constituency Development Funds Should Legislators Finance Public Service Delivery?, 2008.

Policy Forum, Follow the Money, 2008

Policy Forum, The Future of Local Government Reform Programme, 2007.

REPOA, Local Autonomy and Citizen Participation in Tanzania: From a Local Government Reform Perspective, 2008.

School of Oriental and Asian Studies, C 140 Gender and social development, 2007.

Tanzania Coalition on Debt and Development, Poverty – Monitoring report facts from the grassroots, 2006.

Tanzania National Resource Forum, Forest, Governance and National Development: ‘Mama Misitu’ – A Communications and Advocacy

Initiative, 2008.

The Citizens Daily Newspaper, 2008.

UNDP, UNDP Case Studies in Anti-Corruption, 2005.

UNDP, UNDP Human Development Report 2007/2008, 2008.

UNDP, UNDP National Anti-Corruption Strategy in Tanzania, 2007.

UNDP, UNDP Strengthening transparency integrity and the rule of law in Tanzania, 2007.

UNDP & SNV, Localizing MDG’s by improving information demand and supply in local governance: A UNDP-SNV country engagement

plan for Tanzania, 2008.

UNDP & URT, Deepening Democracy in Tanzania.

United Republic of Tanzania, President’s Offi ce, Regional Administration and Local Government, Local Government Capital Development

Grant System, Planning Guidelines for Villages and Mitta, 2004.

United Republic of Tanzania, Ministry of Labour, Employment and Youth Development, National Youth Development Policy, 2007.

United Republic of Tanzania, Ministry of Planning, Economy and Empowerment, Poverty and Human Development Report, 2007.

1 88United Republic of Tanzania, Ministry of natural resources and Tourism, Action Research into Poverty Impacts of Participatory Forest

Management; Selected Case Studies from the Eastern Arc Mountains Area of Tanzania,, 2008.

United Republic of Tanzania, The Research and Analysis Working Group, Human and Development Report, 2005.

United Republic of Tanzania, Vice Precident’s Offi ce, National Strategy for Growth and Reduction of Poverty (NSGRP), 2005.

United Republic of Tanzania, Joined Assistance Strategy for Tanzania (JAST), 2006.

United Republic of Tanzania, The Local Government (district authorities) Act, 1982.

United Republic of Tanzania, The Local Government Laws (miscellaneous amendments), 1999.

United Republic of Tanzania, The Land Act, 1999..

United Republic of Tanzania, The Non-Governmental Organisations Act, 2002.

United Republic of Tanzania, The Village Land Act, 1999.

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World Bank, World Development Indicators, 2006.

Appendixes

Woman selling vegetables in Makumbako. Njombe District | Photo by Pernille Bærendtsen

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Annex 1 Mapping of Civil SocietyAs mentioned in the Country Analysis there is a great number of NGOs/CBOs in Tanzania, but not a high level of civic society organisational level. The great majority of NGOs have been created to cater for deficiencies in government services and in response to harsh socio-economic realities. Hence, most NGOs work for the communities rather that with.

All major well known international NGOs are present in Tanzania: CARE, Oxfam, Concern, World Vision, SNV plus a number of faith-based. local NGOs with international affiliations – like ActionAid International, ADRA and several church affiliated – are present in various strengths.

A smaller number of vocal and well funded local NGOs are very active in specific areas – the two best known being HakiElimu on education and Legal and Human Rights Centre. These are not membership based organisations, but clearly leading organisations based in Dar. Both have been strategic partners with MSDKAATZ for years, and will continue.

The very large majority of the more than 1500 NGOs being member of the National Association of NGOs in Tanzania are small local CBOs – only relatively few of them being membership-based. The large majority are created and managed by one or a few committed individuals – apart from the probably substantial number created more for income generating purposes.

A special group of civil society organisations are the socio-economic membership organisations of farmers, youth, and women in business, cooperatives and the like. This is an interesting group as the scope for economic viability is there – and the drive for replacing government services is much less as compared to many service delivering NGOs in particular in health.

A general weakness of local NGOs – and a few INGOs as well! – are a low level of transparency in both organisational and financial management and a low level of citizen participation apart from a client relationship.

Annex 2 Partner Portfolio and Personnel NeedsMSDKAATZ has since early 2006 followed a policy of focusing on membership based organisations and the new focus on BLD will reinforce this. Membership based organisations have the scope for practicing what they are preaching on democracy and have the scope for being breeding grounds for democracy. It is a clear experience of MSDKAATZ that rights based lobby and advocacy in general is done much more effectively with base in socio-economic focusing, membership based NGOs with capacity to improve members’ livelihood though both direct support projects – supported by lobby and advocacy activities.

91The previously mentioned group among the Dar Es Salaam based, infl uential NGOs – HakiKazi, Legal and Human Rights Centre and HakiArdhi – are relevant partner organisations as they can provide MSTZAADK with expertise in certain areas of relevance for partnership activities. TMSDKAATZ will continue to work closely with these organisations,

Unfortunately it is the membership based CBOs that have the greatest diffi culties in getting established and in obtaining some acceptable level of institutional and fi nancial viability and sustainability. Membership based organisations at local and regional level have diffi culties in attracting and retaining qualifi ed staff as working conditions is diffi cult due to poor initial organisational and fi nancial capacities. Add to this a general reluctance on the part of donors to engage in what rightly is seen as risky ventures – and the picture of a very adverse climate for membership based organisations is painted.

Nevertheless, it is the strong view of MSDKAATZ that membership based CBOs must be supported if democracy is to take fi rm root in Tanzania and if civil society is to be organised on its own conditions – and not by somebody doing it on the behalf of others.

Current Partners per November 2009

CURRENT PARTNERSPER AUGUST 2009

PROFILE THEMATICFOCUS

DISTRICT(S) DEVELOPMENTWORKERS

CORDS A pastoralist organisation working with land rights and women empowerment

LR Kiteto -

KINNAPA A pastoralist organisation working to achieve better quality education and good governance within the education sector

BLD Kiteto -

MPLC A paralegal organisation focusing on women’s legal, human and land rights

LR Morogoro Rural Roving LR

TAYODEA A regional based youth organisation focusing on organsing and political empowering youth

YFD Kilindi -

1 92CURRENT PARTNERSPER AUGUST 2009

PROFILE THEMATICFOCUS

DISTRICT(S) DEVELOPMENTWORKERS

TRC Teachers Resource Centre Coalition focusing on advocacy for better quality primary education

BLD Kisarawe, Njombe, Mbeya Rural & Kilindi

-

TYC National youth umbrella organisation with focus on youth empowerment and advocacy

YFD Kilindi, Kiteto, Njombe & Mbeya Rural

Roving YFD

NARAMATISHO A pastoralist organisation working with land rights and women empowerment

LR Bagamoyo -

VVT A youth organisation focusing on equal and secure access to land and forest resources

LR Kisarawe -

YPC A youth organisation working to strengthen youth political consciousness and participation in local politics

YFD Kibaha -

Annex 3 Strategy for local fundraisingMSDKAATZ has secured funding for the implementation of this CPS through the Danida framework grant. This entails that the CPS is designed and can be achieved without additional funding; however, in order for MSDKAATZ to develop the scope and depth of the programme the organisation shall embark on fundraising as a complementary action. Hence, additional funding will allow MSDKAATZ to increase its support to partners within the overall thematic framework defi ned above.

Due to the affi liation with Action Aid International a joint fundraising strategy shall be developed before June 2009.

93 Opportunities for fundraisingThe opportunities for fundraising can be divided into two categories;1. Local funding 2. International funding

The possibility of achieving local funding for CSO projects and activities in Tanzania is promising, particularly due to the establishment of the Foundation for Civil Societies (FCS) in 2003, a basket fund setup by the GDP. FSC has an overall objective of contributing to the strengthening of civil society’s ability to engage in democratic process, promote human rights and contribute to poverty reduction and better quality of life for the people of Tanzania. The Foundation provides grants and other means of capacity building support to civil society organisations with the aim of enabling economically disadvantaged and vulnerable citizens to:

• Access information and understand laws, policies and their rights• Engage effectively in policy monitoring and dialogue on poverty reduction• Contribute to social development and to constructively hold the government and private sectors accountable

Hence, FCS is committed to engagement in poverty reducing efforts as set out in the Vision 2025, TAS and Mkukuta and thus is in accordance with the objectives set in this CPS (FCS 2008). Several other foundations, such as the Tanzania Private Sector Foundation, offer potential for funding of MS’ partners as well.

Being an international organisation, MSDKAATZ itself does not qualify for local funding. As a result, MSDKAATZ shall focus on assisting partners in accessing funds for activities serving the common objectives set out in partnership agreements and projects documents. MS shall emphasise capacity building in fund sourcing and fi nancial management. Note that where partners are not in a position to manage funds in accordance with required standards, MS shall facilitate the formation of consortiums of partner organisations working towards a common objective. Within the consortiums, a lead organisation shall be responsible for the management of the funds thus MSDKAATZ will primarily play the role of coordinator and facilitator with regards to local funding.

International funding shall primarily be sourced from the European Union, but also UN agencies and embassies are potential channels for such funding. The sum and duration of international funding is often lager and more long-term in than local funding; however, application and accounting procedures are accordingly more time consuming and thus calls for higher investments by the applying agent. When seeking international funding for implementation of the CPS, MSDKAATZ shall apply solemnly to a donor; however, where joint programmes with capable partners are provided for these shall be considered.

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Selling sugar cane juice in Kariakoo. Dar es Salaam. Photo by Pernille Bærendtsen

95In line with the partnership approach MSDKAATZ shall primarily focus on securing local funding through building the capacity of partners as a sustainable means for funding poverty reduction in Tanzania. Moreover, local ownership of the fundraising and accounting processes are assumed to found the basis for transparency, accountability, continuity and thus increased impact on poverty.

Funds secured from international agencies shall be progressively increased, concurrently with improved fundraising capacity in MSDKAATZ, reaching 20% by 2012.

Anti-CorruptionMSDKAATZ fundraising shall adhere to AC procedures outlined in the programme design section and it is paramount that the management of the entrusted means are subjected to the principles of anti-corruption outlined in partnership agreements. Hence, the anti-corruption measures within partner organizations and MSDKAATZ itself will be applied in securing full transparency and accountability to all parties involved (i.e. the anti-corruption code of conduct as well as the whistle blowing system). In addition, MSDKAATZ shall support partners in capacity building of fi nancial management skills to ensure the required international standards of managing funds are met.

Annex 4 Rolling budget

ACTIVITY CENTRE BUDGET FRAMES TOTAL NET BUDGET 2008

Building Local Democracy

Land Rights

Youth 20% category

899 Partner support, Total 1,958,640 954,320 331,440

120 Development Workers 1,491,048 745,524 248,508

Funding on 111 on AC 110, 130, 140, 150, 160, 190, 195

Policy and Programme related activities 1,436,112 718,056 239,352

170 Fundraising 150,000 50,000 30,000

999 Program cost excl. Adm. and Audit 4,885,800 2,417,900 819,300

1 96 Administration fee (4%) 189,432 94,716 31,572

Audit - Remember to remove the costs for audit from the AC 190 above.

30,000 15,000 5,000

Total 5,075,232 2,527,616 850,872

ACTIVITY CENTRE BUDGET FRAMES TOTAL NET BUDGET 2009

Building Local Democracy

Land Rights

Youth 20% category

899 Partner support, Total 2,108,640 1,004,320 361,440

120 Development Workers 1,491,048 745,524 248,508

Funding on 111 on AC 110, 130, 140, 150, 160, 190, 195

Policy and Programme related activities 1,436,112 718,056 239,352

170 Fundraising 300,000 100,000 60,000

999 Program cost excl. Adm. and Audit 5,035,800 2,467,900 849,300

Administration fee (4%) 189,432 94,716 31,572

Audit - Remember to remove the costs for audit from the AC 190 above.

30,000 15,000 5,000

Total 5,225,232 2,577,616 880,872

97 ACTIVITY CENTRE BUDGET FRAMES TOTAL NET BUDGET 2010

Building Local Democracy

Land Rights

Youth 20% category

899 Partner support, Total 2,308,640 1,104,320 401,440

120 Development Workers 1,491,048 745,524 248,508

Funding on 111 on AC 110, 130, 140, 150, 160, 190, 195

Policy and Programme related activities 1,436,112 718,056 239,352

170 Fundraising 500,000 200,000 100,000

999 Program cost excl. Adm. and Audit 5,235,800 2,567,900 889,300

Administration fee (4%) 189,432 94,716 31,572

Audit - Remember to remove the costs for audit from the AC 190 above.

30,000 15,000 5,000

Total 5,425,232 2,677,616 920,872

ACTIVITY CENTRE BUDGET FRAMES TOTAL NET BUDGET 2011

Building Local Democracy

Land Rights

Youth 20% category

899 Partner support, Total 2,508,640 1,154,320 451,440

120 Development Workers 1,491,048 745,524 248,508

Funding on 111 on AC 110, 130, 140, 150, 160, 190, 195

Policy and Programme related activities 1,436,112 718,056 239,352

1 98170 Fundraising 700,000 250,000 150,000

999 Program cost excl. Adm. and Audit 5,435,800 2,617,900 939,300

Administration fee (4%) 189,432 94,716 31,572

Audit - Remember to remove the costs for audit from the AC 190 above.

30,000 15,000 5,000

Total 5,625,232 2,727,616 970,872

ACTIVITY CENTRE BUDGET FRAMES TOTAL NET BUDGET 2009

Building Local Democracy

Land Rights

Youth 20% category

899 Partner support, Total 2,808,640 1,204,320 501,440

120 Development Workers 1,491,048 745,524 248,508

Funding on 111 on AC 110, 130, 140, 150, 160, 190, 195

Policy and Programme related activities 1,436,112 718,056 239,352

170 Fundraising 1,000,000 300,000 200,000

Program cost excl. Adm. and Audit 5,735,800 2,667,900 989,300

Administration fee (4%) 189,432 94,716 31,572

Audit - Remember to remove the costs for audit from the AC 190 above.

30,000 15,000 5,000

Total 5,925,232 2,777,616 1,020,872

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