Mutual Infatuation:Rosebud Sioux andCincinnatians

Queen City Heritage

Susan Labry Meyn

As early as 1832 George Catlin, thefamous painter of Indians, stated that Cincinnatiansno longer thought of themselves as living on the fron-tier. Many felt that "Our town has passed the days ofits most rapid growth, it is not far enough West."1

Like Catlin Cincinnatians yearned for the Far West,"untamed" country that fascinated (and still fasci-nates) "civilized" society.

Some sixty years later, in the summer of1896, officials at the Cincinnati Zoological Societybrought the West to the East in a series of educationalprograms illustrating frontier and pioneer life — actu-ally historical plays, advertised as "The OnlyGenuine and Legitimate Wild West Show andCongress of Rough Riders of the World In or NearCincinnati This Season."2 The spectacular event last-ed three months and featured eighty- nine SicanguSioux men, women, and children, who after signingthe federally approved contracts with the zoo's offi-cial representative, Assistant Manager Fred E. Nevin,left their homes on Rosebud Reservation in SouthDakota and traveled south to Valentine, Nebraska, toboard a train for Cincinnati. Two boxcars transportedtheir tepees and horses.3 The Sicangu camped at thezoo and participated in reenactments of legendarywestern battles, an attack on a stagecoach, wardances, Indian pony races, and scenes zoo officialsthought typical of Cincinnati one hundred years earli-er. When Cincinnatians visited the zoo that summer,they traveled vicariously through time and space.Curiously, no one seems to have thought it unusualthat Plains Indians portrayed Eastern WoodlandIndians.

Fortunately some Cincinnatians wroteabout, sketched, and photographed the Sicangu thatsummer. One young photographer, Enno Meyer,

made friends with several Sicangu who correspondedwith him after their visit. Meyer's collection of pho-tographs, glass negatives, Indian artifacts, and lettersare in the Cincinnati Museum of Natural History.4

The ex-president of the Cincinnati Camera Club,Thomas H. Kelley took additional photographs whichillustrate an unpublished manuscript written byJames Albert Green, a longtime trustee on the boardof the Public Library of Cincinnati and HamiltonCounty.5 Rookwood artists, who often used pho-tographs of Indians as a source of authentic inspira-tion for their painted pottery, had access to a thirdgroup of pictures taken by an unknownphotographer.6 Other Cincinnatians documented theIndian visit in newspapers and in correspondencewith officials in Washington, D.C. Decades laterBessie Hoover Wessel, a local artist, acquired Meyer'sglass negatives and used them as a guide for her oil

Susan Labry Meyn, a doctoralcandidate in interdisciplinarystudies at the University ofCincinnati, has presentedprograms on this event atRosebud Reservation.

Rookwood artists who usedphotographs of Indians as asource of inspiration for theirpainted pottery had access toa group of pictures taken byan unknown photographer.(CHS, Photograph Collection)

Spring/Summer 1994 Rosebud Sioux and Cincinnatians

paintings, "Portraits From The Plains." In 1971 A. B.Closson Jr. Company's gallery exhibited and soldWessel's paintings.7 The fascination with the Westcontinues to the present and the author enjoys awarm relationship with many contemporary Sicanguwho have helped resolve problems associated with analmost forgotten event.

The excitement Cincinnatians felt in1896 was typical of that gripping the entire nationaround the turn of the century when thousandsrushed to see similar wild west shows sponsored byWilliam F. Cody (Buffalo Bill), Pawnee Bill, TexasJack, and others. Buffalo Bill's 1893 frontier spectacle,staged on a huge lot adjacent to the ColumbianWorld's Fair in Chicago, delighted fair goers andearned more than $700,000/ When his show appearedin Cumminsville in Cincinnati in the spring of 1896after an absence of eight years, it sold out.9 Eventhough Cincinnatians had never fought with PlainsIndians in the Queen City, they wanted to experiencethe romantic, imaginary West with Buffalo Bill, theformer army scout, who looked the part. His show'ssuccessful tour of Europe had only increased his popu-larity in the United States.

Many factors, both national and regional,caused the Wild West mania. Americans realized thatthe "untamed" zone separating unsettled areas fromoccupied zones along the western border ceased toexist when the census bureau officially closed thefrontier in 1890. According to the bureau's definitionthe population density had exceeded six people persquare mile. In addition the legendary battles with KitCarson and General George Custer were over. Themost tragic encounter, the Massacre at WoundedKnee, which occurred near a creek in South Dakota inDecember 1890, ended Indian wars. At the 1893World's Fair in Chicago, a young historian, FrederickJackson Turner, presented his theory about the dis-tinctive features of the process of civilizing the nationin a paper entitled "The Significance of the Frontier inAmerican History." As the century closed andAmerica spread its domain past the frontier, the citi-zens' love affair with frontier events grew, thusimmortalizing the vanished frontier and the mythicalWest.

Art is ts l ike George Catlin and KarlBodmer painted images that have left indelibleimpressions of the "pure," untamed West. Theirdepictions of the Plains Indian in long fringed leathergarb astride a horse pursuing buffalo on the runbecame synonymous with the "real" thing. Storiesabout Kit Carson and David Crockett and their near-death adventures on the frontier reinforced the stereo-type. Author Ned Buntline's dime novels madeBuffalo Bill a national hero, whetting everyone'sappetite to see how it "really was."

Smart speculators like Buffalo Bill capi-talized on this image and included live Plains Indiansin their programs. Indians traveled far and wide withcircuses, wild west shows, and medicine shows. Theyparticipated in national and international fairs andexpositions. Their flowing feathered headdresses,imprinted on minds and pennies, typified the Indian.10

The idea of the Far West spread its charms over thenation and the Cincinnati Zoological Society. The

AMUSEMENTS.

5EW CINCINNATI 1IA&E-BALL PARK

O3NTE5By Special Request, Commencing THIS (MONDAY) AfTEBftOON.

Owing to the continued success of

Co.

The manngement have decided to remaln another week. •Afternoon at 8 O'Oloolac

/ADMISSION *s AND BO CENTSt CHILD

B

CHILDREN isREDUCED

This places tHe Century's Novelty within the reach of all.Street Cars right to the Rate. Doors open at 1 o'clock.

GRAND STREET PARADE THIS MORNINGLOCAL NOTICES.

JWTSOLID GOLD and finMt rolled gold AMENDED PLAT NO. 111.

Buffalo Bill's Wild West showwas very popular withCincinnatians who wanted toexperience the romantic,imaginary West. (CHS,Photograph Collection)

Society, like other speculators, was unconcernedabout costs, believing that the 1896 Sicangu Siouxprogram depicting life on the frontier would increasegate receipts.

One newspaper reporter approved of theSociety's entrepreneurial spirit claiming, "It is a grandillustration of the enterprising policy of the presentmanagement — a policy which, if kept up, will notonly place the Zoo upon a safe basis, but make it oneof the most profitable amusement institutions of theUnited States."11 The Society said that "the attrac-tions offered by the animals alone were hardly suffi-cient inducement to the public to bring the receiptsup to the amount of running expenses, quite ignoringthe expense of annual repairs to the buildings, etc.,permanent improvements and the replenishment ofanimals, they determined to inaugurate other attrac-tions."12 The Society had good reason to speculatebecause the first Indian encampment at the zoo in1895, combined with the other cultural attractions,had done precisely this.

Queen City Heritage

In 1895 Cincinnatians had been offered akaleidoscope of events including the first Indianencampment — a Cree village at the zoo. A band ofCree had been abandoned by the Beveridge MontanaWildest West show in June.13 When the show ownerfled, some of the poverty-stricken Cree remained onthe former show site in Bellevue, Kentucky, acrossthe river from Cincinnati. The Cree's refusal to leavecaused consternation and stress for both Kentuckyofficials and the Cree.14 The zoo solved the problem byinviting the Cree to camp near their beloved buffalosand bears.

The Cree village was not the only ethno-logical attraction Cincinnatians saw at the zoo. The1895 program included an Oriental village withArabian, Kurdish, Armenian, and Egyptian familiescamping in their ethnically diverse tents.15 In hisreport of January 1, 1897, John Goetz, Jr., President ofthe Zoological Society, boasted that the extra attrac-tions in 1895 increased receipts by more than $25,000.This unprecedented success led to future ethnological

Cree men posed for a photo-graph in their camp in 1895,the zoo's first Indian exhibi-tion. The hairstyle (shortbangs in front) of Cree menwas different from that wornby Sioux men and their

Plains clothing presented a"more acculturated" style.(Picture courtesy of theCincinnati Museum ofNatural History)

Spring/Summer 1994 Rosebud Sioux and Cincinnatians 33

CINCINNATI ILLUSTRATED BUSINESS DIRECTORY.

The Largest and Best Equipped in the World. ')c>t

45 ACRES'OF BEAUTIFUL LANDSCAPE. I

MOST OOMPL£TE OOI LECTION

IN EXISTENCE.

EVERY TUESDAY AND FRIDAY NIGHTS IN IUNE, JULY AND AUGUST. ••' •> '•'.**

CONGEHTS BY FULL MILITARY BAND.FORTY GREAT ARTISTS.

Lavish Spectacular and Vaudeville Entertainments on other Nights of the Week

X? » * r r - o To Churches, Schools and Societies desiring to-t \ATE£ hold Outings at the Zoo. j - ,

' " ; • • . »

For further information, call on or address

WILL S. HECK,•• Manager Zoological QaWenli • . ^ | , ^ ;

624

exhibitions.16

It is difficult to say exactly who firstrealized that inviting the Cree Indians to perform inan improvised wild west show would infatuate andattract Cincinnatians and thus fatten the zoo's cof-fers. Decades later Sol Stephan, superintendent at thetime, claimed he originally had the idea to exhibit theCree and that he had opened negotiations withthem.17 To him the idea may not have seemed farfetched because at this time Indians traveled with cir-cuses, and Stephan, as a young man, had worked forthe Great Eastern Circus.18 He probably had the sup-port of William S. Heck, the zoo's general manager in1895 and 1896. Heck had earlier been employed bythe Kohl and Middleton Dime Museum in

Cincinnati, which had hired Indians as part of itsentertainment.19 Heck first served as press agent andin 1893 as assistant manager when the museum wasat 218 Vine.10 Between 1894 and 1897 Heck was thegeneral manager of the Zoological Office.21 In 1899 hewas the Manager of Heck's Wonder World andTheatre located at 526-28 Vine." In 1896 Heck had anassistant manager, Fred E. Nevin, whom he knewfrom his days at the Kohl and Middleton DimeMuseum.23 Heck, Stephan, and other zoo officials sawthe abandoned Cree as a fortuitous addition to their1895 schedule. Together they brought world's fairstyle entertainments and ethnological exhibitions tothe Queen City's zoo.

Listing himself as the contact person,Manager Heck invited Cincinnatians to attend akaleidoscope of "Delightful Summer Night Fetes,Every Tuesday and Friday Nights in June, July andAugust" and "Lavish Spectacular and VaudevilleEntertainments on other Nights of the Week" at theGardens, "The Largest and Best Equipped in theWorld."24 Heck offered special rates to churches,schools, and other groups and requested that anyinquiries be addressed to him. No doubt the advertis-ing stemmed from the successful 1895 series of pro-grams.

But federal officials, humanitarians, andeducators wanted to prohibit Indians from participat-ing in these shows. Not only were they concernedabout the welfare of the Indians but proponents ofassimilation felt the plays glorified an unacceptableformer life-style. Civilizing Plains Indians and teach-ing them to farm was felt to be critical to their liveli-hood. These shows, they said, only allowed theIndians to see whites applauding the very way of lifethey fought to abolish. Show owners, who knew thatfortunes could be made quickly, countered thatIndians wanted to escape the monotonous life on thereservations. Indians, especially those on the Plainsreservations, were spiritually and economicallydepressed. Indians desperately needed the incomeshow owners promised them. But sometimes thesescheduled events flopped, leaving Indians, like the1895 Crees, abandoned and penniless in remote cor-ners of the globe.

William S. Heck, the zoo'sgeneral manager, SolStephan, and other zooofficials brought world's fairstyle entertainments andethnological exhibitions tothe Queen City. (CHS, PrintedWorks Collection)

34

The Cree encampment brought an accul-turated West to Cincinnati. The Cree wore pseudo-Plains clothing in untraditional ways and decoratedthemselves with feathers that fell from some of thebirds at the zoo. Their hair styles, with short frontbangs, were not typically Sioux.25 Despite this, HenryF. Farny and John Rettig went to the zoo to sketchthem.26 In addition Cincinnati artist and photographerEnno Meyer, who frequently photographed the ani-mals and buildings at the zoo, took pictures of theIndians, documenting a little known event in Creehistory and one almost forgotten in the zoo's history.

After settling in at the zoo, the Creestaged a typical wild west show appearing in wardances, medicine dances, scalp dances, and the"Wonderful Sun Dance."27 Additional frontier portray-als included the burning of a prisoner at the stake andthe massacre of the inhabitants of a frontier cabin.Cincinnatians also witnessed Cree activities in othersections of the city. When Hidden Bird, a Cree man,died his funeral mass at St. Xavier Church arousedmuch curiosity. The cortege walked solemnly throughthe city's streets to St. Joseph Cemetery where he wasburied.28

A July 7, 1895, Enquirer headline toldCincinnatians that admission receipts would be usedin "transporting these Waifs of the West back to theirhomes in Far-Off Montana."29 The article urged localcitizens to rush to the zoo and bid farewell to theCree, who were to the zoo officials relief, finally leav-ing on July 15.30 Hundreds of Cincinnatians respondedby attending the zoo's wild west show and other eth-nic events, thereby prompting one newspaper to com-pare the programs to the Columbian exposition:"What the World's Fair Was to Chicago the Zoo Is toCincinnati!"31

At the time, zoo officials did not consid-er these human or anthropological exhibitions extra-neous to its mission. The following year, 1896, JohnGoetz, the President of the Cincinnati ZoologicalSociety, justified the zoo's decision to illustrate life onthe Plains with a living Indian village. In the AnnualReport of 1896 he wrote: "The exhibition of wild peo-ple is in line with zoology, and so, when we exhibitIndians, or South Sea Islanders, or Esquimaux, or

Queen City Heritage

Arabians, or any wild or strange people now in exis-tence, we are simply keeping within our province as azoological institution."32 Zoo officials thereby alignedthemselves with other promoters.

Although the Cree encampment hadbeen a large undertaking, the three-month SicanguSioux visit in 1896 took months of preparation andrepresented a tremendous commitment for the

A picture of Iron Shell whomthe zoo agreed to pay $40.00a month was taken for theRookwood artists. (CHSPhotograph Collection)

Spring/Summer 1994

Zoological Society. They sought and eventuallyobtained federal permission for the Sicangu Sioux tocome to Cincinnati. To guarantee the safety and wellbeing of the Sicangu, the Society had to post a $10,000bond.13 In addition it had to underwrite the transporta-tion and care of the Indians' horses, thereby increasingthe financial obligations of the Society.

Obtaining government approval for theIndians to leave their reservation proved difficult. OnApril i i , 1896, Heck wrote his first letter requestingIndians from "Western Reservations" for the purposeof exhibitions.34 On April 16, he wrote to Hoke Smith,the Secretary of the Interior, stating that he knew thatWilliam F. Cody had an arrangement by which hesecured Indians for his show. Heck said that theZoological Garden, "having been founded and main-tained by philanthropists as an educational institution— as a field of object lessons for the study of NaturalHistory" would be a natural place to "illustrate duringthe summer season, the various races of men."35 Heoffered John G. Carlisle, Charles P. Taft, and Jacob H.Bromwell as attestors to the high character of theSociety.36 Bromwell and Taft followed through andhelped the Society obtain permission "to show anIndian tribe."37 After receiving official permission "toengage the services of, not to exceed one hundred,Indians/' Heck inquired about salaries and wrote theIndian agents at Pine Ridge and Rosebud Reservationin South Dakota. Albeit, he noted that the final deci-sion rested with the Executive Committee.38 On May11, J. George Wright, the Indian Agent at Rosebud,wrote Heck regarding the salaries. The average salary,Wright said, was "$25.00 per month for each individ-ual male Indian; $10.00 and $15.00 per month for eachwoman, and $5.00 per month for each child. Chiefs orhead men would probably demand $30 or $35.00, orpossibly $50.00 per month." Wright told Heck that theIndians would bring their "native costume, feathers,etc." and that he, Heck, "would have no trouble what-ever in controling [sic] these Indians, provided strictdiscipline was maintained, and they not [sic] permittedto obtain liquor under any circumstances."39 TheSociety decided to "engage the services" of the Indiansand Heck forwarded the required $10,000 bond toSmith, the Acting Commissioner of Indian Affairs.

Rosebud Sioux and Cincinnatians 35

Heck told Smith that Fred E. Nevin, a representative ofthe Zoological Society, would start for RosebudReservation on May 31.4O

On June 11, Charles E. McChesney, U.S.Indian Agent at Rosebud Reservation, wrote theCommissioner of Indian Affairs."I have the honor totransmit herewith fifty-nine Articles of Agreementbetween Fred E. Nevin, duly authorized representativeof the Zoological Society of Cincinnati, Ohio, andsundry Indians of this agency. These agreements cover89 persons, who left this agency for Cincinnati, Ohio,today."41

In addition to paying each Sicangu anagreed upon salary the Society promised,

to supply the said party of the secondpart with proper food and raiment, except one suit ofIndian clothes to start with, and moccasins, head-dress, etc., and to discharge all their traveling andneedful incidental expenses from the date of leavingsaid Agency until their return thereto, and to protectthe said party from all immoral influences and sur-roundings, and to provide all needful medical atten-dance and medicine, and do all such other acts andthings as may be requisite and proper for the health,comfort and welfare of the said party of the secondpart, and to return them to the said Agency withinthe time specified by the Interior Department fromthe date hereof, without charge or cost to the saidparty of the second part or to the United States. Theparty of the second part agrees to keep sober andobey the rules and regulations of the ZoologicalSociety of Cincinnati, O., failing to do so he will bereturned to Agency, forfeiting salary due him.''1

The contract was paternalist ic andplaced a serious financial responsibility upon a rela-tively small institution. Goetz justified his decision inthe Annual Report when he said that the Board ofDirectors believed that the $25,000 earned in 1895"could be kept up and probably exceeded."43 TheBoard was banking on the fascination ofCincinnatians to offset any deficits.

After agreeing to participate in the zoo'seducational program, the Sicangu posed for an officialphotograph by John A. Anderson, who documentednumerous other Sicangu activities. The men looked

36

splendid in their Plains Indian finery; many astridetheir horses with women and children seated on theground in front.44 By Saturday, June 20, Queen Cityresidents knew that genuine, legitimate Indians wereat the zoo, living in a "picturesque village" whereaboriginal life could be seen first-hand.45 The Board ofDirectors felt that this event "gave a rare opportunityof showing the character and mode of life of theIndian tribes" to Cincinnatians.46

Valentine McKenzie, a Sicangu who waseducated at Carlisle Indian School, served as inter-preter when the contracts were signed and when localnewspaper reporters toured the encampment. TheIndian village was located in the northeastern portionof the zoo's garden, near present day Forest Avenueand Dury Street. "The village is diversified by hill anddale, and plain and valley. The tepees, whose sides arecovered with rude pictures, showing the Indian's pas-sion, if not his talent, for drawing, are distributedwith a charming disregard for symmetry and distanceover the grounds."47

During their ini t ia l adjustment toCincinnati's summer and to living under the inquisi-tive eyes of the visiting public, Sicangu presented twoeducational frontier shows daily. The site of the enter-tainments, one at 3:00 p.m. and the other at 8:30 p.m.,was the amphitheater south of the lake. (Today, thisis the parking area near the present-day elephanthouse.)48 After the zoo closed for the evening, theIndians would begin rehearsing Indian shows. Thegoal of the entertainments (best described as wildwest shows) was to illustrate the stirring scenes con-nected with pioneer and frontier life, albeit, notalways accurately or realistically.49 The expandedenter tainments included reenactments of well-known, stereotyped, events in Indian-White relation-ships: the Massacre of Wounded Knee, the Battle ofLittle Big Horn, an attack on a frontier stage coach,and the proverbial burning of the prisoner at thestake. The U.S. soldiers were represented by a compa-ny of the First Regiment of Infantry from the OhioNational Guard.50 These sensational dramatic attrac-tions, complete with electric and pyrotechnic lightingand red-fire effects were the highlights of the zoo'sprogram,- but the zoo's officials added others.

Queen City Heritage

One addition featured Sicangu horsemenand a band of "revengeful Bedouins" on horsebackthundering together around the arena in "a grandcombination drill of horsemen from the wild Westand the wild East."51 Now, the show staged in the zoo-logical gardens of a mid-western river town, resem-bled Buffalo Bill's Wild West and Congress of RoughRiders of the World. Even Major John Burke, the gen-eral manager of Buffalo Bill's show felt compelled tocompliment the zoo's program.52

But, the zoo had competi t ion. Eventhough the government discouraged Indians from par-ticipating in shows without contracts, Indian agentshad no authority to prohibit them. Defying theauthority of the Commissioner of Indian Affairs,approximately twenty Indians surreptitiously left theCheyenne and Arapaho Indian Agency in Darlington,Oklahoma, on June 23, 1896, on the 6:00 a.m. train forCincinnati and another wild west show organized byMajor Gordon Lilly, "Pawnee Bill."53

Pawnee Bill's Wild West Show, atChester Park on the north side of Spring Grove atPlatt Avenue, rivaled the events at the zoo. Every spe-cial frontier show the zoo planned, Pawnee Bill imi-tated and advertised one week later on the same pagethat described the zoo's activities. Pawnee Bill leftChester Park in mid-July but the park's managementcontinued to give the zoo competition. The zoo's"Historical Cincinnati" program was copied andrenamed "Cincinnati One Hundred Years Ago" com-plete with another elaborate set replicating FortWashington. It is uncer ta in who portrayed theIndians.54 Frustrated zoo officials repeatedly claimedthat their Indians were the only ones acquired "honor-ably" through a bond agreement with the governmentand with signed contracts with the Sicangu. Theyboasted that their Indians, fresh from South Dakota,were members of the Great Sioux Nation and embod-ied the Indian qualities described by James FenimoreCooper.55 Thus, Cincinnatians also enhanced themyth of the Wild West.

Each week the highlights of the WildWest changed trying to lure local residents to see theformer frontier in action.56 However, when the zooofficials decided to reenact the Ghost Dance and the

Spring/Summer 1994

Massacre at Wounded Knee there was disagreementamong the Sicangu. In his manuscr ipt Greenexplained that "An Indian has very little imaginationand it took a long time to get the idea of what waswanted into their heads."57 The real reason, however,may well have been that many of the Sicangu vividlyremembered the 1890 tragedy and the last days oftheir Nation. One newspaper claimed that some ofthe visiting Sicangu had actually participated in thebattle.s8 Finally with the assistance of interpreterValentine McKenzie, a compromise was reached andthe Indians made the appropriate costumes for thepresentation.59 Green stated that "after they had onceor twice rehearsed the Battle, they took most kindlyto it and gave the performance with a vim and energythat was startling."60

Ghost dance shields, replicating thoseused by participants in the movement, were part ofthe traditional attire. In one photograph a Sicangu isshown holding his shield, a prop he or someone else

Rosebud Sioux and Cincinnatians 37

created for the reenactment.61 Enno Meyer acquired anearly identical shield that is in the CincinnatiMuseum of Natural History's Collections.62 The pro-grams continued to change and Indians were busymaking props.

"Historical Cincinnati," a very innova-tive entertainment, portrayed scenes and incidentsthat had occurred in the Cincinnati area more than100 years earlier. The Sicangu, wearing Plains cloth-ing, became Eastern Woodland Indians, and staged asham battle before gigantic scenery depicting FortWashington. The thrilling climax was the attack onthe fort and its defense by brave frontiersmen.63 Zooofficials embroidered Cincinnati history when theyasked Indians to storm and attack Fort Washingtonbecause the fort was never attacked in a serious man-ner — and never by Plains Indians. The only signifi-cant Indian attack in the vicinity of Cincinnati wason Dunlap Station on the Great Miami in 1791.64

Incidents in the lives of famous frontiersmen, such as

Goes to War, brother of IronShell, was one of the Indiansphotographed by Thomas H.Kelley to illustrate the JamesA. Green manuscript. (CHS,James A. Green ManuscriptCollection)

In contract number 36 theCincinnati zoo agreed to payLittle Bald Eagle $40.00 amonth. (CHS, James A.Green Manuscript Collection)

Queen City Heritage

Daniel Boone, Simon Kenton, James Smith, andColonel Crawford, were also illustrated. The play-wrights at the zoo together with the Sicanguenlivened and embellished Cincinnati history.

Even though the Sicangu were busy par-ticipating in two programs daily, they, like othertourists, enjoyed the pleasures of shopping for sou-venirs. 'They delighted in visiting the city proper andfinally the spectacle of an Indian, all togged out in hisnative finery, going solemnly and stolidly down thestreets carrying his purchases done in the regulationbrown paper parcels, became so frequent that not eventhe small boy turned his eyes to follow."65 Theylearned to shop in the largest and best stores and pur-chased intelligently; they were fond of colored shirts,silk Windsor ties, and red blankets.66 On August 20,The Enquirer let everyone know what Chief Iron

Shell's daughter wore while shopping and what shepurchased — large cotton handkerchiefs, beads, afeather duster, some sticks of peppermint candy, a redand yellow work basket, and a majolica beer mug.67

The returning travelers had unusual stories and anec-dotes to tell as well as unique souvenirs to show tothe welcoming delegation of relatives at the train sta-tion in Valentine, Nebraska. One reporter stated thateveryone celebrated with a "great pow wow" and thatthe Sicangu who went to Cincinnati held "their headsas high as cameleopards."68

Even though the reporters and others inCincinnati described Sicangu activities in great detail,there was one story that none of the Cincinnati jour-nalists writing in English reported. But, a Germannewspaper, the Tagliche Abend-Presse, and TheKentucky Post told all. Somehow the Sicangu discov-

Sicangu Sioux from RosebudReservation posed at theCincinnati Zoo and BotanicalGarden in 1896. The man inthe white hat, ValentineMcKenzie, served as theinterpreter and was educated

at the Carlisle Indian School.(Picture courtesy of theCincinnati Museum ofNatural History)

Spring/Summer 1994

ered, probably by someone reading the local press tothem, that on January 31, 1896, a few months beforethey arrived in Cincinnati, a young woman namedPearl Bryan had been murdered. Her headless bodyhad been found on Lock Farm near Fort Thomas, themilitary post, in Campbell County, Kentucky. Thisbrutal act came to be known as the "murder of thecentury." Numerous mistrials, resulting in no convic-tion, were held during the period the Sicangu were inCincinnati. On July 15, the Indians went to view thesite of the murder and asked to see the murderers.This request was refused. Instead they were taken ona tour of police headquarters and city hall and intro-duced to Cincinnati Mayor John A. Caldwell.69 Thus,zoo officials upheld their part of the federal contractwhich promised "to protect the said party from allimmoral influences and surroundings."70

The contract between zoo officials andthe Sicangu also specified that the zoo authoritieswould be responsible for "proper food." At first thisdid not appear to be a problem, because the authori-ties had been told, presumably by the Indian agent,that a simple diet of meat and potatoes would satisfythe Indians. The chefs employed by the zoo opted forinexpensive meat "cut from pretty close behind thehorns."71 What the chefs did not realize was that theSicangu were accomplished hunters and butchers so

Rosebud Sioux and Cincinnatians 39

they soon demanded the choicer cuts of sirloins andporterhouses. "Then they wanted more vegetables andexpressed a preference for cabbage. Later they wantedblackberries and watermelons while nothing in thebake-shop came amiss."72 There is no doubt thatCincinnatians and Cincinnati chefs learned aboutIndians that summer.

In addition to participating in the dailywild west shows and frontier plays and maintaining apublic campsite, the Sicangu frequently posed for pho-tographers. Enno Meyer photographed the Sicangulounging on the grassy knolls at the zoo, resting com-fortably on the park benches located there, standingcasually under trees, or seated on the stone walkway.The men enjoyed their leisure hours, as Meyer's pho-tographs attest, and usually spent them relaxing andtalking.

This, however, does not present a com-plete picture of their activities because the Sicangualso participated in special events at the zoo. Theyparaded in a spectacular grand entry when theMcKinley Club opened the Republican campaign atthe zoo.73 Campaign buttons were popular souveniritems, even among the Sicangu, and when T.H. Kelleytook a picture of Goes to War, he was wearing hisMcKinley button pinned beneath his United StatesIndian Police badge. At least five other Indians posed

Garden Archives)

Zoological officials rewrote Washington. (Sketch from theCincinnati and Northern Cincinnati Zoo and BotanicalPlains history when theydecided to include in theirwild west educational eventsa play that showed theSicangu Sioux storming Fort

Queen City Heritage

The Sioux enjoyed and latertreasured the photographsMeyer took. In their corre-spondence with him after thevisit the Indians asked foradditional photographs ofone another. (Picture

courtesy of the CincinnatiMuseum of Natural History)

Spring/Summer 1994 Rosebud Sioux and Cincinnatians

Families, as well as singlepeople, camped for threemonths at the zoo's garden in1896 and allowedCincinnatians to strollthrough their "living" village.This woman displayed her

Navajo third phase "Chief'sBlanket" for Meyer andothers. (Picture courtesy ofthe Cincinnati Museum ofNatural History)

4 2

for Kelley's portrait photographs.74 Some Indians trav-eled downtown to Meyer's studio where, according toWilliam Meyer, Enno's nephew, they had their pic-tures taken which probably accounts for the plainbackground seen in many of Meyer's images75.Someone else took candid photographs of the Sicanguand gave them to the Rookwood photograph collec-tion.76

This treasure trove of information, com-bined with the documentat ion in the NationalArchives, shows that the Zoological Gardens plannedan unusual program that summer. Nonetheless, inspite of the Zoological Society's high expectations, its1896 speculative endeavor failed to generate the antic-ipated funds. President Goetz admitted that the"expense of exhibiting these Indians . . . exceeded byseveral thousands of dollars our receipts."77 He blamed

Queen City Heritage

the nation's economy, but felt "the real and principalcause of our loss this year was the unprecedentedlyrainy season." He said that it rained forty-six of theone hundred days of extra amusements and when itwas not raining, the sky was "cloudy and threaten-ing." To make his point he prepared a table comparingthe attendance and receipts of 1895 with those in1896 for twenty-four of the rainiest days of the season."On these twenty-four rainy days, the total atten-dance was 25,490 and the receipts were $5,670.65; thetotal attendance for the corresponding days of 1895was 77,180 people . . . and the receipts were$14,724.50. . . ,"78 Another disadvantage was streetcarfacilities which did not provide easy access to theZoological Gardens.79 No doubt Pawnee Bill's show,imitating the zoo's programs, also attracted some ofthe zoo's potential clientele. Chester Park's shows

The Sioux participated in twowild west shows daily. Inbetween they posed forphotographs, toured the city,and shopped in local stores.(Picture courtesy of theCincinnati Museum ofNatural History)

Spring/Summer 1994

must have been somewhat successful because themagangement was still advertising its Cincinnatifrontier program in late August.80 In addition, themonthly salaries of the Sicangu added to the expenses.The amount for each man was noted on his contract(59 men, hence 59 contracts); women and childrenprobably received a small salary, in the range AgentWright had recommended. The contracts in theNational Archives list: two men at forty dollars amonth, Valentine McKenzie at thirty dollars a month,and the rest at either twenty-five or fifteen a month.At that time, the salaries must have been a tremen-dous financial commitment because in 1903 the cus-tomary starting wage for a keeper at the zoo was fortydollars a month.81 All of the expenses agreed to in thecontracts, plus the reasons Goetz gave, resulted in atremendous deficit for the 1896 season. This burdenwas not relieved by the 1897 season and theZoological Garden went into receivership the follow-ing year.

Even though the deficit was enormous,Goetz continued to believe that ethnological villagesshould be scheduled because they had "vast educa-tional value" and were a "profitable investment."82

How did the Sicangu and other Indiansfeel about participating in these so-called educationalprograms? Fortunately, some Sicangu correspondedwith Meyer after their visit. In addition to asking himto tell "Farnning" [sic] and "Sharp" hello, theyrequested copies of Meyer's photographs of theirfriends or relatives (pictures of women were popular),asked for Heck's address, colored ribbons, and eagletail feathers from the birds at the zoo. Two Sicanguasked whether another visit to Cincinnati was being(or might be) planned. In December 1896, in May1898, and again in August 1898, Good Voice Eagleasked Meyer when the zoo was going to scheduleanother show. Good Voice Eagle said that ArthurLittle Stallion also wanted to know.83 They were anx-ious to have a commitment because they were desti-tute. Good Voice Eagle said that he was not able toanswer one of Meyer's letters because he had nomoney and could not buy a stamp. Good Voice Eaglewas not exaggerating about the hardships he or otherIndians experienced on the reservations. Historian

Rosebud Sioux and Cincinnatians 43

Francis Prucha wrote that the last third of the nine-teenth century when Indians were impoverished andenduring radical changes was the most critical in theentire history of Indian-White relations.84 Escaping thedepressing environment and earning money musthave been a relief for the Indians. For years the Siouxexpressed concern over the fact that railroad compa-

nies and cattle ranchers hungrily sought their land.Eventually, with the passage of the Dawes SeveraltyAct in 1887, government officials were able to rob theSioux of millions of acres. During this period, eco-nomic and spiritual depression were pervasive on thePlains reservations. Participating in wild west playswas probably a respite.

In one of the Rookwoodsource photos a Sicangu isshown holding his shield, aprop he or someone elsecreated for the enactment ofthe Ghost Dance and theMassacre at Wounded Knee.(CHS, Photograph Collection)

44

Indians who joined the shows realizedthat they often had to endure the insensitive com-ments of whites and that frequently the entertain-ment program was little better than a midway specta-cle. At times even the government's scientifically cor-rect anthropological exhibits planned for world's fairsand expeditions degenerated into tasteless displays.85

For the Columbian Exposition, the government gavepermission for Indians to participate in a livinganthropological village illustrating how the Indianappeared when America was discovered, in an exhibitreplicating an Indian industrial boarding school, andin Buffalo Bill's spectacular wild west show. It's hardto believe that Indians did not recognize the govern-ment's lack of consistency. They knew that being anactor in one of these performances was hard work.Without a doubt it took a secure personality andstrong integrity to withstand the public's curiosityand relentless questions day after day.

Queen City Heritage

Earning a monthly salary was not theonly reason Indians chose to sign on. Some offeredother explanations. Black Elk, who was an OglalaSioux holy man, said that he enjoyed participating inthe scenes planned by Indians more than thoseplanned by whites. He gave his reason for joiningBuffalo Bill's tour of Europe. ". . . I thought I ought togo, because I might learn some secret of the Wasichu(white people) that would help my people some-how."86 Luther Standing Bear, a Sioux who traveled toEngland with Buffalo Bill, described the fatigue onefelt after presenting two shows daily and the problemsassociated with moving a large camp from one site toanother and erecting their tepees in "wet and muddyweather." He complained that white spectators werenot really interested in knowing how things really are.They only wanted to see a stereotype.87 Yet, wild westshows served a purpose, enabling the Indians toobserve white ways unchaperoned, without the pater-nalistic guiding hand of the Great White Father or anIndian agent.

When eighty-nine Sicangu consented toparticipate in an educational program in Cincinnati,they committed themselves to an event that broughtthe romantic western frontier East. The Sicangu'spresence in Cincinnati infatuated numerous residentswho left a legacy of important historical informationin scattered places. This documentation enables theSicangu to reclaim a forgotten historical event fortheir own archives and tells Cincinnatians that forthree months in 1896 Queen City residents wereallowed to relive, in mythical fashion, the frontierdays that they already felt nostalgic about whenGeorge Catlin visited the city in 1832.

I would like to thank the Sicangu, particularly LorraineWalking Bull, Seth Big Crow, Simon Broken Leg, Emil HerMany Horses, Ollie Napesni, Sherry Red Owl, Jerry Kills inWater, and Francis Paul Two Charger and his wife, Marie KillsPlenty-Two Charger for assisting with the identification pro-ject. Mike Her Many Horses, an Oglala, graciously shared hisconsiderable knowledge about old photographs and wild westevents. The administration and staff of Sinte Gleska Universityand Charles Hill, the former Director of the Lakota Archivesand Historical Research Center on Rosebud Reservation wereinvaluable. On my most recent trip in June 1993, Marcella

Women and children partici-pated in the educationalprogram and wore their bestblankets for Meyer'sphotographs. The blanket onthe right, a second phase"Chief's Blanket" woven by

Navajo women, indicatedthat its wearer was a wealthywoman with considerablestatus. (Picture courtesy ofthe Cincinnati Museum ofNatural History)

Cash, the Archivist at the Center, Assistant Archivist TerryGray, and Marlene Whipple, the Director of the Rosebud SiouxTribe Elderly Nutrition Program, suggested creative ways forme to elicit additional information.

The Sicangu are able to enjoy all of EnnoMeyer's photographs because R. Howard and Janet C. Melvin,and Monte P. and Mary Louise Melvin donated duplicate 8xioprints to the Lakota Archives and Historical Research Center,the offical repository for Sicangu history at Sinte GleskaUniversity on Rosebud. The Melvins' encouragement andenthusiasm helped bring this article to fruition.

The Museum of Natural History funded my1993 trip to Rosebud. Librarians, Anne B. Shepherd at theCincinnati Historical Society and M'Lissa Kesterman andClaire Pancero, in the rare book department at the PublicLibrary of Cincinnati and Hamilton County, made my task eas-ier. David Ehrlinger, the Director of Horticulture at TheCincinnati Zoo and Botanical Garden, and William Meyer,Enno Meyer's nephew, clarified numerous fine points. Marci

Cassidy, Hilda Gilbert, Lory Greenland, and Susan Hughes,Cincinnati Museum of Natural History volunteers, served asresearch assistants and valuable critics, and Judith Daniels edit-ed the manuscript.

1. George Catlin, Letters and Notes on the Manners, Customs,and Condition of the North American Indians, Written DuringEight Years' Travel Amongst the Wildest Tribes of Indians inNorth America, In 1832, 33, 34, 35, 36, 37, 38, and 39. Two vol-umes. Third Edition. (London, England, 1842), Vol.1, p.62.2. The Enquirer, June 20, 1896, p.6; June 28, 1896, p.19.3. Charles E. McChesney to Commissioner of Indian Affairs,June i i , 1896, Letters Received 1896 #22637, Record Group y5;National Archives, Washington, D.C., Note #22637 is storedwith #20489. The Republican (Valentine, Nebraska), June 19,1896, p.1.4. The Enno Meyer collection is the result of two separate dona-tions, one from R. Howard and Janet C. Melvin, and Monte P.

Two men, dressed in ceremo- bandoleer decorated withnial finery, sat on a bench inthe zoo's garden for theirportrait. In addition to theirfeather military headdresses,each is wearing a hair pipebreastplate and a fur

round mirrors acquired fromtraders. (Picture courtesy ofthe Cincinnati Museum ofNatural History)

4 6 Queen City Heritage

and Mary Louise Melvin; the other from Mr. and Mrs. RobertH. Wessel, who located and donated the glass negatives. TheSicangu are able to enjoy all of Enno Meyer's photographsbecause the Melvin Family donated duplicate 8xio prints to theLakota Archives and Historical Research Center, the officalrepository for Sicangu history at Sinte Gleska University onRosebud.

5. Cincinnati Historical Society, James Albert Green manu-script collection; Mss G797U Box 2. Green submitted his manu-script to Harper and Brothers. There is no date on either themanuscript or the refusal from Harper, but the date is definitely1896 because the names Green mentioned are the same asthose on the contracts in the National Archives. In the folder isan envelope dated 1895, but this is not the date of the visit.

6. Cincinnati Historical Society, Rookwood PhotographCollection, SC 148, Box 6, Source Material.7. Cincinnati Museum of Natural History EthnologyCollection, Bessie Hoover Wessel file. There is a photocopy ofthe invitation to the exhibition held at Closson's gallery in thefile.

8. Don Russell, The Wild West or, A History of the Wild WestShows (Fort Worth, Texas, Amon Carter Museum of WesternArt, 1970), p.43.

9. Cincinnati Times-Star, May 4, 1896, p.10.; The CincinnatiPost, May 5, 1896, p.2.10. John C. Ewers, "The Emergence of the Plains Indian as theSymbol of the North American Indian." In Annual Report ofthe Board of Regents of the Smithsonian Institution, Showingthe Operations, Expenditures, and Condition of the Institutionfor the Year Ended June 30, 1964. Publication 4613,(Washington D.C., 1965), pp.531-545.

11. The Enquirer, June 23, 1895, p.19.12. Twenty-Second Annual Report of the Zoological Society ofCincinnati for the Year 1896 [sic] p.6. The year of the report isincorrect; it should be 1895.

13. The Enquirer, June 20, 1895, p.6.14. The Kentucky Post, June 17, 1895, p.6; June 18, 1895, p.6.

15. The Enquirer, July 11, 1895, p.6.16. Twenty-Third Annual Report of the Zoological Society ofCincinnati for the Year 1896, p.10.

17. The Cincinnati Times-Star, January 2, 1931, p.8.18. The Cincinnati Post, March 29, 1944, p. 15; I am indebted toDavid Ehrlinger, the Director of Horticulture, at the CincinnatiZoo and Botanical Garden for sending me a copy of this article.19. Herbert Welsh to Morgan, June 4, 1891, Letters Received1891, #20212; Morgan to Herbert Welsh, June 13, 1891, Land-Vol 109, Record Group 75. Commissioner Morgan sent Welshthe replies of the various Indian agents to an Indian Office cir-cular calling for information on the effects of wild westing.Charles E. McChesney at Cheyenne River Agency to ThomasMorgan, November 15,1889, #33536.

20. Williams' Cincinnati Directory, 1893, p.680.21. Ibid., 1894, p.667; 1895, p.718; 1896, p.650; 1897, p.680.22. Ibid., p.713.23. Ibid., 1892, p.III2; 1893 p.II45; 1894 p.II22; 1896 p.IO92.24. Cincinnati Illustrated Business Directory, 1896, FifteenthAnnual Edition, frontispiece.

25. Susan Labry Meyn, "Who's Who: The 1896 Sicangu SiouxVisit to the Cincinnati Zoological Gardens," MuseumAnthropology: Journal of The Council for MuseumAnthropology, 16:1 (June 1992), pp.21-26.26. The Enquirer, June 23, 1895, p.19.27. The Enquirer, July 4, 1895, p.5.28. The Enquirer, June 22, 1895, p.5.29. The Enquirer, July 7, 1895, p.19.

30. The Enquirer, July 16, 1895, p.9.31. The Enquirer, July 7, 1895, p.19.

32. Twenty-third Annual Report of the Zoological Society ofCincinnati, for the Year 1896, 1897^.15.33. Op. cit., End note #3. The bond agreement is #20489.

34. Heck to Carlisle, April 11, 1896; Heck to Lamont, April 11,1896; Letters Received 1896, #15220 (both letters); RecordGroup 75, National Archives, Washington, D.C.

35. Heck to Smith, April 16, 1896; Letters Received 1896#15237; Record Group 75; National Archives, Washington, D.C.

36. Ibid.

37. Bromwell to Browning, April 22, 1896; Letters Received1896 #15327; Record Group 75; National Archives,Washington, D . C ; Twenty-Third Annual Report of theZoological Society of Cincinnati, for the Year 1896, 1897. p.10.

38. Heck to Smith, Acting Commissioner of Indian Affairs, May2, 1896, Letters Received 1896 #16705; Record Group 75;National Archives, Washington, D.C.

39. Wright to the Zoological Society, May 11, 1896; OutgoingCorrespondence for Rosebud, 1878-1910, Book 25; RecordGroup 75; National Archives, Kansas City Branch.

40. Heck to Smith, May 30, 1896; Letters Received 1896#20489; Record Group 75, National Archives, Washington, D.C.41. McChesney to Commissioner of Indian Affairs, June 11,

1896. Letters Received 1896 #22637. The letter and the con-tracts are stored with #20489. Record Group 75; NationalArchives, Washington, D.C.

42.Ibid.

43. Twenty-Third Annual Report of the Zoological Society ofCincinnati, for the Year 1896, p. 10.44. Henry W. Hamilton and Jean Tyree Hamilton, The Sioux ofthe Rosebud: A History in Pictures[ Norman, Oklahoma, 1980),Pi.96. Even though the caption under the photograph reads

1897, this is incorrect because there was no Indian exhibit atthe zoo that year. This photograph is also reproduced in PaulDyck's book as Plate 21. Brule: The Sioux of the Rosebud,Flagstaff, 1971. The captions are different in the two booksbecause they are derived from different sources. See: Meyn, op.cit. p.26, note 3.

45. The Enquirer, June 20, 1896, p.6.46. Twenty-Third Annual Report of the Zoological Society ofCincinnati, for the Year 1896,. p. 10.

47. The Enquirer, July 26, 1896, p.19.48. The Enquirer, June 21, 1896, p.19; The Enquirer, July 12,1896, p.19.

49. The Enquirer, June 20, 1896, p.6.50. James Albert Green, unpublished manuscript, TheCincinnati Historical Society, p.a. The Enquirer, July 12, 1896,p.19.

Spring/Summer 1994 Rosebud Sioux and Cincinnatians 47

51. The Enquirer, June 28, 1896, p.19.52. The Enquirer, June 30, 1896, p.7.53. Woodson to Commissioner of Indian Affairs, June 23, 1896,Letters Received 1896 #23925; Record Group 75; NationalArchives, Washington, D.C.54. The Enquirer, August 16, 1896, p.19; August 23, 1896, p.19;August 25, 1896, p.10.

55. The Enquirer, July 12, 1896, p.19.56. The Enquirer, July 19, 1896, p.19.57. Green, unpublished manuscript, p.2.58. The Enquirer, July 9, 1896, p.7.59. Green, unpublished manuscript, p.2; The Enquirer, July 15,1896, p.7; July 16, 1896, p.7.60. Green, unpublished manuscript, p.2.

Even though the contracts inthe National Archives givethe English names of theSioux men who traveled toCincinnati, it is still difficult toidentify precisely who waswho because Meyer did not

label many of hisphotographs. This man,however, had his Indianname, Blokaciqa, tattooed onhis upper left arm. He wasalso known as Arthur Beltand Little Stallion, and

corresponded with Meyerafter he returned to Rosebud.(Picture courtesy of theCincinnati Museum ofNatural History)

4 8 Queen City Heritage

61. Rookwood Photograph Collection. Even though the photo-graph is undated, it is 1896 because the child wearing the bead-ed vest is shown in an identical sketch in the zoo's archives andthe vest is in one of Meyer's photographs, AI 126.001.62. Personal Communication, George Horse-Capture to Meyn.Horse-Capture agreed that the ghost dance shield, CMNHA13391, in the Meyer collection was most probably a prop cre-ated for the zoo's plays.63. The Enquirer, August 12, 1896, p.io,- August 16, p.19.64. Richard Scamyhorn and John Steinle, Stockades In TheWilderness: The Frontier Defenses and Settlements ofSouthwestern Ohio, 1788-1795 (Dayton, Ohio, 1986), pp.65-74.65. Green, unpublished manuscript, p.3.66. Ibid., p.4.67. The Enquirer, August 20, 1896, p.6.68. The Valentine Democrat, (Nebraska) September 10, 1896,p.8.69. Tagliche Abend-Presse, July 16, 1896, p.2, unpaginated; TheKentucky Post, July 16, 1896, p.6.70. Op. cit. See original contract note #41. Even though zooofficials tried to protect the Sicangu, Sol Stephan, reminiscingthirty-five years later, claimed that some of the Sicangu left sur-reptitiously at night and obtained liquor from a local "salon-keeper." The Cincinnati Times-Star, January 2, 1931, p.8.

71. Green, unpublished manuscript, p.3.72.Ibid.73. The Enquirer, August 20, 1896, p.10.74. Green's unpublished manuscript contains six photographstaken by T.H. Kelley.75. William Meyer to Meyn, personal communication followingmeeting on April 27, 1990.76. Op. cit., Rookwood Photograph Collection.77. Twenty-Third Annual Report of the Zoological Society ofCincinnati, for the Year 1896, p.10.78. Ibid., p.11-13.79. Ibid., p. 13.80. The Enquirer, August 26, 1896, p.5.81. Sol A. Stephan to W. Kesley Schoepf, April 30, 1903.82. Twenty-Third Annual Report of the Zoological Society ofCincinnati, for the Year 1896, p.15.83. Letters to Enno Meyer are in the Cincinnati Museum ofNatural History, Ethnology Department, Enno MeyerCollection, TT4899 - TT4906.84. Francis Paul Prucha, American Indian Policy in Crisis:Christian Reformers and the Indian, 1865-1900 (Norman,Oklahoma, 1976), p. v.85. James Mooney, "The Indian Congress at Omaha,"American Anthropologist, 1 (1899), pp.126-149. Robert Rydell,All the World's a Fair: Visions of Empire at AmericanInternational Expositions, 1876 - 1916 (Chicago, 1984).86. John G. Neihardt, Black Elk Speaks: Being the Life Story ofa Holy Man of the Oglala Sioux (Lincoln, Nebraska, 1988), pp.214-215. (Reprint of the 1932 edition. First Bison Book edition,

87. Luther Standing Bear, My People the Sioux (Boston, 1928),p.260.

The man on the left is RobertJackson, a scout and inter-preter, who performed withthe Cree in the wild westplays at the zoo's garden in1895. The other man is notidentified. (Picture courtesy

of the Cincinnati Museum ofNatural History)