Framing TransformationTransformation in a time of transition: engaging with people-driven upgrading strategies in Cambodia

In partnership with ACHR and CAN-CAM

MSc Building and Urban Design in DevelopmentStudent Report

dpuDevelopmentPlanning Unit

The Bartlett Development Planning Unit

21

This report is the result of our work, experience and reflections during and after Cambodia field trip, however, it represents much more than the effort of our group of eight BUDD students. We would therefore like to thank a number of people and organisations for their support before, during and after the field trip. As students of BUDD, firstly, we would like to express our gratitude for the professors, staff and alumni at the DPU, including Camillo Boano, Giorgio Talocci, Catalina Ortiz, Giovanna Astolfo, Giulia Carabelli and Francesco Pasta. Thank you for organising and supporting this unforgettable trip, and inspiring and guiding us throughout the process of creating this report.

We would also like to thank the ACHR team, Maurice Leonhardt, Nad and Tee, for providing such inspiring lectures and important guidance. Moreover, we would like to express special gratitude to the staff from CDF and CAN-CAM including Sok Visal, Danak Kao, Sambo Tang, Sokseang You, Lennylen Chou, Rachna Lay, Porsoung Sron, Chung Ngy Lim, Sokmony Heng, Sokly Ye, Chanda Ran, Vutha Nay, for the impressive work in organizing and making this trip rewarding and unforgettable.

Additionally, we would like to thank the many deputies and officials of the Government of Cambodia for their cooperation and finding the time to fit us into their busy schedules. In particular, we would like to thank the three representatives from the Department of Housing of the Ministry of Land Management Urban Planning and Construction, Utdom Smd, Bandith So and Thol Sem, for joining us for the entire Cambodia workshop and sharing their experiences and insight throughout. We would also like to extend thanks to the universities who hosted us during our time in Cambodia. We would be remiss not to mention the fantastic, bright and resourceful university students who also accompanied us throughout our time in Cambodia doing so much more than translating, and although they are too many to name here, we know that our trip absolutely could not have been the same without them.

Finally, we would like to end by giving some special thanks for hosting us to the many community leaders and members of the many communities we visited during our time in Cambodia, but especially those of Boeung Veng Rik, Boeung Chuk Meanchey Thmey 2 and Anlong Kngan. Our research would have been impossible without their patience, dedication and generosity, and we truly felt welcomed and enjoyed our time getting to know you.

Thank you to everyone, including our fellow BUDDies, who helped make this experience meaningful, exciting and rewarding!

a c k n o w l e d g m e n t s

Group photo from the official final presentation with the Vice Governor of the Municipality of Phnom Penh © CDF

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KAMPONG THOM

PHNOM PENH

N

2000

2000

Participants of the BUDD studioMSc in Building and Urban Design in Development _ Development Planning Unit _ University College London

Bente, United States

Nathalia, Colombia

Jenna, LebanonBaku, Japan

Dita, Indonesia

Frank, China

Jiaqi, China

Deborah, Italy

Deborah Navarra

Jenna Helal

Jiaqi Zhang

Anindita Hermansyah (Dita)

Bente Madson

Nathalia Mosquera Palomeque

Baku HayashiDong Yang (Frank)

SG1

SG3

SG2

CAMBODIA

UCL London

65

table of contents

acknowledgments 2Participants of the BUDD studio 4table of contents 5acronyms 7

executiveSummary 9ourWork 11overview 13

1. CAMBODIA IN TRANSITION 15understanding TRANSITION 16lenses 18a history of transition 19IN_TRANSITION 21forces 23space 31identity 37reflections 41

2. TRANSFORMING CAMBODIA 43understanding TRANSFORMATION 44principles 48

3.groundingTRANSFORMATION 49Boeung Veng Reik Chamroeun 52BoeungChoeukMeancheyThmeyII 56AnlongKngan 60keyFindings 63

4. FRAMING TRANSFORMATION 65guidelines 68CitywideUPGRADING 75conclusion 76

list of figures 77

APPENDIX

BIBLIOGRAPHY

87

a c r o n y m s

ACCA _ Asian Coalition for Community ActionACHR _ Asian Coalition for Housing RightsADB _ Asian Development BankCAN _ Community Architects NetworkCAN-CAM _Community Architects Network – CambodiaCCHR _ Cambodian Centre for Human RightsCDC _ Council for the Development of CambodiaCDF _ Cambodian Development FundCDP _ Cambodia Defenders ProjectCEDT _ Community Empowerment and Development TeamCNRP _ Cambodian National Rescue PartyCOHRE _ Centre of Housing Rights and EvictionsCPP _ Cambodian People’s PartyCSNC _ Community Saving Network CambodiaGDH_ General Department of Housing GIZ _ German Federal Enterprise for International CooperationHFHC _ Habitat for Humanity CambodiaIMF _ International Monetary FundLAC _ Legal Aid of CambodiaLOCOA _ Leaders and Organizers of Community Organizations in AsiaMGPP _ Municipal Government of Phnom PenhMLMUPC _ Ministry of Land Management, Urban Planning and ConstructionMoSY _ Ministry of Sports and YouthUN-Habitat _ United Nations Human SettlementsUNDP _ United Nations Development ProgrammeUPDF _Urban Poor Development FundWB _ World Bank Pretakong field © Nathalia Mosquera

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e x e c u t i v e S u m m a r y

IntroThis report explores the rapidly evolving Cambodian urban condition, characterised by contestation and the

exclusion of the poor. The analysis reveals many forces shaping this situation, including foreign investment, land filling and ineffective policy implementation. The analysis is also based on the premise that Cambodia is currently in a state of transition, and therefore many opportunities for transformation exist. To us, transformation is a dynamic process that produces incremental change over time.

Objectives

Recommendation

Conclusions

The primary aim of our research was to build an understanding of this context and the process of city-wide upgrading in urban poor settlements, and to propose critical strategies that advance a more just and inclusive transformation for these settlements. We also sought to define transition and transformation to better understand the Cambodian context and guide strategy development.

FORCES:Gains by the opposition party threaten the ruling party who is increasingly willing to follow through with

promises of pro-poor action.Foreign private investment is driving land speculation as well as creating new jobs and infrastructure.New land policies have been created to reduce disputes and inequality but they lack effective implementation.

SPACELandfilling is a common solution for expanding land for new developments which dramatically alters the

landscape and harms livelihoods and identity.Strong pushes and pulls of rural-urban migration, land speculation and evictions have excluded the poor and

altered the quality and character of urban space.

IDENTITYAlthough there still lacks follow-through, civil society and the people themselves are advancing and claiming

their rights through collective action.CDF and CSNC support community savings and provide funding for communities.

This report proposes a set of three strategies that frame the dynamic processes for achieving radical change over time. This act of framing is one of aligning existing forces, spaces and identities to drive processes of transformation.

Framing spaces of dialogue is a mechanism to potentiate the cooperation between different public and private actors, and with that, promote their participation in the design and implementation of projects.

Framing networks of support establishes Issue-based Community Networks that encourage knowledge sharing and innovation, and are able to transform specific problematics into opportunities for gaining recognition and making progress.

Framing visions through public space proposes an alternative to traditional relocation processes by framing a shared vision between authorities and the community.

The strategies we propose aim to capitalize on opportunities while addressing key issues. They work together through time at different scales to cover a breadth of scenarios and to advance a more just and inclusive transformation for the city.

Key findings

Anlong Kngan facade © Deborah NavarraEdited by Jiaqi Zhang

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o u r W o r k

This report is the outcome of research and analysis undertaken by a diverse team of MSc. BUDD students studying at the DPU at UCL’s Bartlett Faculty of the Built Environment. It explores the rapidly evolving Cambodian urban condition, characterised by contestation and the exclusion of the poor. The aim of our research was to build an understanding of this context and the process of city-wide upgrading in urban poor settlements, and to propose critical strategies that advance a more just and inclusive transformation for these settlements.

The process of research and analysis took place both in London and over a three week field trip to Cambodia (see Methodology, a5). The initial diagnosis of the case was formed in London through desk research and a series of lectures given by a variety of development practitioners and academics familiar with the case. During the field trip to Cambodia, this diagnosis continued through meetings with and presentations from various government officials as well as other development actors and researchers (see Cambodia lectures, a28). It also included a series of community visits (see Other site visits, a36) as well as more hands-on work where we engaged directly with three different communities (see Site details, a9). We divided ourselves across three different sites which enabled a more thorough understanding of the issues and processes. Upon returning to London, we gathered our experiences and insights, and reflected back on the initial diagnosis to further refine our understanding. From this, we clarified our analytical and theoretical frameworks, and proposed a set of strategies that we have presented this over the following pages.

RANDOM picture

Designing dream houses with the children of Anlong Kngan © Deborah Navarra

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o v e r v i e w

This report explores the rapidly evolving Cambodian urban condition, characterised by contestation and the exclusion of the poor. This report is organized into four main sections. The first chapter of the report presents the analytical framework as well as the first set of findings from our analysis. Focusing on the processes of transition in Cambodia, we examine the past and present through three specific lenses, forces, space and identity. This intentional limitation creates a manageable scope of analysis for this report, and allows our primary question to emerge.

In the next chapter, we present the theoretical framework that formed the basis for our definition of transformation and identify four key principles for transformation: collective, flexible, incremental and transparent. These principles respond specifically to our understanding of the Cambodian context and guide our proposed actions later in the report. We also develop the idea of ‘framing’ transformation as a way of providing the supporting structure for the processes of transformation.

The third chapter grounds this understanding of transformation in the research we conducted in the field by analysing three sites through the three lenses of analysis.These findings were synthesized into key findings to provide an entry point for the strategies.

Finally, in the last chapter we propose strategies for citywide upgrading. To do so, we develop guidelines from the key site findings and the strategies then emerge from these. The first, framing spaces of dialogue, capitalizes on innovations within the MLMUPC and proposes multi-actor round tables to promote participation in the design and implementation of projects. Next, framing networks of support, capitalizes on existing community networks to form issue-based groups to encourage knowledge-sharing and gain platforms for negotiation. Finally, framing visions through public space capitalizes on a shared desire for new, quality public space to negotiate more favorable relocation options for the community with the local authority. Together, these strategies work together to provide a cohesive approach for city-wide upgrading.

Designing a dream house © Jenna Helal

A N A L Y S I N G P R O P O S I N G T H E O R I S I N G

LENSES

QUESTION

how to read the report

analytical frameworkanalysis theoretical framework a p p l i e d f r a m e

1.CAMBODIA IN TRANSITION 2.TRANSFORMATION

4.FRAMING TRANSFORMATION

unde

rsta

ndin

g TR

ANSI

TIO

N

PRESEN

TPAST

FORCES

SPACE

IDENTITY

Can shifting identities, new political and

economic influences and the emerging spatial

conditions in Cambodia frame opportunities for

transformation?

TRANSITIONA period of time that

covers the change from one reality to another, and that provides an enabling space of transformation

unde

rsta

ndin

g TR

ANSF

ORM

ATIO

N

TRANSFORMATIONa dynamic process

that produces radical change over time

PRINCIPLESCOLLECTIVE

FLEXIBLE

INCREMENTAL

TRANSPARENT

unde

rsta

ndin

g TH

E SI

TES

case studies

Boeung Chuck Meanchey Thmey2, Phnom Penh

FORCES

IDENTITY

SPACE

Anlong Kngan, Phnom Penh

Beoung Veng Reik Chom Reoun,Kompong Thom

GUIDELINES

STRATEGIES

r e f l e x i o n s

new legal framework and city planning

partnerships and alliances

existing bonds within and between communities

livelihood opportunities

knowledge and techniques

opportunities of everyday activities

...SPACES OF DIALOGUE

...NETWORKS OF SUPPORT

...VISIONS THROUGH PUBLIC SPACE

framing...

3.GROUNDING TRANSFORMATION

OBSERV ING

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transition

1. CAMBODIA IN TRANSITION

understanding TRANSITION

Our research emerges from the hypothesis that Cambodia is currently in a state of transition and uses three lenses to document this by looking at both the past and the present day. Based on the key findings that emerge, we then construct a question that leads to our theoretical framework where we dissect our understanding of transformation.

From there, we go on to ground this understanding of transformation within the reality of three case study sites that were visited during the research trip. The findings that emerge provide the particular opportunities that are then addressed in the following strategies. These strategies propose our ideas on how to operationalise transformation and finally, together provide an approach to city-wide upgrading in Cambodia.

Analyt icalFramework

We begin with the understanding that Cambodia is currently in a state of transition. However, uncovering the evidence of this transition requires an understanding of both past and present circumstances and the perspectives of many lenses. This is because ‘transition’ has been a frequent occurrence in Cambodia and resulted in many different outcomes. Despite the varying histories of each transition, it can be defined as the period of time that covers the change from one reality to another. These periods of transition provide an enabling space for meaningful transformation, but do not inherently include this transformation. Transitions, or the change from one reality to another, could be a straightforward regime change, like when Cambodia transitioned from a French protectorate to an independent nation in 1953, or convoluted and transformative, like the long transition from Pol Pot’s regime to a modern nation-state.

To capture transition in Cambodia, we have applied three specific lenses to our analysis; forces, space and identity. These lenses, while not exhaustive, allow us to focus our gaze on some of the core elements that have been shaping the reality for Cambodia’s urban poor. Collectively, they provide a nuanced understanding of the complexity of the urban fabric, how it transforms and is transformed by its people and what impacts it has on shaping the city into its present form. The following page provides an explanation of description of the scope of each lens.

D e f i n i n g T r a n s i t i o n

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l e n s e s

f o r c e s

s p a c e

i d e n t i t y

The forces that we examine in our analysis are both the political and economic influences that have been shaping Cambodia. We have tied together the political and economic since we find that they are inextricably linked, particularly in the Cambodian context. Some examples of the forces that emerge through our analysis are from new policies surrounding land and housing, the political environment driving the Government of Cambodia and the financial flows and investments from various sources coming into the country.

Space helps to ground our initial analysis of transition in Cambodia in a more physical dimension. By using it as a method for questioning the relationships of space and society, we can uncover transition as it relates to both the production of the Cambodian landscape and the city. Our analysis will explore environmental topics as well as the socio-spatial factors shaping urban production and the appropriation of space such as resettlement efforts and migration.

The final lens of identity allows us to capture elements that are more intangible and therefore difficult to measure and assess. Cambodia’s turbulent history has provided a testing ground for its people on how to adapt and cope with changes, and continuously reinvent themselves. We see identity as a mediation between the individual and society, which play an important part of the production and everyday life of the city through reflecting back and forth. In our analysis we will look at how social mobilisation has been emerging and how people have organized themselves into community structures.

3 lenses

periods of transition

spaces of opportunity

Transition © Report Group

Diagrams showing the dynamic change in Cambodia through time in 3 lenses, forces, space and identity, which then framed in periods of transition as a space of opportunity and threshold.

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transition

a history of transition

Exploring the unique and turbulent history of Cambodia is an essential part of understanding the country’s current plight. In the last century, Cambodia’s significant political and civil unrest has resulted in eight separate political regimes and even six different flags. This upheaval can be summarized by three main periods of transition in recent history.

The first comes when Cambodia transitioned from being a protectorate under French rule to an independent kingdom again. This transition into independence marked the beginning of a period of relative peace and significant cultural activity as the country ‘comes into its own’.

The next period of transition followed shortly thereafter, as stability began to unwind due to a coup as well as external conflicts. Pol Pot was able to capitalize on this instability and the Khmer Rouge came to power.

The following period of transition began when the Vietnamese invaded and took control. This was a long period of transition, however, as it took many years to emergr from the savagery of the Khmer Rouge. It was not until after the UNTAC intervention that relative stability was restored.

Through the timeline, we examine this history through the lenses of ‘forces’, ‘space’ and ‘identity’ to further pinpoint the transition and understand Cambodia’s past.

Designing a dream house © Jenna Helal

FRENCH PROTECTORATE KINGDOM OF CAMBODIA KHMER REPUBLIC DEMOCRATIC KAMPUCHEA PEOPLE`S REPUBLIC OF KAMPUCHEA STATE OF CAMBODIA KINGDOM OF CAMBODIAUNTACID

ENTI

TYSP

ACE

New Khmer Architecture Period of experimentation and beautification with new mass housing developments, such as the White Building, are representative of the golden age of Cambodian culture.

European planning introducedThe French impose a cadastral system of land privatization that alters the spatial condition of Cambodian settlments and is used until the beginning of Khmer Rouge regime.

Cambodia becomes a French Protectorate Japanese occupation

Prince Norodom Sihanouk becomes king

1941 1955 1960

Cambodia gains independence under King Sihanouk

Sihanouk becomes Prime Minister

Sihanouk becomes head of state

Sihanouk lets North Vietnamese guerillas into the country

US begins a secret bombing campaign

Sihanouk resigns, Khieu Samphan becomes head of state, Pol Pot is prime minister.

Coup against Sihanouk by Prime Minister Lon Nolwho establishes the ‘Khmer Republic’

The Khmer Rouge, led by Pol Pot, overthrows LonNol and occupiesPhnom Penh Vietnamese invade Phnom Penh

Peace accord

Sihanouk is headof state, UNT AC shares power

General elections are held: FUNCIPEC wins, followed by Hun Sen’s CPP. A three party coalition is formed and Prince Ranariddh becomes Prime Minister, Hun Sen becomes deputy PM

The Vietnamese-installed government declares all land as public and collective. Solidarity groupsare set up, but these systems are recognized as failed by 1989.

A new policy divides land into‘ownership’ for residential land,‘possession for agricultural land and’concession for other types of land.

-

Shutdown of Khmer cultureProfessionals, artists, intellectuals and all other urbanitesare forced to assume new identities as subsistence farmers.

Informal settlements growWithout clear land or housing lawsor planning oversight informal settlements continue to grow

1965 1969 1976

Beginning of thefighting withVietnam

1977

PROK win elections but Khmer Rouge and Sihanouk retain a seat in the UN

1981Hun Sen becomes Prime Minister

1985

Hun Sen mounts a coup and replaces Prince Ranariddh as Prime Minister

1997

Vietnamese troops withdraw e

Hun Sen abandons socialism to attractforeign investment

EUROPEANQUARTER

CHINESEQUARTER

CAMBODIANQUARTER

VIETNAMESEQUARTER

Abolition of property rightsFormer systems of land ownership abolished by the Khmer Rouge, including land titles.

Collective land

Land privatization

New (failed) land regulation

Informal settlements emerge“By the end of the 1980s [in Phnom Penh], there were no more flats or houses... and people weregiven permission to build shacks on vacant land.”(URC, 2002:5)

BEFOREInformal and organicurban settlementsalong the river

AFTERChange in urbanplanning accordingto French system

Riverbank settlementsTraditional way of living

The 1992 Land Law passes, but is unableto cope with thepressures of the market economy and the increasing population. The law also fails to define private and state rights, and ensure state land registration,leading to uncheckedurban expansion and an unplanned city.

FORC

ES

Informal settlementsin Phnom Penh

INTO DARKNESS OUT OF DARKNESSINDEPENDENCE

Return to the cityPeople repopulate the cities on a ‘first come, first serve’ basis.

Life as ‘survivors’As the horrors of the genocide perpetrated by the Khmer Rouge begin to emerge, Cambodians begin the long difficult road to recovery.

“YEA

R 0”

Migrant workers Political and economic instability within Cambodia and increasingjob opportunities in neighbouringThailand fuel an exodus of migrantworkers.

Rural-urban migrationU.S bombings, a deadly reprecussion from the war nextdoor in Vietnam, blanket the countryside and drive mass migration towards the city,Phnom Penh.

Phnom PenhProvincial boundaryBombing area

CUT

CUT

CUT

CUT

CUT

CUT

CUT

CU

T CU

T C

UT

CUT

CUT

CUT

CUT

CUT

CUT

CUT

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Forced urban evacuationThe Khmer Rouge evacuates urban areas and imposesforced migrations to rural areas, while some escape across the border. Only a few hundred officials remain in Phnom Penh.

Refugee campPhnom PenhProvincial boundaryKhmer Rough area

Phnom PenhProvincial boundaryOther cities

1863 1953 1970 1975 1979 1989 1991 1993 1998

timeline

timeline

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I N _ T R A N S I T I O N

Cambodia today is a product of its history, but is also evolving rapidly with an uncertain future. As our analysis of the past clearly shows transition as a repeating feature, our analysis of present-day Cambodia through the three lenses will provide an understanding of how this ‘history of transition’ is now repeating itself as Cambodia is once again in a state of transition.

The analysis through the timeline cut off in a period of relative stability with Hun Sen in power and Cambodia opening itself to the world once again. This period can be understood as a period of recovery and is defined by the country’s new relationship with the international community in contrast to its former state of isolation. This meant many things for the reestablished kingdom including increased development assistance and private investment, growing urban areas and evolving institutions.

Presently, however, the country has been moving away from ‘recovery’ and into a period of wider growth accompanied by other critical changes. As the following section will reveal through an analysis of the forces, spatial reality and identities that are in flux, Cambodia is currently entering a new time of transition. The question, however, is what is it transitioning to?

t o d a y

Transitioning between spaces © Jenna Helal

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f o r c e s

Political power in Cambodia is held nearly exclusively by the Cambodian People’s Party (CPP) led by Prime Minister Hun Sen. As the ruling party in Cambodia, CPP permeates all levels of government and in practical terms has a monopoly on decision-making authority in the country. There have been some more recent efforts at decentralization, which means that local governments have been slowly gaining authority, and at the Sangkat or Khum level some councilors are from other parties, although this is mostly in remote rural areas (COMFREL, 2013).

CPP’s success can largely be credited to Hun Sen who has perfected the political skills of courting both donors and voters through lofty promises and charisma. This is demonstrated through his formidable achievement of staying in power for thirty years despite shifting allegiances from the Khmer Rouge, the Vietnamese-backed communist government of the 1980s and the democratic governments both before and after the UN-run elections (Strangio, 2015).

Despite the impressive economic growth under his rule, a nearly 10% increase in GDP every year from 1998 to 2007, many of the leader’s promises of improvements and reform have fallen flat. For example, in 2003 he promised to upgrade 100 urban poor settlements per year for the next five years (UN-HABITAT, 2003), but current reports and surveying efforts reveal that urban poor settlements are still a significant part of the city landscape and many of the reductions might in fact be due to evictions rather than upgrading (Fukuzawa, 2014).

POLITICAL ENVIRONMENT

t o d a y

MunicipalityKrong

SectionKhan

QuarterSangkat

CommuneKhum

DistrictSrok

ProvinceKhet

VillagePhum

Phnom Penh, Sihanoukville, Kep, Pailin Banteay Meanchey, Battambang, Kampong Cham, Kampong Chhang, Kampong Speu, Kampong Thom, Kampot, Kandal, Koh Kong, Kratié, Mondulkiri, Oddar Meanchey, Preah Sihanouk, Preah Vihear, Pursat, Prey Veng, Ratanakiri, Siem Reap, Stung Treng, Svay Rieng, Takéo, Tbong Khmum

MOI| Ministry of Interior

GDLA | General Department of Local Administration

x4 x24

Governor3 Deputy Governors

Cabinet | General Secretariat | Finance Unit | Inspection Unit |Municipal/Provincial Local Administration Unit

Governor3 Deputy Governors

General Administration Office | Social Affairs Office | Economics Office

Sangkat/Commune Council | 5 - 11 elected councilorsSangkat/Commune Chief | Chav-sangkat/Wkhum2 Deputy Chiefs | Chav-sangkat romg/Chomtop

Village Chief I Mephum

MLMUPC | Ministry of Land Management Urban Planning and Construction and 21 other Ministries

Council of Ministers

Government of Cambodia

Private sectorSupreme Court of the Magistry

Hun Sen | Prime MinisterSenate Protsaphea

National AssemblyRadhsaphea

King

Foreign aid

CDC | Council for the Development of Cambodia

$$$

$$$

Under control of Hun Sen and CPP

Direct corruption

VillagePhum

CPP 49%CNRP* 45%

CPP 78%SRP* 22%

* SRP was a precursor to CNRP, both parties were founded by Sam Rainsy and represent the same political identity

Level and structure of Cambodia government

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The Cambodian government is dependent upon official development assistance (ODA) as it constitutes a large part of the budget every year, for example the approximately $500 million it will receive in 2015 represents 14% of the national budget (Strangio, 2015). This means that Cambodia is eager to please foreign powers, so its statesmen have always been eager to speak the language of its donors, making promises of improvements in areas such as human rights and transparency, yet providing little evidence of progress. In reality, the opaque system of governance keeps the donors at arms length, and it is instead the more informal and personal relationships that are a powerful force in shaping Cambodian politics. For example, it is common for private companies owned by members of the government to get large development contracts without even going to tender (Paling, 2012). These wealthy few, the so-called “Khmer Riche”, partnered with foreign interests, hold the real power in Cambodia.

While ODA has had a significant influence on urban and other development projects, largely financed by Japan and other regional actors, in recent years international private-sector actors, notably from China and South Korea, are more significantly involved in funding, and thereby shaping, the future of Cambodia. Popular investments include ‘satellite cities’ or tourism-focused infrastructure where the vision, driven by private developers and politically powerful elites, is of Phnom Penh as a city of skyscrapers. These projects, such as CamKo City, Diamond Island and Grand Phnom Penh International, are largely funded by Chinese, South Korean and Malaysian investors, sometimes through shadowy flows, and have yet to be fully completed, which leaves room for speculation as to their success or return on investment (Paling, 2012). One clear outcome, however, has been the “[d]istortions in land markets allow land speculation that often forces the poor out of formal land markets,” (Meng, 2004). The complex and uneven geographies of economic and political power, fueled by clashing visions of ‘worlding’ from a variety of foreign actors, are overpowering the poor and make for a messy development environment.

FINANCIAL FLOWS AND INVESTMENTS

Top five ODA funders to Cambodia based on 2012-2013, USD million

Although CPP is still in power, the results of the most recent election in 2013, CPP’s worst showing since 1998, point to transition for the political environment in Cambodia. In that election, CPP’s significant majority in the parliament fell from 90 to 68 of the total 123 seats, with the opposition party, Cambodian National Rescue Party (CNRP), making significant gains. Reasons like a younger voting population and increasing inequality can help to explain this shift, but more importantly, this has served as a wake-up call. Since the election, CPP has made some new efforts to court voters, which has meant at least nominal reforms within ministries and policies, and new discourse that hints at an openness to be more inclusive of the poor.

The challenge for Hun Sen and the CPP will be to see if they can balance the people’s desire for change with their current relationships with the business interests that have been funding their rule.

Tourism 53%

Infrastructure& Service

18%

Industry 15%

Agriculture

14%

17%

6%

7%

22%

3%

17%

4%

8%

10%

2%

Education

HealthWater Supply & SanitationOther SocialEnergyTransport & CommunicationOther EconomicAgriculture, Forestry, FishingIndustry, Mining, Construction

Trade & TourismFood AidOther Action ProgrammeMultisectorAction relating Debt

Humanitarian AidOthers

Foreign Direct Investment$335.6 billion

$3.4 billionBilateral ODA

Total Amount between 2006-2011Comparison between Foreign Direct Investment and Bilateral ODA reveals the relative influence of financial flows.

Roadside CPP sign in the outskirts of Phnom Penh© Bente Madson

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One in five people in Phnom Penh live in an informal or slum settlements, and lack access to basic services and secure tenure (sahmakum Teang Tnaut, 2012, p.4). In response, the government has been developing various policies to address the needs of the urban poor. In 2001, the government introduced a revised Land Law that recognized the absence of widespread land registration and titling, an important step towards improving land rights. Refer to the diagram on the following page for further details on the land law.

As a supplement to the Land Law, the government introduced an impressively progressive resolution related to temporary settlements on ‘illegally’ occupied land in 2010: Circular 03 (The Urban Initiative, 2013, p.11 ). The resolution represents a concerted effort to reduce forced evictions and improve land registration. Further details on the resolution can be found on the following pages.

More recently, in 2012, the government also drafted a National Housing Policy, that aims to reduce urban poverty by helping low-income people to secure better housing and land tenure as well as contribute to socio-economic development and create employment opportunities (The Urban Initiative, 2013 p.19)The policy was only adopted, however, in mid-2014 and while commendable, its implementation and interpretation still remain quite uncertain.

Although the collection of these policies represent a positive effort towards improving the issues surrounding land and housing rights, in practice they are rarely implemented and consistently violated as a result of the continuous pressure on land, especially in urban environments. This supports UN-HABITAT’s view that, “[c]entralised systems for planning, conflict management and land administration are not delivering secure tenure or serviced land to the majority of urban people in developing countries,” (UN-HABITAT, 2004, p. 88). The question therefore remains: can the current period of transition push these national policies to be translated into real action?

LAND AND HOUSING POLICIES

STATE PROPERTY

OWNERS

L E G A L P O S S E S S O R S

ILLEGAL SETTLERS

CONSTITUTION LAW

STATE PUBLIC PROPERTY

STATE PRIVATE PROPERTYMonastery property

Indigenous property

PRIVATE PROPERTY

ECONOMIC LAND CONCESSIONS

LAND GRABBING

LAND REGISTRATION

FORCED EVICTIONSSOCIAL LAND CONCESSIONS

CIRCULAR 03

COLLECTIVE PROPERTY

Right to private ownership and to ownership of land.

Inhabitants without land tittles, unable to meet the conditions of the legal possetion category and / or live in State public land.

Anyone in possession of land before august 2001 (other 5 criteria need to be satisfied)

Inhabitants ho ha e an o cial land title that allows them to control, use and dispose land.

Land to landless families. Those displaced by ELC s can benefit.

LAND LAW

I S S U E S

landLaw © ReportGroup

The Land Law of 2001 established three types of property and three types of occupation. It also enabled the government to provide economic and social land concessions. Unfortunately, land grabbing emerged from economic land concessions. The unresolved issues of land registration and evictions led to the introduction of Circular 03 in 2010.

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STATE PROPERTY

OWNERS

LEGAL POS-SESSORS

ILLEGAL SETTLERS

CONSTITUTION LAW ROYAL DECREEPreah Reach Khet

SUB-DECREEAnukret

Sub-decree # 118 Identification, mappin , classification

and re istration of State Land

Prakas # 42

DECLARATIONPrakas

ORDERDeka

CIRCULARSarachar

DECISIONSechkday Samrach

STATE PUBLIC PROPERTY

STATE PRIVATE PROPERTYM o n a s t e r y p r o p e r t y

Indi enous p r o p e r t y

PRIVATE PROPERTY

COLLECTIVE PROPERTY

Ri ht to pri ate o nership and to o nership of land.

Inhabitants ithout land tittles, unable to meet the conditions of the le al possetion cate ory and or li e in Sate public land.

Anyone in possession of land before au ust 00 (other criteria need to be satisfied)

Sub national le el ith municipal or Pro incial authorities.Inhabitants ho ha e and o cial land title that allo s them to control, use and dispose land.

CIRCULAR 03Circular on resolution of temporary settlements

on land hich has been ille ally occupied in the capital, municipal and urban areas

. Data collection (number of ille al settlements).

. Identification, mappin and classification of land.3. Census of households and households members.

. Solutions (Resettlement, on site up radin ...).

. Discussions to elaborate the de elopment plan.

. asic infrastructure and public ser ices assistance.

. Participation of stakeholders in all sta es.

Standari e the treatment of e ictees. Identify ille al settlements.Pro ide on site up radin .

Pro ide basic ser ices.Resettlement

TYPES OF LAND

O C C U P A N C Y

View of the river from Koulaloum community © Jenna HelalCircular 3 © ReportGroup

Circular 03 is a resolution that attempts to solve issues of land registration and evictions in ‘illegal’ settlements on state public property. As a resolution, it is low on the hierarchical organization of the Land Law.

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s p a c e

In order to understand the spatial transition occurring across Cambodia, in both the countryside and in the city, we must first understand the natural relationship of water and land in the Cambodian landscape. For most of Cambodia’s history, until very recently, land and water in Cambodia have existed in a harmony that balances back and forth, from wet season to dry season. The country is covered in a complex network of rivers and natural reservoirs, ‘boeungs’, that during the wet season play the essential role of channelling the short, intense bouts of rainfall, (STT, 2012). While it was natural for some areas to experience flooding during the wet season, the overall health of the system meant that this was predictable and manageable. This natural cycle has played an important role in shaping traditional Khmer livelihoods, such as rice farming and fishing, and architectural typologies, such as stilt houses.

Unfortunately, this natural system has been disrupted in recent years by the large development projects in the city that were already elaborated in an earlier section. Developments, such as satellite cities, have dramatically altered the physical environment through landfilling. Since the “[b]oeungs are shallow and thus easily filled [they are] attractive to investors with ambitions for real estate development,” (STT, 2012, p. 18). As this has happened over and over, especially in Phnom Penh, cities have become less and less able to cope with the flooding of the wet season and more significant investments in drainage infrastructure, such as man-made dams and pumping stations, has been necessary. The infill of Boeung Kak, Phnom Penh’s largest and closest lake and the so-called ‘lungs of the city’, is just one example of an important natural resource falling victim to the ambitions of private developers.

OF WATER AND LAND

t o d a y

Although development partners, such as JICA, have made significant investments to this drainage infrastructure, the pressures of development have been quicker and more significant. The impact of this dramatic transition is thoughtfully summed up by the prominent Khmer architect, Vann Molyvann:

“The system of building dikes and then pumping water from one low-lying area to another in order to move water away from the city is not an infinitely extendable system. During heavy rains, flooding in Phnom Penh at present can cause a third of the city to be paralysed. It is of great urgency to stop such flooding and to improve drainage at the centre of the city. In the case of exceptional flooding, it will be necessary to evacuate hundreds of thousands of people,” (Molyvann, 2006, p. 125)

Understanding the relationship of the city and settlements with water and landfills at Boeung Chuk Meanchey Thmey 2 © Boeung Chuk Meanchey Group

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The production of urban space in modern Cambodia has been shaped by a multitude of forces.

Beginning with the haphazard resettlement of the city after the fall of the Khmer Rouge, Phnom Penh has had anything but a stable and planned development in recent years. Further compounding this situation has been relatively weak governance and the influence of financial interests, from both development actors and the private sector.

As Roy describes, “[t]he production of urban space is deeply linked with flows of capital, not simply the flows of finance capital that enable the development of skyscrapers and edge-city projects, but also the flows of development capital that finance planning studies and infrastructure projects, which typically come tied with associated conditions and reforms (Roy 2011, p. 12).” This complicated tangle of influence shows that there are many actors exerting pressure on urban space, and often at the expense of the poor. We can synthesize the most pressing issues into a few key points: migration, speculation and evictions.

Rural-urban migration is a general phenomenon in Cambodia. As urban areas develop and rural areas remain underdeveloped and largely characterised by subsistence farming, the appeal of more secure and diverse employment in urban areas is a powerful draw. This is further compounded by the garment factories that now surround Phnom Penh and provide relatively stable employment. The landmines and explosive remnants of war (ERWs) that continue to dot the countryside are an added barrier to rural development and might even be another cause of rural-urban migration (UNDP, 2013).

THE PRODUCTION OF URBAN SPACE

Anlong Kngan © Deborah Navarra

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As Cambodia has reopened itself to the world, it has also attracted significant investment as was explained in the previous section. This investment, and resulting land speculation, was further incentivised when the government changed the Law on Investment of Cambodia in 2011 and allowed foreigners to hold long-term leases of up to 50 years (KPMG, 2012). The result has been land grabbing and even more aggressive developments in the form of satellite cities and garment factories, which are the main drivers of land speculation in urban Cambodia.

With more people coming to cities for work, and less and less space in the cities due to new developments, the poor have become inevitably more and more squeezed. As a result, since 1990 “over 29,7000 Cambodian families have been evicted or displaced from their homes in Phnom Penh,” (STT, 2014, p. 1). These forcible evictions have come at the hands of both the government, private developers and more suspicious acts, such as fires devastating whole communities and families losing the right to rebuild (STT, 2014). Once evicted, these families are relocated, often to sites very far from the city and without adequate infrastructure to support basic living or livelihoods. As a result, many leave these sites to once again continue the cycle of ‘illegal’ settlement and resettlement, while those that stay face inconsistent compensation and new challenges (STT, 2014).

Overall, these many issues have revealed a tipping point for Cambodia’s urban environment. As more and more of the available urban land is developed, these pressing issues have become amplified and will need to find new solutions within the transition at hand.

Anlong Kngan market © Jenna Helal

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i d e n t i t y

Cambodia has a rich culture that spans over 2,000 years. The Angkor empire and its famous temples are still a point a pride for Cambodians, and adorn the flag, currency and many other artefacts in present-day Cambodia. Despite this distinguished past, Cambodia is also known as one of the poorest countries in the world and faces many challenges. Luckily, the poverty rate has shown real improvement in recent years, moving from 50% in 1992 to around 20% in 2011 (UNDP, 2013). Although measurable poverty has been reduced, many people are hovering just above this line and could very easily slip below with any sort of shock. While Cambodia’s illustrious past and the challenges of the present day have an influence on Cambodian identity, the people themselves are another factor in this understanding.

In part due to the genocide perpetrated by the Khmer Rouge, more than 65% of Cambodians today are under the age of 30 (UNDP, 2013). This means that most Cambodians don’t remember life under the Khmer Rouge, and therefore have different perspectives, hopes and expectations from the older population. This emerging population, the same that can be credited for the results of the 2013 election, is increasingly activated and adaptable. The combination of the resilience learned from the older generation that has survived countless regimes and hardships, and the vibrancy of the younger generation is fueling social movements and activism that until recently had been mostly driven by international NGOs.

In early 2014, garment workers organised a strike and peaceful demonstrations and protests against the Ministry of Labour’s rejection of their demands for significantly raising the minimum wage. Unfortunately, this turned deadly with five protesters killed by police (Sokha, 2014). Despite the ensuing blame game, with authorities failing to show remorse and the CNRP seizing it as a political opportunity, the protests represent a transition from a more passive population to one with a growing appetite for collective action and mobilisation.

SOCIAL MOBILISATION

t o d a y

Man weaving a fishing net © Jenna Helal

social mobilization edited by Nathalia Mosquera

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In Cambodia, decision-making power has a tendency to sit in the highest levels of government, far away from the people. Despite efforts to decentralize this power, most Cambodians, and especially the poor, are still left out of decision-making processes and have had little political agency. Efforts to change these conditions by organizing communities, as well as providing funding, can be traced back to 1998 with the establishment of the NGO, the Urban Poor Development Fund (UPDF) (Phonphakdee et al, 2009). A partnership between the Asian Coalition for Housing Rights (ACHR), the Municipality of Phnom Penh (MPP) and the community savings network of Phnom Penh created the organization to support community-based savings groups in Phnom Penh’s urban poor communities and provide loans and grants, primarily through ACHR’s ACCA programme, for community upgrading, land acquisition, income generation and food production (ibid.).

Given the success of UPDF, in March 2011 the programme was expanded to cover the whole country and renamed “Community Development Fund” (CDF) (CDF Cambodia, 2015). CDF along with its collaborator, the Community Savings Network Cambodia (CSNC), have presented a way of challenging power structures from the community level. This is an important part of poverty reduction, since it “is not just about providing funding; it is also about urban poor communities finding alternatives, having the chance to learn, and having the right information for decision-making,” (Phonphakdee et al, 2009). Operating at this scale, CDF and CSNC, along with their many partners, such as the Community Architects Network Cambodia (CAN-CAM), have been gaining momentum and support from existing power structures. The MOU signed between ACHR, CDF and the Ministry of Land Management Urban Planning and Construction (MLMUPC) is a testament to the emerging climate of possibilities for communities as they take matters into their own hands define their own change and identities.

Many development actors, such as NGOs, also do important work with communities, but nearly always fail to create any real connections with local authorities or other actors. CDF and CSNC therefore play an important role in facilitating relationships between communities and local authorities, and their work provides important entry points for intervention.

COMMUNITY ORGANIZATION

CDFCOMMUNITIES

LEADERS

SUB-DISTRICT NETWORK

DISTRICT NETWORK

COMMUNITY DEVELOPMENT COMMITEE

MPP / PROVINCIAL AUTHORITY

DISTRICT

SUB- DISTRICT

COMMUNITY SAVING NETWORK CAMBODIA (REGIONAL)

CDF BOARD

ROYAL GOVERNMENT CAMBODIA

ACHR

ACCA

NGOs

SUPPORTERS AND DONORS

ACADEMY

S U P P O R T AGENCIES

LEADERS$ $

$

$$

$

MLMUPCMOU

CDF © Group ReportCommunity Saving Network Cambodia (CNSC) Partnership and Mechanism

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Can shifting identities, new political and economic influences and the emerging spatial conditions in Cambodia frame opportunities for

transformation?

S P A C E

I D E N T I T Y

F O R C E S

Gains by the opposition party in last election THREATENS RULING PARTY

A N A L Y S I S

Ruling party is increasingly WILLING TO FOLLOW THROUGH on promises of reform and pro-poor policies.

K E Y . F I N D I N G S I M P A C T

Foreign private INVESTMENT has fueled dramatic land speculation.

Investments in satellite cities and garment factories have improved JOB OPPORTUNITIES and INFRASTRUCTURE on the city outskirts.

Although there still lacks follow-through, civil society and the people themselves are advancing and CLAIMING THEIR RIGHTS through collective action.

As protests have been shut down with violence and demands have remained unmet, their EFFECTIVENESS IS UNCERTAIN.

CDF and CSNC have supported the ORGANISATION OF COMMUNITY SAVINGS GROUPS and providing funding for community upgrading and other activities.

Communities are gaining the CAPACITIES AND POLITICAL AGENCY necessary to be able to negotiate their own futures.

Rural-urban MIGRATION, city expansion fueled by SPECULATION and EVICTIONS have altered the quality and character of urban space.

The new spatial reality has frequently broken up communities and EXCLUDED THE POOR.

In response to expanding cities and flooding, LANDFILLING is the common answer to finding room for new developments.

Landfills are dramatically ALTERING THE LANDSCAPE and threatening traditional Cambodian livelihoods and identities.

The government has been introducing NEW LAND POLICIES in an effort to reduce disputes and inequality.

The new policies remain toothless WITHOUT EFFECTIVE IMPLEMENTATION.

r e f l e c t i o n s

Our research into the complex reality of present day Cambodia through the lenses of forces, space and identity has revealed many symptoms of a country in transition. Where before there was a country in recovery, slowly emerging from a dark history, there is now a country rife with investment, increasing inequality and moving into a period of wider growth and critical change. Through our analysis we have seen both opportunities and threats within this change, from increasing social mobilisation and political willingness to partner with the people, to violent responses to protests and the exclusion of the poor in city development.

This confluence of factors leaves a great deal of uncertainty about the future of Cambodia, and in particular, the future of the urban poor. Luckily, within this uncertainty of transition is an enabling space for transformation.

The question that now emerges is:

44

transformation

2. TRANSFORMING CAMBODIA understanding TRANSFORMATION

So far, our analysis of Cambodia throughout time and the lenses of ‘forces’, ‘space’ and ‘identity’, has shown that Cambodia is currently in a period of transition which provides spaces of opportunity for transformation. We have observed how various elements of Cambodia have evolved throughout the years and some key opportunities have begun to emerge from within these elements. While periods of transition do provide opportunities for transformation, they do not inherently include transformation as we understand it. In order to better understand this potential for transformation, we will develop a theoretical approach to understanding and working with transformation.

Transformation is understood in many different ways by many different people, and it is therefore important to clearly define a theoretical framework that will explain our approach and provide the basis for our proposed strategies. Our approach to transformation emerges from Ranciere’s ideas of politics and political struggle and Foucault’s reflections on modern power.

Our vision for transformation in Cambodia is a dynamic process that produces radical change over time.

As a point of departure, we have characterised transformation as a dynamic process that takes place over time. The process is dynamic since it is continuously being defined and redefined by the various forces, identities and spaces of its agents. This implies movement and action rather than a desired output. Therefore instead of transformation achieving mere change as an output, or passing from one state to another like with transition, the goal is to achieve the process. This process, however, does have an important outcome which is radical change. The ‘radicalisation’ of change occurs when prevailing hierarchies and discourses are contested by proposing new practices, conditions and possibilities.

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transformation

Phnom Penh’s new towers rising above Koulaloum community © Dong Yang

Drawing from Foucault’s writings on power, this radical change must penetrate all layers of society because, “nothing in society will be changed if the mechanisms of power that function outside, below and alongside the State apparatuses, on a much more minute and everyday level, are not also changed,” (Foucault, 1975). The people must therefore transform themselves and their own identity in order to be the agents of the efforts to transform the financial and political forces that are currently ruling over the reality of their lives.

These forces can be understood as the “politics of the police” as described by Jacques Ranciere. Ranciere’s work describes ‘real’ politics as those where subordinate individuals contest their position through actions of disruption and dissensus. “[Politics] consists in refiguring the space, of what there is to do there, what is to be seen or named therein. It is the established litigation of the perceptible,” (Ranciere, 2001). This means that as the powerless and the voiceless seek more than inclusion, and instead reclaim the space of the police to establish their identity by seeking to be heard, seen and legitimised, they disrupt prevailing hierarchies and discourses of the police. Therefore, transformation takes more than just upsetting the police order, but by taking it upon themselves to change their identity and act politically in contested space, the people can produce truly radical change that permeates society.

In order for transformation to benefit Cambodia’s poor, the various areas of influence, namely political and economic forces, space and identity, must be framed into these processes of transformation. ‘Framing’ means to enable alignments, position elements strategically or set relationships, and these frames provide the supporting structure for the processes of transformation.

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transformation

The following principles are an integral part of our understanding of transformation and permeate the proposed strategies later in this report. They emerge from our analysis of the Cambodian context as a place with multiple visions, an unpredictable and changing environment, limited resources and structural insecurities. Theses principles qualify the type of transformation we seek as collective, flexible, incremental and transparent.

Cambodia is currently in state of transition and is a fluid development environment with constantly changing actors, identities, allegiances, spaces, policies and funding. It is therefore important to take a flexible approach in order to be able to adapt to the complexities of this heterogenous environment. The unpredictable nature of everyday life in Cambodia further warrants the use of flexibility.

Cambodia’s past illustrates both the success of collective efforts and the failure of solitary visions. Building on collective interests rather than individual aims, can help real transformation for all people, by the people, to be achieved. For Cambodia this means processes must be sure to include those that have typically been left out, such as the urban poor. The Cambodian reality includes multiple, conflicting and contested meanings which can be seen as either a barrier to collective work, or as we would like to propose, an advantage. Working collectively does not necessarily mean sharing a common perspective. The evidence of inclusive approaches already at work in Cambodia, like the grassroots efforts of community savings groups, show examples of how transformation can be achieved collectively.

p r i n c i p l e s

In order to ensure that development interventions work towards real transformation, they need to progress incrementally. Incremental work means both that it advances in relatively small steps and that it builds upon previous efforts. This approach of gradually building over time is essential because of the need to adapt to changing circumstances and because real transformation takes time. Working incrementally also supports people-based processes since small amounts of resources can be used as they become available.

Given Cambodia’s turbulent history, trust has been a challenging issue between many different actors. This insecurity or distrust can occur at all levels, like between members of small communities, or between the government and local NGOs. Therefore the processes of transformation must be transparent, not only to reduce insecurities, but also to enable full participation of all stakeholders, increase accountability and build integrity.

COLLECTIVE

FLEXIBLE

INCREMENTAL

TRANSPARENT

Anlong Kngan market © Jenna Helal

50

grounding

Kompong Thom

Phnom Penh

BoeungVengReikChamroeun

Boeung Choeuk Meanchey Thmey IIAnlong Kngan

3.groundingTRANSFORMATION

KAMPONG THOM

PHNOM PENH

Anlong Kngan 60

Boeung Choeuk Meanchey Thmey II 56

Boeung Veng Reik Chamroeun 52By continuing our analysis through the three lenses; forces, space and identity,

the following section grounds our understanding of transformation in three specific territories. Each presents its own heterogeneous identity and reflection of Cambodia. To explore each of the lenses at the community level, we have broken them down into the relevant categories: FORCES, IDENTITY and SPACE

FORCESPOLITICAL ENVIRONMENTACTORSCOMMUNITY STRUCTURE

IDENTITYCONNECTIONSLIVELIHOODSRESILIENCE

SPACE:URBAN CONTEXTSPATIAL CONFIGURATIONCOMMON SPACES

FORCESPOLITICAL ENVIRONMENTACTORSCOMMUNITY STRUCTURE

IDENTITYCONNECTIONSLIVELIHOODSRESILIENCE

SPACE:URBAN CONTEXTSPATIAL CONFIGURATIONCOMMON SPACES

FORCESPOLITICAL ENVIRONMENTACTORSCOMMUNITY STRUCTURE

IDENTITYCONNECTIONSLIVELIHOODSRESILIENCE

SPACE:URBAN CONTEXTSPATIAL CONFIGURATIONCOMMON SPACES S i t e s L o c a t i o n s

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Self-built house over the canal in Boeung Veng Reik Chom Reoun © Nathalia Mosquera

Boeung Veng Reik ChamroeunKompong Thom

Boeung Veng Reik Chamroeun community is located on a canal that flows through the Stung Seng city from east to west. Although the community faces problems like flooding and poor sanitation, its central location and proximity to all facilities puts them in privileged position within the city context.

Stueng Saen city, Kompong Thom

1

31

35

Location:

Numbers of Communities:

Numbers of Household:

Numbers of Families:

GENERAL DATA

- central position- province- on top of the canal

PECU

LIAR

ITIE

S

URBAN CONTEXTThe Boeung Veng community sits on top of the canal in a central location in Kampong Thom city. Its central

position means that the community has a strong interdependence with the city and its activities.

BVRCR © Nathalia Mosquera

PRIMARY SCHOOLMARKET

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Beoung Veng Reik

Province

CDF

CDF

national

Ministry

of Land

Kompong Thom

MunicipalityChom ReounCommunity

Kompong ThomInformal settlements

Private

Sector

shops

Public Sector

Civil Society

Community

Private SectorDirect collaboration

Indirect collaboration

MAIN ROADS

Bo

eu

ng

Ve

ng

Re

ik

Ch

am

ro

eu

n

This community is strongly connected with the city, since all their social, economic and political activities are developed in the centre. Almost all of the inhabitants of the community arrived to the site more than 10 years ago, and since then have managed to settle down and improve their livelihoods.

LEADER

COMMUNITY COMMITTEE

COMMUNITY MEMBERS

SAVING GROUP NON SAVING GROUP

OTHER COMMUNITY(PART OF THE SAMESAVING GROUP) The clean cities competition, launched by the national government is a national

mechanism to attract foreign tourism to Cambodian cities. Winning the competition is one of the main objectives of Kampong Thom municipality. Several infrastructure works have started in the city, but there is no clarity about the articulation of the agenda related with the urban poor, into including them in the plans for the city.

The road of access is the main public space used for the community to socialise. Although not fully occupied, the empty plots of land located behind the houses further down, are used as playgrounds and as income generating spaces.

The linear position of the houses follows the path of the canal; the patterns of occupation were driven by the accessibility provided by the road at the entrance of the community (the houses sitting closer to the canal are in better shape in relation to the houses sitting further at the back).

The livelihoods of most of the residents of this community depend on food selling activities in the market. The canal is also an active income generation source, recycling materials are extracted from there. The community also organises their economic activities around the two main seasons, for example cricket collection during the dry season, which is a source of income for some families.

Coping with the rainy season, and the accompanying flooding, is one of the main challenges for this community.

ACTORS

LIVELIHOODSI D E N T I T Y

F O R C E S

S P A C E SPATIAL CONFIGURATION

COMMUNITY STRUCTURE

RESILIENCECONNECTIONS

POLITICAL ENVIRONMENT

COMMON SPACE

I D E N T I T Y

F O R C E S

S P A C E

CDF province plays a pivotal role in organizing many informal settlements scattered in Kompong Thom province with representing and advocating them, although there seems no strong relationship among the communities. There is strong relationship between CDF province and local municipality as, in the national level, CDF corporates with municipality of land.

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Water and garbage in the open space at the center of Boeung Chuk Meanchey Thmey 2 © Jiaqi Zhang

BoeungChoeukMeancheyThmeyIIPhnom Penh

The community of Boeung Choeuk Meanchey Thmey II is situated along the National Highway 1, which is close to the city centre of Phnom Penh. The land the community is occupying is currently owned by the neighboring high school, and is completely flooded all year round. The main advantage of this location is its close proximity to social infrastructure such as hospitals, schools and markets.

Khan Chbar Ampov, Phnom Penh

1

30

42

-central position-urban context-flooding

PECU

LIAR

ITIE

S

Location:

Numbers of Communities:

Numbers of Household:

Numbers of Families:

GENERAL DATAURBAN CONTEXT

The site is close to the National Highway 1, but still somewhat cut-off from it, as the access road is too narrow to let cars through and the site is not visible from the road. The community has a “public face” along the main road, but most of the houses hide behind this, with no access from any other side.

issues BVRCR © SG2

PRIMARY SCHOOL

NEW DEVELOPMENT

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CDFJICA

FrenchDevelopmentAgency

NirouthSangkat

KhanChbar Ampov

MunicipalityPhnom Penh

Borei Peng Hout Development

Chbar Ampov High SchoolOwn the land

STT

NGO

MAIN ROADS

shops

Boeung Choeuk Meanchey Thmey II

Boeung Choeuk

Public Sector

Civil Society

Community

Private Sector

Direct collaboration

Indirect collaboration ACTORS

LIVELIHOODS

The community has close ties to the neighboring community of Boeung Chuk Niroth and is close with the CSNC. The diverse livelihoods tie it into the broader fabric of the city. As for nearby neighbors, it does not have a good relationship with the high school, that owns the land the community occupies, and its only connection to the huge development nearby is through the nearby market for the development’s construction workers.

Bo

eu

ng

Ch

oe

uk

Me

an

ch

ey

Th

me

yI

I

I D E N T I T Y

F O R C E S

S P A C E SPATIAL CONFIGURATION

The community is a somewhat isolated cluster of houses bordered by a brick wall to the north, a swamp (leading to an empty lot) to the west, a canal to the south and a small road to the west. The house sizes gradually decrease from east to west.

LEADER

COMMUNITY COMMITTEE

COMMUNITY MEMBERS

SAVING GROUP(EVERY HOUSE)

RENTERS(NOT SAVING)

representative

DEPUTYLEADER

CDF

COMMUNITY STRUCTURE

RESILIENCE

From the beginning, the community chose to build their houses over water and had thus always implemented typical flooding coping strategies such as stilt houses and moving their belongings to higher ground when necessary. However, the last couple years of significant nearby landfilling have produced extreme flooding with which the community can no longer cope. The diversity of livelihoods and a relatively close and well-organized community do provide some social resilience.

CONNECTIONS

There are at least 28 different documented types of livelihoods activities within this relatively small community, which shows that it represents a somewhat diverse population and is an integrated part of the city. The most common jobs are as a construction worker, food-seller at a nearby market, security guard, factory worker, taxi driver and laundress.

POLITICAL ENVIRONMENT

The Khan Chbar Ampov was established in late 2013 by splitting the former Khan in two. This was done to make it easier to administer and provide services to people, due to increasing development in the area from the overall development of the city. Accordingly, a new plan for the Khan is being developed, the main priorities being, environment and infrastructure, although the Khan has an expressed a need for additional resources in order to complete the surveying necessary for the plan.

COMMON SPACE

The main road on the eastern edge of the community is the primary common space for the community. This space flows into the shops that line the road and the yard of the village leader on the other side (which represents the main common space for both BCMT2 and Boeung Chuk Niroth). The only other common spaces are the stoops of individual houses that are often occupied by their inhabitants, and although the paths are too precarious to act as real public spaces, the houses are often so close together that people can easily interact from their front steps.

I D E N T I T Y

F O R C E S

S P A C E

Although not directly, the landfilling of the nearby lake, done by private developers is increacing the levels of flooding and pollution and with that affecting the quality of life of its inhabitants. To help the community cope with the situation CDF and other NGO’s have been involved with specific actions, with no collaboration among them. In paralel JICA is currently funding the project to upgrade the water system of the Khan but it isnt clear how will this affect or benefit the community.

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Threshold Anlong Kngan © Deborah Navarra

A n l o n g K n g a nPhnom Penh

The Anlong Kngan relocation site is 15 km from Phnom Penh city centre. The land was previously owned by the Ministry of Agriculture and used for agricultural experiments, but in June 2001, the government donated the land to the victims of a fire who were relocated to the site. While many residents in the large site have land tenure, the study settlement, which includes four communities, does not have tenure as the health centre currently owns the land they are occupying. The main advantage of this settlement is its core location in the new city, with the presence of social infrastructure such as hospitals, schools and markets.

Location:

Numbers of Communities:

Numbers of Household:

Numbers of Families:

Khan Sen Sok, Phnom Penh

4

486

265+70+70+243 = Tot.648

-relocation site-density (pop., activities etc)-urban scale-human scale

PECU

LIAR

ITIE

S

GENERAL DATA

N

URBAN CONTEXTAlthough this relocation site is isolated from the rest of the city, the place has develop as a city itself. Showing

interdependence between the various communities and the activities.

capitals AK © SG3

PRIMARY SCHOOL

HEALTH CENTER

PUBLIC GARDEN

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grounding

Ministry

of Land

Ministry

of Health

Phnom Penh

Municipality

4 Communities

CDF

NGO NGO

Own the land

shops

PRIMARY SCHOOL

HEALTH CENTER

POND

GARDEN

TO/FROM PHNOM PENH

MAIN ROADS

Public Sector

Civil Society

Community

Private SectorDirect collaborationIndirect collaboration

An

lo

ng

Kh

ag

an

The pond in the centre of the settlement is a source of income generation, and a primary common space. The immediate spaces in front of the houses have wooden platforms that people occupy, also creating a common space for social interaction.

The density, typological diversity and intricacy of the site open the possibility for blurred boundaries between the public and private spaces.

The first three steps of Circular 3 have been implemented on this settlement by CEDT covering data collection, identification, mapping and classification of the land, and the census of household and the household members.

LEADER

COMMUNITY COMMITTEE

COMMUNITY MEMBERS

SAVING GROUP(EVERY HOUSE)

NEW HOUSEHOLD(HOUSE PART OF THE COMMUNITY BUT OWNER IS NOT SAVING GROUP)

After the fire nearly 14 years ago, the victims were relocated to the site and have developed the area as a city within itself, due to its distant location from Phnom Penh. With all the basic infrastructure present on the site its inhabitants are not connected with the city centre, a minority of workers travel back and forth, but mainly the majority work in close proximity at nearby factories and construction sites.

As a relocation site with fire victims and newcomers this area is constantly generating, and regenerating with different identities inhabiting the settlement and creating a dense spatial configuration. With its potentialities of multiple levels of porosity according to its different typology nature, the density and intricacy of the site opens the possibility for transparent boundaries between the public and private, creating new spaces of opportunities.

Having the settlement located in the core of the wider city scale, its main source of income generation depends on the shops situated around the settlement facades facing the main activities on site. The settlement also has other income generating activities, such as street vendor, home-based food production and homegrown vegetation.

ACTORS

LIVELIHOODSI D E N T I T Y

F O R C E S

S P A C E SPATIAL CONFIGURATION

COMMUNITY STRUCTURE

RESILIENCECONNECTIONS

POLITICAL ENVIRONMENT

COMMON SPACE

I D E N T I T Y

F O R C E S

S P A C E

Anlong Kngan settlement has 9 communities. Four of them are located on the land around the Health Center and along the canal in front of it for a total of 486 Households

SenRikReay _ 265 familiesSenPonlur 1 _ 70 familiesSenPonlur 2 _ 70 familiesSenSabay _ 243 families

Each committee community a community leader and 5 members.

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While the sites have each revealed interesting and diverse outcomes through our grounded analysis, the most pertinent key findings have been summarised below.

Although the first stages of Circular 03 have been implemented in Anlong Kngan, the procedure to move ahead is still unclear. Similarly, there is a lack of clarity about how the city visions are linked with the processes related to the urban poor, all that reflected in the absence of large scale master plans.

In Cambodia, the existence of organised social community structures and saving groups is vital for the participation of the communities in upgrading processes. The fact that all three communities share this conviction demonstrates that communities have a strong desire to play an active role in their own development and processes of transformation.

The adaptation of the communities to the environment, seen in the housing typologies and in the techniques used to cope with the harsh conditions, indicates that the communities themselves are solid sources of knowledge. Their resilience should be capitalized upon to develop alternatives that are able to reflect the same diversity and complexity.

Finally, throughout our work with the different communities, and in general after our stay in Cambodia, it became evident that the connections communities built with their surrounding environments were vital for coping with the challenges imposed by everyday life.

k e y F i n d i n g s

Anlong Khagan © Deborah Navarra

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4. FRAMING TRANSFORMATION

The strategies are the instruments that negotiate our theoretical and practical understanding of the Cambodian context. They serve to demonstrate the application of our theoretical approach to transformation in the reality of Cambodian settlements, integrating both understandings.

While developing these strategies, we have kept these wise words in mind: ‘’There are no formal rules in community development. We are not tied down in rules. It is important to confront the problem flexibly. The purpose and the means of community development are to achieve sustainable development, by the community members, and start a self-perpetuating process,’’ (Etsuzo, 2010, p. 11). We understand that it is not an end result of ‘upgrading’ or ‘development’ that we are after, but rather the self-perpetuating process that is driven by the people.

The principles for transformation, developed in chapter two, also reappear and become embedded within each of the strategies. The also define our approach by guiding the actions described in each of the strategies. To review, our approach aims to be; collective, by including those that have typically been left out; flexible, by adapting to complex and unpredictable situations; incremental, by building upon previous efforts and advancing gradually; and transparent, by reducing insecurities and increasing accountability and integrity.

INTRODUCTION

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g u i d e l i n e sTake advantage of the NEW POLICIES AND CITY PLANNING, to translate them into opportunities for new development.

Establish PARTNERSHIPS AND ALLI-ANCES, to en a e ith di erent actors and infuse the process ith ne inputs.

Strengthen the existing SOCIAL COMMUNI-TY STRUCTURES, to uarantee the participa-tion of the members in social, political and fi-nancial systems, and encoura e kno led e e chan e hich contributes to resilience.

Increase LIVELIHOOD OPPORTU-NITIES, to assure the sustainabili-ty of the communities and households.

Transform KNOWLEDGE AND TECHNIQUES pro-duced by the communities into concrete alterna-ti es for housin , that uarantee their adaptability to the en ironment and to their social conditions.

Use the opportunities of EVERYDAY ACTIVITIES to increase connections ith surroundin areas in or-der to impro e spatial inte ration and citi enship.

F R A M I N G NETWORKS OF SUPPORT

F R A M I N G V I S I O N S THROUGH PUBLIC SPACE

F R A M I N G SPACES OF DIALOGUE

From our understanding of transformation as a dynamic process that produces radical change over time and the synthesis of key findings from the grounded realities of our three study sites, we produced guidelines for transformation. These, of course, guide the strategies that emerge from our vision of framing transformation. As you can see in the diagram to the right, the different guidelines combine in different ways to make up the three strategies. Each of the strategies is guided by and incorporates the four principles: collective, flexible, incremental and transparent.

Overall, each of the strategies frames the processes for achieving radical change over time. The first strategy represents a more long term approach and works on a macro scale. The second works over the medium term on a meso scale and the final strategy is a more short term approach that operates on the micro scale. As has been developed previously, the act of framing that our vision describes is one of aligning existing forces, spaces or identities in order to set up a process of transformation. The following strategies will develop this idea through framing spaces of dialogue, framing visions through public space and framing networks of support.

Dream house in Boeung Veng Reik Chom Reoun © Dong Yang

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Circular 03 emerged as a mechanism to provide solutions to the problem of illegal occupation of public land. Although the legal document sets a number of steps to follow during the process, there are missing links between its formulation and the instruments applied to make it effective. This issue prevents the communities and the municipalities from concretising the projects and finding the viable options that can lead to land security.

Round tables give each person an equal right to participate. They are mechanisms to potentiate the cooperation between different public and private actors, and with that, promote their participation in the design and implementation of projects. During the process, the actors are able to collectively identify the existing built links between the communities and the surrounding areas, and visualize that the individual construction of the space has a unique sense of collectivity.

FRAMING SPACES OF DIALOGUEs t r a t e g y1

MLMUPC

OFFICE OF LAND MANAGEMENT,URBAN PLANNING, CONSTRUCTIONAND GEOGRAPHY

MUNICIPALITY

KHAN

ADMINISTRATIVEHOUSING UNITS

ROUNDTABLE

COMMUNITYREPRESENTATIVES

MINISTRYREPRESENTATIVE

MUNICIPALITY & KHANREPRESENTATIVE

CDF

LANDOWNERS

ACADEMIC

PRIVATE DEVELOPERS

The newly created administrative Housing Units part of the Ministry of Land Management Urban Planning and Construction, will host this initiative as a way to guarantee the constant participation of the government in the process. The Round Table for Informal Settlements (RTIS) will set a regular number of sessions to follow, discuss and negotiate the steps of Circular 03. In each session the involved actors will have a say about the issues discussed and the agreements will be documented and widely shared. The participation of the private sector, the municipality, the communities, the academy and non- governmental organizations will guarantee that all interests are heard during the process and a common goal is shaped collectively.

The first task of the table will involve organising a Data Collection System (DCS), fed by the information provided by all the members of the round table, including the communities as organised active members involved in the process. DCS is a digital resource that will continue to evolve until becoming a solid database containing all the information about the informal settlements of the city. The public accessibility of this online platform can help with the verification of the accuracy of the gathered data.

In later stages, the RTIS will negotiate the appropriate financial mechanisms to access housing solutions and will set the guidelines for their design and construction, taking into consideration factors like flexibility, incrementality and adaptability.

CITY1 2 3

strategy1 Collage © Report Group

Overall this strategy not only attempts to have a real impact on one community, but to influence the citywide upgrading process, through the creation of a space of dialogue and negotiation, in which the exchange of knowledge positively influences the way decisions are made. Through this mechanism, the communities involved in the process of regularisation will be active and visible agents of the transformation.

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Urban poor communities in the city centre are subject to forces of new developments. Their inability to retain their position and prove their existence is excluding them from the major plans for the city. Issues such as flooding, lack of income generation opportunities and the degradation of living spaces, makes the task of coping with the rapid growth of Cambodian urban centres, a challenge.

Apart from the issues they are facing, some communities have strong structures within themselves, noticeable by the presence of saving groups, connected with CDF and other communities. Those already formed networks can act as entry points to transform their communities, making them visible and including them in the city-wide planning scheme.

Issue-based Community Networks are spaces established within settlements to propitiate internal knowledge sharing and encourage innovation. During the process different communities are able to transform specific problematics into opportunities allowing them to gain recognition and move 1 step ahead in the upgrading processes.

FRAMING NETWORKS OF SUPPORTs t r a t e g y2

The activities start with meetings between the saving group representatives from each community and CDF as a facilitator. The main outcome of this meetings is to find the common issues affecting the communities.

Through a series of workshops in each of the communities involved and transect walks around the area, the participants can have a better understanding of the bigger context and start to link through a visual experience their realities. Once identified the main issues, the communities as a joint force can start to build a plan to later share with the municipalities and potential private developers investing in the area, and with that guarantee that the problematics and proposals are heard and taken in account.

Overall this collective process should give the communities the visibility they deserve breaking with that the cycle of exclusion.

KHAN & MUNICIPALITYPRIVATE DEVELOPERS

ISSUE-BASED COMMUNITYNETWORK

CDFfacilitate

UPGRADING PLANCOMMITTEE

KHAN & MUNICIPALITY

PRIVATE DEVELOPERS

PLANEXAMPLEA. Community Plans to Reblock and Upgrade

12

3 4

strategy2 Collage edited by Report Group

SCENARIO:The absence of a garbage collection services is an issue that many communities face, altering the space of habitat and causing sanitation related problems. During the

capacity building (meetings and workshops), the communities can implement activities for cleaning the canal and create new waste and garbage management systems. NGOs and experts can help the communities to understand the importance of sanitation, giving support and advice on how to manage waste. This activity also involves the municipality and private developers to show the community’s concern on environment and infrastructure, which is the priority of the government and benefits all the actors.

Alongside network building and negotiation, communities can start to organise themselves and gain recognition proving to the other actors that they are also capable of participating in the planning agenda of the city.

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FRAMING VISIONS THROUGH PUBLIC SPACEs t r a t e g y3

For many communities, canals and other open water sources are the only available spaces for settling and acquiring some level of security and stability. At the same time, the planning agenda of many Cambodian cities includes efforts to reduce climate change, achieve city beautification and improve public spaces. In many cases, this results in the relocation of communities to distant destinations, detached from their former lives and cities.

While relocation is not always desirable,depending on the physical attributes of the settlements themselves, slum clearing and rebuilding is sometimes more desirable for the beneficiaries than receiving land tenure in situ, due to real improvement in conditions and economic gain (Mukhija, 2001).

1_ The first stage increases the awareness of the community about their position in a broader context and identifies the issues and opportunities they have.Through a series of workshops the community and the local authority start to visualize the potential of the canal. At the same time, the local authority begins to sync the public space planning with infrastructure planning for the city.

2_ Since a new public space would be able to attract tourism and commercial opportunities, the community visualizes new livelihood opportunities. In response, the design of the urban spaces and of the houses themselves should incorporates these opportunities, productive spaces should be contemplated, guarantying with that a constant source of income for the families. .

3_ Local universities and NGOs help the community to better understand the potential of the new space and design the housing and communal spaces in a process of collaboration and knowledge exchange.

4_ Strategic alliances can be made between privates, municipalities and communities to guarantee the construction of the public spaces and of the living spaces.

Acknowledging the benefit of relocation in certain situations this strategy tries to propose an alternative to traditional upgrading processes using public spaces as the element able to link the shared visions of the communities and the authorities. Although the community’s placement on canals and other types of public land is part of what drives the relocation, it also offers a distinct opportunity for moving ahead in the planning of the city, by linking the desire of the municipalities to improve infrastructure and city networks and the right of the communities to a place in the urban areas.. The canal works as a catalyst for transformation since it represents a potential public space for the local authorities and a source of income and a part of the identity of the community.

MUNICIPALITY

ALIGNED VISION

COMMUNITY

COMMONPLANS

S S

12

3

Increase awareness

Visualize the potential

Link visions

Boeung Veng Reik Chom Reoun © Nathalia Mosquera

Overall this strategy tries to strengthen the role the state has in the task of providing better options for all of its inhabitants.

The active participation of the municipalities not only guarantees that the city is going to acquire a new public space but it reinforce the relationship of the urban poor with the environment in which they are living and of the municipalities with their inhabitants by including them in the city plans.

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SHORT TERM MEDIUM TERM LONGTERM

scal

e

time

MAC

ROM

ICRO

MES

O

STRATEGIES

PUBLIC SPACES

NETWORKS

SPACE OF DIALOGUE

C i t y w i d e U P G R A D I N G c o n c l u s i o nCambodia is a country with a tumultuous past that has survived decades of warfare, shifting regimes and

uncertainty. The urban environment is a reflection of this history. Through this report we have documented that Cambodia is presently in the early stages of transition which leaves a great deal of uncertainty about the future of Cambodia, and in particular, the future of the urban poor.

Although the result of this transition is yet to be determined and many issues faced by the urban poor seem to be growing in scale and severity, we have also uncovered many opportunities for growth and transformation since transition provides an enabling space for transformation. The question that we uncovered through our analysis of Cambodia in transition was:

Can shifting identities, new political and economic influences and the emerging spatial conditions in Cambodia frame opportunities for transformation?

The strategies we have proposed attempt to respond to this question while negotiating our theoretical and practical understanding of the Cambodian context. Building upon the guidelines that emerged from our key findings from the sites, they have found ways to capitalize on some of the key opportunities, while addressing pressing issues in order to advance a more just and inclusive transformation for the city. The first, framing spaces of dialogue, capitalizes on innovations within the MLMUPC and proposes multi-actor round tables to promote participation in the design and implementation of projects. Next, framing networks of support, capitalizes on existing community networks to form issue-based groups to encourage knowledge-sharing and gain platforms for negotiation. Finally, framing visions through public space capitalizes on a shared desire for new, quality public space to negotiate more favorable relocation options for the community with the local authority. Together, these strategies combine to provide an approach for a city-wide strategy to improve the conditions of not only poor communities, but all citizens.

The way these strategies interact is both by building upon one another and acting progressively. By operating at different levels and in different timescales, they cover the breadth of scenarios and work towards radical change. The understanding that city-wide upgrading requires approaches that focus on the local conditions and some that address a broader scale, such as the spaces of dialogue. There is also a need for more long term, big picture approaches as well as more short-term or initial activities, such as the strategy of framing visions through public space. In conclusion, we believe that these strategies, derived from our analysis of Cambodia as a complex heterogeneous environment, complement our understanding of transformation as a dynamic process that produces radical change over time. As Cambodia continues to enter this period of transition, Cambodians have the opportunity to take charge of their future. We hope that through collective action, flexible and incremental work and increased transparency, they can guide the processes of transformation to produce a more just and equitable reality for all Cambodians.

This diagram collocates three strategies proposed in a system based on time and scale to create a dynamic and fluid discourse that can help to reach a gradual though continuous city upgrade.

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Figure 1 _ ©GroupReport 1Figure 2 _ © CDF 1Figure 3 _ © Nathalia Mosquera 8Figure 4 _ © Deborah Navarra 10Figure 5 _ Edited by Jiaqi Zhang 10Figure 6 _ © Deborah Navarra 12Figure 7 _ © Jenna Helal 14Figure 8 _ © Report Group 17Figure 9 _ © Jenna Helal 20Figure 10 _ © Jenna Helal 22Figure 11 _ Level and structure of Cambodia government 24Figure 12 _ © Bente Madson 25Figure 13 _ table A 26Figure 14 _ table B 26Figure 15 _ © ReportGroup 28Figure 16 _ © ReportGroup 29Figure 17 _ © Jenna Helal 30Figure 18 _ © Boeung Chuk Meanchey Group 32Figure 19 _ © Deborah Navarra 33Figure 20 _ © Jenna Helal 35Figure 21 _ © Jenna Helal 37Figure 22 _ edited by Nathalia Mosquera 38Figure 23 _ © Group Report 39Figure 24_ © Dong Yang 45

Figure 25 _ © Jenna Helal 47Figure 26 _ Map Sites Locations 50Figure 27 _ © Nathalia Mosquera 51Figure 28 _ © Nathalia Mosquera 52Figure 29 _ © Jiaqi Zhang 55Figure 30 _ © SG2 56Figure 31 _ © Deborah Navarra 59Figure 32 _ © SG3 60Figure 33 _ © Deborah Navarra 64Figure 34 _ © Dong Yang 67Figure 35 _ © Report Group 69Figure 36 _ edited by Report Group 71Figure 37 _ © Nathalia Mosquera 73Figure 38 _ © Report Group 75

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V II

A P P E N D I X

APPENDIX a2BU3: THE MODULE AS A WHOLE a4pre-field a5field-work a5post-field a5METHODOLOGY a5

DetailsFromSites a9BeoungVengReikChomReouna10BoeungChukMeanchey a16AnglongKnganSettlement a22

CambodiaLectures a28ActorsDiagrams a30Field visits in and around the outskirts of Phnom Penh a36

© Dong Yang

a5a4

appendix

BU3: THE MODULE AS A WHOLE

Thismoduleisastudio-basedpracticethatrelatestodevelopment,urbandesignandbuildingprocesses,withtheopportunityoftestingthemethodologyandtheoryofbuildingandurbandesignthroughrealcasescenarios.Themoduleranacrossthreecoreparts,whichcoveredtheprocessofresearchthroughdesignandgraduallydevelopedtheseskillsthroughthegivencasestudiesin

Bangkok,ThailandandBrescia,Italy,andlateremployedandtestedtheseskillsthroughfield-workinCambodia.

Parttwowasanoperationthatcovered‘ThinkingdoingBrescia’andinterpretedthecitythroughsixmemosfromItaloCalvino;lightness,quickness,exactitude,visibility,multiplicityandconsistency.Workingonthreedifferentsitesthetaskwasto‘observe’and ‘document’ theurbansocialphenomenaandoccurrences inthegivenareas,withtheaimofexploringpossiblecatalyticandstrategicinterventionsthathighlight,mobilise,andtransformexistingsocialactivities.

FromLondonwecommencedwiththepreparationforthefieldworkinCambodiathrough lectures,readingsandresearchtodevelopacriticalanalysisandgroundourdefinitionoftransformationinatimeoftransition.Thisoperationwastakenonsiteanddevelopedintotheaccumulationofthisreport.

PartonecoveredaresearchunderstandingthroughthecaseofBangkok,Thailand,lookingatthreedifferentgivensites;NangLoeng,RamaIVandBangBua,withtheaimofcreatingdesignapproacheswhichweretestedasaprogrammaticattemptto strategically create a transformativepotential of various interventions at thephysicalandnon-physicallevel.Theresearchwasdividedintosixphases:

Phase1/2- MappingtheTerritory&Socio-spatialConstructs

Phase3- InterpretiveResponses

Phase4- DesignPrinciplesandGuidelines

Phase5- IndividualResponses

Phase6- CollatedStrategies

Through the researchwe focused anddevelopedour understanding throughspecificlenses;embodiment,environment,housing,livelihoodsandpublic/private.

The case of Bangkok The case of Brescia

The case of Cambodia

M E T H O D O L O G Y

OurmethodologyworksaroundasystematicframeworkwiththeaimofunderstandingCambodia’srapidevolutionofcontestedspacesinordertoidentifyspacesofopportunityandpotentialstrategiestowardsasociallyjustandinclusivesocio-spatialtransformation.HowisCambodiatransforminginatimeoftransition?

InordertogetafullgrasponallthreesitesinCambodiawewerebrokendownintoreportgroupsandsitegroups,thisorganisationallowedeachreportgrouptothinkacrossthedifferentsiteswhichallowstofurthergroundtheoverallresearchquestionintospecificlocalities.OurfirstaimwastoanalyzeCambodiainatimeoftransitionthroughdatacollection,readings,researchandaseriesoflecturesgivenaboutCambodia,elaboratingonthedifferentpartners,andactorspresentinCambodia.Theanalysisincludesourgroup’sunderstandingsoftransitionthroughspecificlenseswethinkcaptureandareshapingCambodia,withpossiblesuggestionsof‘linesofstrategies’andproposalsaddressingthespecificcase.FurthermorewecreatedactionplansthatwereasetofdevelopedtoolsthathelpedguideourresearchonsiteInCambodia.

InCambodiaweweredividedacrossthreesites,workingalongwithCDFandCANCAMmembers,representativesfromlandandmanagementandKhmeruniversitystudentsinordertohelpcommunicatewithotherpeoplethroughthelanguagebarriers,andalsopassontheirknowledgeandexperiences,incrementallybuildastrongunderstandofCambodia,andgainresourcefulinformationfromgovernmentalofficialsandcommunityleadersandresidents.Thiswasdoneacrossofficialmeetings,lecturesfromtheUN-Habitat,LandandUrbanministryandotherrepresentatives,alongwithregularsitevisitsandcommunityworkshops.

After the field tripwe further developed our understanding and integrated the informationwe obtainedbeforeandduringthefield-workinordertocompleteourcriticalinvestigation,designandplanningstrategydevelopment, and elaborating on a strategic intervention for the three different cases. Furthermore theprocesswasgradually investigated throughdefiningandredefining,buildingandrebuildingan incrementalunderstandingofCambodia’stransformationinatimeoftransition.

p r e - f i e l d

f i e l d - w o r k

p o s t - f i e l d

a7a6

appendix

© Dong Yang © Dong Yang

a9a8

appendix

D e t a i l s F r o m S i t e s

Anlong Knagan

Boeung Chuk Manchey

Boeung VengReikChomReounsite1

site2

site3© sketches by Dong Yang

a11a10

appendix

Location:KampongThomissituatedintheheartofCambodiaalongnationalroadNo.6A,168kmfromPhnomPenh.Withanexcellenttransportationinfrastructure,theprovincehasaveryadvantageousbusinesslocationforbothdomesticandinternationaltrade,beingonlyatwoandahalfhourdrivefromPhnomPenh,atwohourdrivefromSiemReap,andatwoandahalfhourdrivefromtheVietnambordernearMemot.TheBeoungVengcommunityislivingalongtheusablecanal.Area:15,061km2Population:702,711personsNumberofcommunities:73(14familiesintheBeoungVengcommunity)

Data

B o e u n g V e n g R e i k C h a m r o e u nThemainissuethecommunityisfacingisinsecurelandtenureandthefearof

eviction,althoughthereseemstobenoimmediateactionfromtheauthority.

The community is located right on the canal,which is public and sandwichedbetweenprivate lands.Becauseof that location, in the rainy season, almost allhouseholdsareseverelyfloodedabovethefloorlevel;thewatersurfacewillreachnearly3mfromtheground.Manyhouseholdsmanagethisissuebyusingabedtomakethefloorhigher,andusingboatsfortransportation.

However, the proximity to the market benefits the community by providingopportunitiesforincomegeneration.Thereisnopropermanagementfortoiletsand garbage, which is another issue for the community, polluting the canalsubstantially. The community has already started saving since 2014, with theinvolvementofnearlyhalfofthecommunity.

Main Findings

S i t e 1

Credit: Boeung Veng Reik Chom Reoun groupCredit: Boeung Veng Reik Chom Reoun group

a13a12

appendix

Theincomeisvariedfromhouseholdtohousehold($1-7/day)butitiscommonthatunstableincomegenerationmakesthecommunity’slifedifficult.Themembersworkinginthemarketrelativelygetstableincome,andcarryjobssuchas:Marketsellers:Vegetable,Pork,CookedFoodMotorTaxiDriversConstructionworkers

TheCommunityDevelopmentFoundation(CDF)hassignificantlybeeninvolvedintheinformalsettlementslocatedinKampongThomprovince.16communitiesintheprovincehavejoinedtheCommunitySavingNetworksCambodia(CSNC)andhavesaveduntil2009.

Mosthousesarearaised-floor-styleofhousewithwoodenstructurescoveredbyplasticormetalroofs.Thewallsofhousesaremainlymetalandboard.Manyhouseshavebamboofloorboarding aligned sideby sidewith a remaining gapbetweeneachbamboo,which allowswater to seep through in the rainy seasons, causingdamagetothefloors.Thebottomofthehouseisusedforkeepingchickens,hanginghammocks and storing boats. In some parts of the settlement where the watersurface is relativelyhigh, there is a timber-madebridgewhichenablespeople tomovewithoutwalkingonthefloodedground.

14householdsoutofthetotalof32householdshavealreadyjoinedthesavingsgroup,which started in2014. Each family seems to save5000Rpermonth forfuture upgrading of the community. It is fair to say that the community iswellorganisedandhelpsoneanother.Ineachactivity,atleastaround20peoplejoinedandactivelyengagedthemselvesintheactivity.

Main Economic Activity

Saving/Community’s Solidarity

Housing Typologies

The involvement of CDF

Ourstrategyonthesitewaschannellingthecommunity’sintereststotheexistingauthority’svision.Weidentifiedboththecitygovernment’svisionandthecommunity’sneed,andrealisedtheyarenotfarfromeachother,butnecessarytobelinked.Inordertoactivatethestrategy,wetookthefollowingsteps.

IdentifyingtheissuesIdentifyingtheneeds/prioritiesIdentifyingthepoliticalagendaoftheauthorityCriticalobservationsCo-producingtheknowledgewithcommunitymembersMaterializingknowledgeintostrategiesRe-materialisingknowledgeintostrategies/visibilityandautonomy

More concretely, we propose two alternative plans for relocation, which wereproducedbyworkingwith the community.One ison-siteupgrading settingbackfrom the canal, and the other is buying the land 15 minutes walking from thecurrentsettlement.Inbothplans,playgroundsandpublicspacesareset,andeachhouseholdwillcontainan individualtoilet.Garbagecollectionpointswillbeset infront of everyhouse, and a collective garbage systemwill be implemented.Withregardstoonsitehousingupgrading,adreamhouseactivitywasconductedinordertofindoutpeople’sprioritiesforhousing.Severalpointswereproposedsuchasacookingspaceoutsideofthehouse,andatoiletandshoweringspaceintheseparateblock.

Main Strategy Proposed While on Site

workshops

Water/Electricity:Themunicipality’swatersupplyingnetworkdoesnotcoverallhouseholdsinthecommunity.Mostofthehouseholdsbuythewaterintanks,weeklyormonthlyfromthehousehold,whichisconnectedtothemunicipality’snetwork.Electricityisalsoinsamesituation.Ittakesaround$2.5-5/monthforwaterand$5-7forelectricity.Toilet/Garbage:Thereisnodrainageinthecommunity.Accordingtothe

communitysurveywedid,someofthemhavethespacefortoiletintheirhouse,butwasteswilldirectlybethrowntothecanal.Asforgarbagemanagement,thereisnocollectivegarbagecollectionsysteminthecommunity.Despitethefactthatsomeofthemembersearnsomemoneyfromrecyclingbottlesandiron,mostlygarbageisdirectlythrownawayonthegroundandinthecanal.

Infrastructure and Services

Noone in the community has secured land tenure. Although there seems tobe no fear of immediate forced eviction, themunicipality has proposed a newrelocationsite,70kmfarawayfromthecurrentsite.Itisimpossibletoobtainlandtenureonthecanal.

Land and Land Tenure

Theproximitytothemarketcanbesaidthatitisthemostsignificantfactorforthecommunity.Thesurveyrevealsthatmosthouseholdsaregettingincomefromthemarketbysellingfood.Somefamiliescatchcricketsbycreatingsimpletools,usingelectriclightandplasticsheets.

Location and Livelihood

CDFseemstohaveagoodrelationshipbetweenthelocalauthorities.Theauthorityiskeenonthecomprehensivedevelopmentespeciallyfocusingonthebeautificationofthecity.CleanCityCompetitionisthecountry-levelstrategytoupgradecitiesinordertoattractmoreandmoretourists. Inthatcontext, theauthoritywantstocleanupthecanalwherethecommunityis located.Theauthorityalsowantstoimprovewatersanitationsystems,whichcoverthewholemunicipality.However,they still do not have amaster plan for the city, which should enable them toupgradethecityasawhole.

The Local Authority (mayor)

Credit: Boeung Veng Reik Chom Reoun group

Credit: Boeung Veng Reik Chom Reoun group

a15a14

appendix

This is the first meeting of Kompong Thom province group. Each one of usintroducedourselves,aswellasthecommunityleaderandtwomembersofthecommunity. Through thismeeting,wediscovered the twomain issues that thecommunitycaresabout;theauthenticityandlackofinformation,andthecleaningof the canal (sanitation and garbage). We found that the potentialities of thiscommunitywouldbeonsiteupgradingandcentrallocation.

05/05/2015 Day 1 Identifying the Needs and Priorities4pm: meeting with the community leader and other members of community

Inthisearlymorningwetookthevantogototheprovince.Combiningwiththeformerdays’experienceinCambodia,wegotusedtothelivingenvironmenttheresuchasthehotweather,thedeliciousfoodandthekindpeople.BecausewearetheonlygroupthatleftPhnomPenh,theteachersandclassmatesprovidedenoughencouragementforusinordertoovercomeeverydifficultproblem.Neverthelesstosay,everyonewascuriousabouttheprovince.

2pm: meeting at the municipality Thevicemayorheldameeting forusat themunicipality.Basic informationof

KompongThomprovincewas introduced,and laterbuildonthroughquestionssuchas; ‘what is thefive-yearstrategyofKompongThom’; ‘what is the trendofdevelopmenthere’.4pm: visiting two different communities and the museum of the provinceAfterthemeeting,wevisitedtwocommunitiesaswellasthemuseuminKampong

Thong,whichhelpedustoknowmoreaboutthisprovince’shistoryandsituation.

06/05/2015 Day 2 Identifying the Political Agenda 7am - 1pm: departure from Phnom Penh to Kompong Thom province

07/05/2015 Critical Observation (introduction to the community) 8am: first observation of the community WearrivedatBoeungcommunityandheldabiggroupmeetingwithcommunity

leaderandacoupleoflocalresidents.10am: visit to the relocation site12am: understanding the community/community mental mapping2pm: interactive community surveys Main findings from todayissues: Living conditions (flooding, toilet, garbage, structure), lackof information

andtransparency,andsecurityandlandtitleconflictspotentialities: resilience, people’s involvement, available land flexibility and

incrementally

A Journal of Boeung Veng Reik Chamroeun

We interview the residentsandacquire the informationof theirdreamhousefirstly,andthenwearedividedintothreegroupsandbegintomakethedreamhouse models. The process of cooperation is funny. Most members of thiscommunitytakeapartinthisactivity,thechildrenandadultsmakethedifferenttypesofdreamhousemodelswithourhelp.11am: transect walk2pm: visit to the Cadastral office Afterthat,westarttoproducedifferentproposalswithphysicalmaterials.Each

group prepare a long paper to present our thoughts and at last we hold thepresentationtogether.

08/05/2015 Co-production of Knowledge8am: dream house, dream community

TodaywehadthefinalpresentationwiththecommunityinKampongThong.Afterworkingwiththemfortwodays,wesummarisedourmainfindingsandweprovidedsomerecommendationsforimprovingthedesignoftheirhousesandthespaceoftheircommunity.Additionally,wewerealsoable tooffer themadvice in termsofsavings,invitingthemtocontinuetosaveandtogetmorepeopletodothesame.Wefeltveryproudandsatisfiedbytheworkwe–thecommunityandus-wereabletoproduceinjusttwodays.Equally,seeingcommunitymemberspresentingtheirworktoothers,theirenthusiasm,andtheirkindnessandhospitalityhastrulybeenatouchingandinspiringexperience.Inspitethebarrierlanguagesandthedifficultyinobtaininginformation,wewereabletocommunicatewitheachotherandproduceandcollectinformationthatisgoingtobeusefulforalltheactorsinvolvedinthisprocess:thecommunity,CDF,CAN-CAM,theKhmerstudents,theKampongThongmunicipalityandtheBUDDstudents.

09/05/2015 Materialising Knowledge into Strategies 8am: pre-presentation4pm: presentation to the community

10/05/2015 Re-materialising Knowledge/Visibility and Autonomy 8am: preparing the presentation with the community 4pm: presentation by members of the community to the municipality

Wewereabletoproduce3Dmodelsofthedreamhousesofthecommunityandexploreseveraloptions(eachwithmultiplealternatives)ofsettlementupgrading.Additionally, we developed an alternative methodology for the exploration, todiscoverpossibleresettlementsitesthatarenotfarawayfromthecity,whichisunderstoodtobeofvital importanceforthelivelihoodoftheinhabitantsofthecommunity.The main message that came across is the importance of starting to save

collectivelyaswellasthenecessitytosharecommonspaces,andexpensessuchastoilets,inordertobringthepricesdownandbeabletoachievethedreamofobtainingsecurehousing,andlandtenureinacollectiveandgradualprocess,byhelpingeachothertoachieveasamegoal.

S i t e 1

Credit: Boeung Veng Reik Chom Reoun group

a17a16

appendix

S i t e 2

History:In1979,theland,aswellaslandthroughoutCambodia,isundercollectiveownershipthroughlandsolidarityasimposedbytheVietnamese-backedCommunistgovernment.Itisasparselypopulatedlake,hometosomesubsistencefarmers,atthetime.In1982,ChbarAmpovHighSchoolborrowsthelandto letstudentsplantvegetablesandshortlythereafter,receivesthelandtitle.Theplotsize is3375squaremeters.Location:BoeungChukMeancheyThmey2communityissituatedalongtheNationalHighway1andisincloseproximitytothecitycenter

ofPhnomPenh.Numberofcommunities:1Numberofhouses:34

Data

B o e u n g C h o e u k M e a n c h e y T h m e y I I URBANCONTEXT:ThesiteisclosetotheNationalHighway1,butstillsomewhatcut-offfrom,astheaccessroadistoonarrowtoletcarsthrough,andthesiteisnotvisiblefromtheroad.Thecommunityhasa“publicface”alongthemainroad,butmostofthehouseshidebehindthis,withnoaccessfromanyotherside.SPATIAL CONFIGURATION: The community is a somewhat isolated cluster of

housesborderedbyabrickwalltothenorth,aswamp(leadingtoanemptylot)tothewest,acanaltothesouthandasmallroadtothewest.Thehousesizesgraduallydecreasefromeasttowest.COMMONSPACES:Themainroadontheeasternedgeofthecommunityisthe

primarycommonspaceforthecommunity.ThisspacebleedsintotheshopsthatlinetheroadandtheyardoftheVillageleaderontheotherside(whichrepresentsthemaincommonspaceforbothBCMT2andBCNiroth).Theonlyothercommonspaces are the stoops of individual houses that are often occupied by theirinhabitants,andalthoughthepathsaretooprecarioustoactasrealpublicspaces,thehousesareoftensoclosetogetherthatpeoplecaneasilyinteractfromtheirstoops.NEIGHBORINGCONNECTIONS:Thecommunityhasclosetiestotheneighboring

community of Boeung Chuk Niroth, and is close with the CSNC. The diverselivelihoodstieitintothebroaderfabricofthecity.Asfornearbyneighbors,itdoesnothaveagoodrelationshipwiththeHighSchool(thatownsthecommunityland)anditsonlyinterfacewiththehugedevelopmentnearbyiswiththemarket,fortheconstructionworkersofthedevelopment.RESILIENCEFromthebeginning,thecommunitychosetobuildtheirhousesoverwater,and

hadthusalwaysimplementedtypicalfloodingcopingstrategiessuchasstilthouses,andtheabilitytomovetheirbelongingstohighergroundwhennecessary.However,the last couple years of significant nearby landfilling have produced extremefloodingthatthecommunitycannolongercopewith.Diversityoflivelihoodsandarelativelycloseandwell-organizedcommunitydoesprovidesomesocialresilience.

Main Findings

Credit: Boeung Chuk Meanchey group Credit: Boeung Chuk Meanchey group

a19a18

appendix

Land and Land Tenure

Infrastructure and ServicesMain Strategies Proposed While on Site

Housing Typologies

Economies and FinancesMain Economic Activities

ConstructionworkersFoodsellersatanearbymarketSecurityguardsFactoryworkersTaxidriversCardriversLaundressTwohome-shops,andonebarbershopinsidethesettlement

Mostof familieshave theirowntoilet,otherwise theyuse fewcommontoiletsoutsidetheirhouseWaterandElectricityispresent Thedrainagesystemisdamagedduetosignificantnearbylandfilling Theaccessroadistoonarrowtoletcarsthrough,andthesiteisnotvisible

fromtheroad,while,thepathwayinsidethecommunityisverypoor.AnewplanfortheKhanisbeingdeveloped,themainprioritiesbeing,environment

andinfrastructure.

The land title is owned by the high school nearby andwas used for plantingvegetationaspartofastudentpractice.Therearenolandtitlesforcommunity.

Thehousingmaterialsaremostlywood,metalplatesandsomewastematerials.Theirhousesaremore fragilewithpoorsanitationconditions, suchasgarbageaccumulatedunderandaroundthehouses.Moreover,forsomeofthehousesthestructureisnearlybroken.

Clarifying and improving the existing information of the community, makingthe information visible and comprehensive, and increasing self-awareness ofcommunitythroughtheproductionofacommunitybookUnderstand theneeds, identifyproblemsandopportunities, sharing ideas for

communityupgradingHelp the community understand their options, negotiate their preferences to

arriveatacommonvisionMasterplanoptionsforreblockingDevelopideasandamasterplan,providingalternativesforupgradingImproving community connections to the new Khan, begin negotiations for

inclusionincity-wideplanningandupgradingCreate a plan to improve infrastructure and the environment, involving the

community,Khan,municipality,andprivatedeveloper

TheCommunitystartedsavingon25December2005.Therearecurrently37familiesinthesavingsgroupwithatotalamountofsavingsof570,000Riel.Everyhouseinthecommunityispartofthecommunitysavingsgroup,butsomehomeownershavemorethanonehouse,somedonotliveinthecommunityandnearlyalltherentersinthecommunity(exceptforone)arenotmembersofthecommunitysavingsgroup.

Credit: Boeung Chuk Meanchey group Credit: Boeung Chuk Meanchey group

Credit: Boeung Chuk Meanchey group

a21a20

appendix

Credit: Boeung Chuk Meanchey group Credit: Boeung Chuk Meanchey group

a23a22

appendix

History:2001twofiressweptthroughtheinformalsettlementofBassacandChbarAmpeoui,locatedoneachsideoftheBassacriverwhichdestroyedover3,000familyhomes· Location:AnlongKngansettlementislocated15kmawayfromPhnomPenhcitycentreinSensokTy5Village,whichisinSensokdistrict.· Numberofcommunities:4;SenRikReay,SenPonlur1,SenPonlur2,andSensabaycommunity· Numberofhouseholdsandfamilies:486

A n l o n g K n g a n S e t t l e m e n t

Data

N

675 m c.a.

140-145 m c.a

30-32 m c.a

ANLONG KAGANS E T T L E M E N T

roads

main roads

informal communities

primary school

health center

king narodom sihamoni housing

MARKET

S i t e 3UrbanContext:althoughthisrelocationsiteisisolatedfromtherestofthecity,

theareahasdevelopedasacitywithinitself.Showinginterdependencebetweenthecommunitiesanditsactivities.Spatial Configuration: density is a treasure for the community. The density,

typological diversity and intricacy of the site open the possibility for blurredboundariesbetweenthepublicandprivatespaces.Porosity:thesitehasmultiplelevelsofporosityaccordingtoitsdifferenttypology

natureandapproaches thecommunityhas towards therestof thesettlement.Moreover the settlement hasdifferent accessibility characteristics; someare inbetterconditionswithpavedstreets,whilethecommunityalongthecanalislessaccessibleandmorevulnerable.SocialNetworks:isconstantlyencouragedduetothephysicalproximityofpeople

livingwithin the community. Fromour findingspeople have good relationshipswiththeirneighbors.Generations: the kids play an important part in the future generation of the

community.Theyhavethepotentialpowertoembodythefuturechangeofthecommunity.ThePond:isapotentialtocreatespacesofopportunitywithmultiplefunctions.

Nowadays the lake is exploited to grow vegetables that areweekly sold at thelocalmarket.Thelakehasthepotentialtohostotherkindsofactivitiestosustainpeople’slivelihoods.CommonSpaces:thecommunallifeworksaroundtreestructures;thepondas

anincomegeneratingsource,thestreetsandtheimmediatespacesinfrontofthehouseswithwoodenplatformsforpossiblesocialencounters.

Main Findings2001p a s t

2015p r e s e n t

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Credit: Anlong Kngan group Credit: Anlong Kngan group

a25a24

appendix

Constructionandgarmentworkers Tuk-tukdrivers 35shopsarelocatedaroundthecommunityfaçadewithconveniencestores,

restaurants,mechanics,barbers,andtailors 10streetvendorslocatedaroundtheoutskirtsofthesettlement 8shopsinsidethesettlement Growingofvegetablesinthepondtosellatthemarket Home-basedfoodproductionindividuallysold

Anumberoffamiliesliveunderthesameroofsharingonetoilet,somehaveacommunaltoiletoutsidetheirhouse WaterandElectricityispresent Poordrainagenetworksthatclogduringrainyseasonsandcauseflooding Concreteroadsfoundinsomeareas,otherareashavenarrowpoorroads Thecityonabiggerscalehasahospital,schoolandamarketandhasbetter

housingconditionswithpavedroads

LandbelongedtoMinistryofAgriculture Hugeamountsofpeoplewhoalreadygotthelandtitlesoldtheirlandtothe

outsiders Originalresidentssquattedatthelandownedbythehealthcenter Theupraiseofanewinformalsettlement Thefirststepsofcircular3havebeenimplementedonthissettlement;Data

collection,Identification,mappingandclassificationofland,andcensusofhouseholdsandhouseholdmembers

Thewestsideofthesettlementhasbetterhousingconditionsthatarenotpronetoflooding.Shophousesand2storyhousesarepresentwithbetterhousingmaterialssuchasconcrete,bricksandwood.Whiletheeastsidecommunitybythecanalismore vulnerable to flooding,with recyclablehousingmaterial such as zinc. Theirhousesaremorefragilewithpoorsanitationconditions,suchasgarbageaccumulatedunderandaroundthehouses.

Community saving groups are present in the community but are not wellestablisheddueto lackof trust,nosenseofbelonging,andnocollectiveactionpresent.

Infrastructure and Services Economies and Finances

Housing Typologies

Land and Land Tenure

Main Economic Activities workshops WHAT WE GOT FROM THE COMMUNITY WORKSHOPS

workshop 1_UNDERSTANDING DOMESTIC SPACES

workshop 2_UPGRADING PRIORITIES

HOUSE DIMENSION:

ORIGINAL (today)

‘DREAM’ HOUSE

‘WORKSHOP outcome’ HOUSE

‘NEGOTIATIATED’ HOUSE 4m x 8m = 32 m2

13.6m x 7.8m = 106 m2

4m x 15m = 60 m2

4m x 6m = 24 m2

+ GARDEN STUDY ROOM

DRYNING CLOTHESPARKING/OPEN SPACE

DRAINAGE PROPER ROADS GARBAGE

FILL THE CANALFILLE THE POND PUBLIC AND PRIVATE SPACES

COMMON SPACES

Credit: Anlong Kngan group

Credit: Anlong Kngan group

Credit: Anlong Kngan group

a27a26

appendix

EMPTY PLOT

HEALTH CENTRE

ROAD

ROAD

North

RO

AD

RO

AD

EMPTY PLOT

HEALTH CENTRE

ROAD

ROAD

North

RO

AD

RO

AD

around 204 buildings will be involved in the upgrading around 100 buildings will be involved in the upgrading

STAGE 4STAGE 3

EMPTY PLOT

HEALTH CENTRE

ROAD

ROAD

North

RO

AD

RO

AD

around 38 buildings will be involved in the upgrading

STAGE 5

EMPTY PLOT

HEALTH CENTRE

ROAD

ROAD

North

RO

AD

RO

AD

EMPTY PLOT

HEALTH CENTRE

ROAD

ROAD

North

RO

AD

RO

AD

around 140 buildings will be involved in the upgradingpond upgrading

STAGE 2STAGE 1

savinggroups

drainageimplementation

parkregenaration

collection of garbage

constructionskills

garden within

the community

co-op /associations

commonservicesreblocking

sharing knowledge

Ouraimistoactivateself-sufficientattitudetocreateAsenseofbelongingBuildacollectiveplatforminordertoestablishstrongnetworksandworkupon

acollaborativeobjectiveEstablishaconnectionbetweenthesettlementandtherestofthecityCreateanorganicurbanporoussystemActivatethecommunitybyimplementingvariousproposals Re-activatesavinggroups Shareconstructionskills Co-operatingdrainageimplementation Sharingcommonspaces Preservingparkregeneration Co-operatingco-op/associations Collectivegarbagecollection Re-blockingthesettlementCity-wideupgradingscaleAlternativeStructureCollaborativePlatformsandTools

Main Strategy Proposed While on Site

+

‘public’ land (ministry of health)

people with land title

people without land title

=Connections established between

the communities with the restof the relocation site.

The site has been developed as a city itself.

INTERDEPENDENCE BETWEEN THE COMMUNITIES

AND THE ENTIRE SITE

ACTIVATE COMMUNITY

Credit: Anlong Kngan group

Cred

it: A

nlon

g Kn

gan

grou

p

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appendix

C a m b o d i a L e c t u r e s

Mr.SokVannaUN-HabitatCambodiaTheoverviewofthislecturelooksathowtheUNandNGOsarepartneringwiththegovernment,whattheir

roleis,andthegrowingurbanisminCambodia.ItexplainsthemainurbanchallengesofCambodiasuchas:LimitedurbanDevelopmentpolicyUnequalurbandevelopmentUnplannedurbangrowthUrbaninfrastructure,InsufficientcapacityforurbanmanagementPlanningdataforthefutureIt further goes on into city upgrading government policies and strategies, briefly introducing Circular 03,

Rectangularstrategy,andtheNationalPolicyonHousing.ConcludingonthekeyroleoftheUNagencywiththegovernmentministersandotherNGOsonurbanandhumansettlementdevelopment.

ACHR/CANThislecturewasbasedonaresearchprojectthatwasconducted,anoverviewofwhatwasimplemented,and

feedbackontheimportantlearningfromworkingasacommunityarchitect.Itgoesintodetailtoexplaintheparticipatorydesignprocessesandtoolsthatareusedwhenworkingwithacommunitysuchas,surveyandmappingtounderstandingthecommunityandworkshopstolinkthepeople,allowthemtobecreativeandtosharetheirknowledgeandinformation.Otherexamplesofworkshopswereexplainedsuchas,makingtheamodelhousewhichisusefulforpeopletovisualizetheirdreamhouse,andlatergoingintodetailinstudyingthefinancialcostofthehousetoreachanunderstandingofhowthiscanbeimplementedthroughsavinggroups.Ingeneralitgoesoverstrategicwaysinhowplansofactionscanbeperformedonsiteandapproachesandprocessesthatcaninitiateslumupgrading.

Housing and Planning Policies, insights from and the Role of NGOs and International Agencies

“Your Life is Organic”

History,mission,activitiesofCDFinCambodiaUPDF/CDF/ACCACommunityfundofAsiaUrbanpoordevelopmentfundRegionalofcommunitysavingnetworkofCambodiaNationalpolicyforcommunityMainactivitiesofCSNC/CDFMainprogramsofCDFACCAinCambodia

CommunitySavingNetworkCambodia(CSNC)Informationofurbanpoor,PhnomPenhWhyaretheypoor?UrbangrowthinCambodiaPoliticalissuesNationalandregionalnetworksCitywidesurveyandmappingbypeopleUpgradingsolutions

Mr.KemLeyCambodia’spoliticalhistorySustainableandproactivedialoguemechanismInstitutionalizedpartnershipTrendsofCambodiaeconomyCambodiaeconomicgrowthPublicinvestmentCambodiapovertyrateandvulnerability

People a center: Base Development

Historical development: economic, social and cultural, political in Cambodia that effects on the

urban transformation and development

History, mission, activities of CDF in Cambodia

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appendix

A c t o r s D i a g r a m s

ACCA_AsianCoalitionforCommunityActionACHR_AsianCoalitionforHousingRightsADB_AsianDevelopmentBankADHOC_CambodianHumanRightsandDevelopmentAssociationAHRC_AsianHumanRightsCommissionASEAN_AssociationofSoutheastAsianNationsAusAID_AustralianAgencyforInternationalDevelopmentBABC_BridgesAcrossBordersCambodiaCAN_CommunityArchitectsNetworkCAN-CAM_CommunityArchitectsNetwork–CambodiaCCHR_CambodianCentreforHumanRightsCDC_CouncilfortheDevelopmentofCambodiaCDF_CambodianDevelopmentFundCDP_CambodiaDefendersProjectCEDT_CommunityEmpowermentandDevelopmentTeamCLEC_CommunityLegalEducationCenterCNRP_CambodianNationalRescuePartyCOHRE_CentreofHousingRightsandEvictionsCPP_CambodianPeople’sPartyCRBD_CambodianRehabilitationandDevelopmentBoardCSNC_CommunitySavingNetworkCambodiaFUNCINPEC _NationalUnited Front for an Independent,Neutral, Peaceful andCooperativeCambodiaGIZ_GermanFederalEnterpriseforInternationalCooperationHFHC_HabitatforHumanityCambodiaHRTF_HousingRightsTaskForce

HRW_HumanRightsWatchICSO_IndigenousCommunitySupportOrganizationIIED_InternationalInstituteforEnvironmentandDevelopmentIMF_InternationalMonetaryFundIRC_Inter-MinisterialResettlementCommitteeJICA_JapaneseInternationalCooperationAgencyLAC_LegalAidofCambodiaLICADHO_CambodianLeagueforthePromotionandDefenceofHumanRightsLICADHO_CambodianLeagueforthePromotionCanadaandDefenceofHumanRightsCanadaLOCOA_LeadersandOrganizersofCommunityOrganizationsinAsiaMGPP_MunicipalGovernmentofPhnomPenhMLMUPC_MinistryofLandManagement,UrbanPlanningandConstructionMoSY_MinistryofSportsandYouthPCL_PeopleforCareandLearningPIN_PeopleinNeedRACHA_ReproductiveandChildHealthAllianceSIDA_SwedishInternationalDevelopmentCooperationSTT_SahmakumTeangTnautSUPF_SolidarityfortheUrbanPoorFederationUCL_UniversityCollegeLondonUN-Habitat_UnitedNationsHumanSettlementsUNDP_UnitedNationsDevelopmentProgrammeUPDF_UrbanPoorDevelopmentFundUSG_UrbanSectorGroupWB_WorldBank Credit: Report group

a33a32

appendix

Credit: Report group © Jenna Helal © Jenna Helal

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© Jenna Helal © Jenna Helal

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appendix

Field visits in and around the outskirts of Phnom Penh

The linear community is behind the main road and faces the lake, which isnot completely filled, but covered by green vegetation. Some people from thecommunitywerecultivatingvegetationfromthefieldsadjacent.Aswereachedtheendofthecommunity,somepeoplewereloadingthevegetationontomotorbikestolaterselltheirproductsatthelocalmarkets.

2/5/2015_ PRETAKONG 1 and the WHITE BUILDING

TheseconddayafterourarrivaltoCambodia,wevisitedonecommunitynamedPretakong 1. Onthewaybacktothehotel,wewalkedthroughonecommunity living inthehistoricapartmentblockwhichisknownastheWhiteBuilding,builtasalow-costhousingprojectunderKingSihanoukin1963.ThebuildingissituatedinthecenterofthecityandisafiveminutewalkfromAeonshoppingmallwhichisthebiggestshoppingmallinPhnomPenh.Despitethename,thecolorofthebuildinghasbeenchangedtogrey,creatingamysteriousatmospherebecauseofitsunmaintainedcondition,growingtreesandvegetationcoveringtheitswalls.Thegroundfloorsofmanyapartmentsareusedasshopspaces,sellingdailyproducts,food,canteen,hairsalonsandsoon.Currently,itissaidthatmorethan600familiesarelivingintheapartmentsbuttheyatthesametimearefacingthefearoftheevictionfromtheprivatesectors.

© Deborah Navarra © Deborah Navarra © Nathalia Mosquera

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appendix

AfterthefirstsessionatCDTCwesplitintotwogroupsandheadedouttowarddifferentsettlementsaroundPhnomPenh.

OnegroupstartedthevisitfromSamakiCommunitywhereitisjustoneminutewalkfromCDTC.Morethan600familiesarelivinginthesettlement.ManyofthemwerethefirevictimsmovedfromBandosVicheain2001.Therewasamarketwithablueroofbuilt in2006bythesupportofthegovernmentandtheCommunityArchitects Network. The market was organized by the community leader whoassignedeach4×4msellingplot. Thesellersdonotneed topay for theirplotsexceptfor1,000R/yearforgarbagecollection.

Aswewalkedaround,wesawmanyfloodedlands.Whentheybuildahouseonthissite,theyneedtofillthelandbeforetheconstruction.Ittakes$15~20tohireonetruckforlandfilling.Moreover,floodinginrainyseasonsisthebiggestissueforthecommunityaccordingtothecommunityleader.Sometimestheyhavetoevacuatetothecitycenterbecausethelivingconditionisextremelydeteriorated.

3/5/2015_ CHUNG RUK and ANDONG COMMUNITY

LeavingSamakicommunity,wevisitedthenextcommunity,AndongCommunity.PCLandCDFhavebeeninvolvedinthecommunityforoveryears,wehadameetingatthecommunitycenterbuiltbyPCLlocatedinthecenterofthecommunity.Thecommunityhasbeenexpandingsinceitsettled,withapopulationincreasefrom444familiesto1,039familiesover9years.Thereareonly777housingplotsinthecommunitysomorethan200familiesarelivinginpubliclandandonthecanal.

The community has been supported by UPDF in on-site upgrading, such ashousingupgradingandlivelihoodopportunitiesbasedonsavinggroupschemes.PCLisalsotheNGO,whichisheavilyinvolvedinthecommunitydevelopment.Theyarenowabouttolaunchnewsettlementssituatedclosetotheexistingcommunity.

f i e l d V i s i t s

© Deborah Navarra © Deborah Navarra

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Theworkshopofficiallystartedfromthisday.Weleftfromthehotelintheearlymorningandheadedout to theRoyalUniversityofFineArts. In thisafternoon,aftertheresourcefullecture,wehadanothercommunityvisit.Oneofourgroupvisits,BorieKeilacommunity,whichislocatedin20minuteswalkingfromPhnomPenhcentralmarket.

Borei Keila community was once known as a pioneering land-sharing projectagreedamongBorieKeilaslumcommunity,themunicipalityandprivatedevelopers.Theagreementwasthatthedeveloperandthecommunitywouldsharetheland,andthecommunitywillreceive10blocksofapartments.Eachfamilywassupposedtobegiven4×12mflatscompletely free,whilereceivingtheallowancefromthedeveloperwhowassupposedtogetahugeprofitfromtheproject.However,asthelandpriceescalated,thedeveloperbroketheagreementwhenthe8thbuildingwasfinished.

Wevisitedthecommunityleader’shomeandhadashortmeeting.Theflathadoneseparatebathroomspaceandwasdesignedsothattheownercouldturnitintoaloftlater.Fromourobservations,theinsideoftheapartmentssuchasstairsandcorridorswerefairlycleanincomparisonwiththeoutsideenvironment,whichwasfullofgarbage.Whilepeoplelivingintheflatsseemedtobefairlysatisfiedwiththecondition,thelandscapebehindoftheapartmentsstruckusalot.Lotsofpoor-conditionedshackswithplasticroofspreadtotheground.Wewalkedthroughthatareaanditwasalmostimpossibletoseethegroundwithoutanykindofgarbagescatteredaround.People,children,clothes,thesmellofcooking,garbage,dogs,chickensandnumerousflies...toomanythingsfloodedoursenseallatonce.

The second visitwas RousreyCommunity,which is at the back of the FrenchEmbassy. The female community leader invited us and had a small chat whilewalkingaroundthesettlement.Thiscommunitywasthefirsttobeself-upgradedwiththesupportfromSUPF(SolidarityandUrbanPoorFederation).Thecommunitymappedthemselvesandidentifiedtheissuetheyfaced.Astheyhadalreadystartedasavingschemefrom1998,theywereabletocontribute$500bythemselvesforconstructingundergrounddrainagesystems.Actually,thelivingconditionsofthissettlementlookedmuchbetterthantheprevioussettlementswehadvisited.

4/5/2015_ BOREI KEILA and ROUSREY

© Deborah Navarra

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appendix

© Jenna Helal © Anlong Kngan group

F R A M I N G

T R A N S F O R M A T I O NTRANSFORMATION IN A TIME OF TRANSITION

CAMBODIA

© G r o u p R e p o r t