my darling angel: death, race, and childhood during the
TRANSCRIPT
My Darling Angel: Death, Race, and Childhood during the Victorian Era
By: Nicole Ashley Lane
Undergraduate Honors Thesis Department of Anthropology
University of Florida April 2013
Redacted
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Abstract
During the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries, the concept of childhood followed a set of rules and values dictated by white upper and middle class society. Children were provided toys by their parents not only to amuse themselves, but also to instill these socially acceptable rules and values. When the Industrial Revolution started around 1840, toys could be mass-produced, allowing greater quantities to be distributed among greater areas (both urban and rural) at a cheaper cost. This allowed a greater abundance of white working class and African-American families to purchase toys for their children. During this time period, mortuary changes were being initiated throughout the United States with the florescence of the Beautification of Death Movement, which impacted rituals by creating a more elaborate funeral process. Not only could they now afford toys, but also mortuary hardware was now being mass-produced, allowing white working-class and African-American families to perform elaborate funerals similar to the middle and upper class white families. After being recently emancipated, this would be the first time African-Americans could partake in formal funeral services similar to the whites. They could use grave inclusions (such as toys) to showcase their economic wealth, and/or practice their old traditions of funeral practices, originating from Africa. Freedman’s Cemetery (1869-1907) in Dallas, Texas demonstrates the mortuary changes, which were going on with numerous grave inclusions being found in graves of individuals. This study examines Freedman’s, as well an additional 134 historic black and white cemeteries to determine the use of toy grave inclusions in children’s graves, and to better understand how African-Americans assimilated, or resisted, the rules or values set by white middle and upper class society.
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Table of Contents
List of Figures 4 Chapter One: Childhood and Toys 5 Childhood in the Victorian Era 5 Toy Production 11 Archaeology of Childhood 14 Chapter Two: Mortuary Changes in the Victorian Era 19 Beautification of Death Movement 19 Freedman’s Cemetery 23 Belief System of Enslaved Africans and their Descendants 26 Chapter Three: Grave Inclusions in Historic Cemeteries 29 Variables 29 All Grave Inclusions 31 Toy Grave Inclusions 36 Chapter Four: Conclusions 41 Bibliography 46
Appendix A: Historic Cemeteries Examined for Evidence of Grave Inclusions 68
Appendix B: Burials Containing Toy Grave Inclusions 76
Appendix C: Burials Containing Toy Grave Inclusions Found Outside of Coffin 78
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List of Figures
Chapter One
Figure 1-1: Girl having a Tea Party with her Doll 7 Figure 1-2: Two Girls having a Tea Party with their Dolls 7 Figure 1-3: Image of Magazine, The Doll’s Dressmaker 9 Figure 1-4: Image from 1895 Ward’s Catalogue 13 Figure 1-5: Macy’s in New York City 14 Chapter Two
Figure 2-1: Extent of Excavations at Freedman’s Cemetery 25
Chapter Three
Figure 3-1: Grave Inclusions 33 Figure 3-2: Individuals associated with Grave Inclusions 34 Figure 3-3: Individuals with Grave Inclusions 35 Figure 3-4: Toy Grave Inclusions by Race 37 Figure 3-5: Toy Grave Inclusions by Economy and Race 37 Figure 3-6: Toy Grave Inclusions at Freedman’s Cemetery 38 Figure 3-7: Ages of Individuals with Toy Grave Inclusions 39
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Chapter One: Childhood and Toys “A person’s a person, no matter how small.” – Dr. Seuss, author Childhood is period of time where a young person develops socially and culturally until the time when they are fully developed and considered an adult. In order to achieve an adult status, a child uses toys for amusement, but also to learn the socially acceptable rules written by the middle and elite white classes. The boom of the Industrial Revolution allowed toys to be mass-produced, allowing greater quantities of toys to be distributed across the United States at a cheaper cost. During this time, advertisements and stories were published in magazines and newspapers, developing a strong need in parents to purchase their children toys in order for their child to have a “proper” childhood. Toys can be seen in archaeological record, in plantations and homes. Toys are the material culture of childhood, allowing archaeologists to view how society imposed race and class restrictions on children, and how children, in both urban and rural settings, used toys to obtain personal enjoyment.
Childhood in the Victorian Era
The concept of childhood evolved during the Victorian Era, following a set of
rules largely defined by white upper and middle class society. Childhood is a period
of time where a young person, or child, is vulnerable to their surrounding
environment. For the purposes of this discussion, a child is defined as being
between the ages of infancy and puberty, roughly 12 and under. Osteologically, this
would be analogous to the concept of the “subadult.” Adults, especially parents,
obviously played an important role in a child’s developmental process towards
adulthood. Parents would want to teach their child lessons and values, in order for
their children to grow maturely, socially, and culturally. They would use children’s
clothing, possessions, and especially toys, as a means of defining and reinforcing key
aspects of age, gender, and social class, and as a mechanism for delegating particular
tasks, behaviors, and attitudes.
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Toys are objects, which usually are a miniature replica of another object,
serving the purpose of amusement or entertainment. They normally do not hold
much of an economic value, but rather hold a value of importance to the individual.
Toys were commonly used simultaneously to both entertain and instill core moral
or civic values in children. In contrast to the previous world view of children as
immature adults, a concept which held sway prior to the Enlightenment, with the
rise of the concept and increased importance of the individual, certainly by the 19th
century parents typically idealized childhood as a time of innocence. Using material
culture (clothing, furniture, and playthings) to mold their children into this ideal
image, parents could simultaneously protect their child from contact with the
corrupt adult world, and inculcate them into their future roles in society. Toys
expressed the cultural ideas of appropriate behaviors, expectations, and attitudes
accepted of the child in society, by helping form and maintain the illusion of
childhood innocence and purity, such as a little girl playing mommy with her doll or
a little boy battling his friends with toy swords. Toys also could be used as a bonding
mechanism between parents and a child (Mergen 1984:89; Baxter 2005). Fathers,
especially, took advantage of this bonding mechanism after spending most of their
day at work, allowing them through play to form or reinforce a relationship with
their child (Formanek-Brunell 1984).
Toys provided different symbolic functions and meanings to children and
adults. To a child, a toy is used for personal amusement or entertainment.
Imagination played a great role for a child, creating scenes where a little girl might
have two dolls having their own tea party or a little boy running around with his toy
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gun to save the day. To a parent, a toy could be used to teach their child moral and
social values. For example, a tea set could be used to educate a young girl on how to
properly set a table, how to host a party, and how to socialize with other young girls
(Fitts 1999; Bunow 2009:8). In 1895 a popular book called The Dolls Tea Party
promoted tea parties with little girls and dolls (Lothrop 1895). In a late nineteenth
century survey, 73 of 242 girls (or 30%) revealed that their favorite activity was
playing with tea sets (Formanek-Brunell 1985).
*Left Figure 1-1: Girl having a tea party with her doll, Library of Congress. Right Figure 1-2: Two girls having a tea party with their dolls, Library of Congress
Dolls in particular were a powerful teaching aid for little girls. Miriam
Formanek-Brunell’s (1984) examined how dolls were a key symbolic metaphor for
young girls in their childhood. Dolls could teach young girls many different domestic
skills such as mothering, sewing, and socializing. Girls were encouraged to treat
their dolls as if they were their children or babies, enforcing the idea that the role of
mother was inevitable and “natural.” By making homemade dresses and clothes for
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the dolls, girls developed sewing skills. Even as these concepts of childhood were
being formed or bolstered, the Victorian Era also saw the development of
industrialization and mass-production, allowing dolls and other toys to be made in
greater quantities, and reducing the cost to the consumers. This increasingly
allowed working class families the ability to afford dolls and other toys, that had just
decades earlier been reserved for just the upper and middle class families.
With the Industrial Revolution in full swing, newspapers and magazine
articles played a special role to attract the attention of parents, enticing them to
purchase toys for their children. Advertisements created the illusion of bad
parenting, if the parent did not purpose the toys for their child. In 1891, the monthly
magazine The Doll’s Dressmaker published pictures of little girls holding their dolls,
thus continually reinforcing the idea that dolls should be a major importance in a
girl’s childhood (Formanek-Brunell 1985:232). The magazine reinforced this
growing need in mothers to purchase dolls for their daughters, so they would not
lack in development during their childhood. Stories involving dolls became popular
during the late 19th century in a general attempt to instill the desire purchase dolls
(Baxter 2005:43). These stories can be seen in articles such as in The Courier in
1897. A short story was published about a little white child contemplating her
struggles about receiving a new doll for Christmas. On the eve of Christmas, the little
girl rocks her doll in her arms, imagining the presents she will receive in the
morning. The presents will probably be a handkerchief, a book, and a new doll. She
had heard her mother mentioning doll clothes the day before. As she looks down at
her doll, the little girl notices how the doll’s “dirty, bisque face” and how the doll’s
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“hair was partly gone.” The little girl comforts the doll by saying even though she
will parade the new doll around at the neighbor’s house, she will always love the old
one due to the all memories they shared (The Courier 1897).
*Figure 1-3: Image of magazine, The Doll’s Dressmaker, 1890
Magazines and newspapers were also full of advertisements for toy sales.
They were distributed to families in both urban and rural settings. Some
advertisements would commonly separate the sale of toys by gender. In 1903, an
advertisement in the Breckenridge News, printed “Toys for the Boys: Please the boy
and teach him at the same time. Our mechanical toys will give him a liberal
education and make him happy all the year around.” These toys were further listed
to be: steam engines, automobiles, mechanical trains with track, telephone, fire
engines, air guns, and a printing press. Next, the direct their sales to the girls stating,
“The Girls are Delighted: dolls- big, little and small- everyone a beauty.” They
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continue the advertisement by listing more girls’ toys offered, such as dollhouses,
toy tea sets, stoves, irons, and pianos (Breckenridge News 1903).
Rural childhoods were quite different from urban childhoods. The majority of
rural families normally contained more children than urban families, due to the
need for extra hands to help with farming and chores around the house (Bunow
2009:21). Rural life was built upon an economy of family, whereas urban families
normally had diverse occupations in the economy to generate an income (MacLeod
1998:101; Bunow 2009:21). Children of rural families were more likely to construct
toys from materials around them, such as wood and cloth, and use their
imaginations to form toys out of common objects found around the house.
A toy was a child’s instrument to perform their work: play. Most young
children were not yet burdened with responsibilities to help provide for the family
or make a living for themselves. Play became a child’s work instead. Play was a
“perceptual manipulations of things, of people, or words and meanings within
reality that is wholly subjective and evolving” (Jordan 1987:195-196). This allowed
the child to grasp an imperfect reality and to reconstruct the elements of daily living
into forms and meanings adults do not share (Jordan 1987:196). Among working
class families, children were often forced to work for wages. For these children, the
time allotted for play or amusement was sparse.
Most work done by children was in factories. Around the mid-1800s, a New
Hampshire cotton factory hired mostly women and children. They established a list
of conditions on their workers prohibiting “spirituous liquor, smoking, nor any kind
of amusement… in the workshops, yards, or factories” and promised the “immediate
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and disgraceful dismissal” of employees found guilty (Gutman 1973:544). Another
factory in Connecticut justified the enforcement of a twelve-hour day and the six day
work week because it would keep “workmen and children” from “vicious
amusements” (Gutman 1973:544). For these working children, they did not get to
enjoy the work of play. If they did find the spare time and could afford the
amusement, they were most likely more appreciative of the toys than children who
were handed toys and time to spare.
It should be well understood that these views of childhood were initially
defined by the dominant elements of American society, white middle and upper
class Americans, and so by custom were ubiquitous and considered normative. But,
both the emerging and increasingly naturalized definitions of childhood in the early
19th century, and the material and economic means to express it, were not shared
equally in this country. Working poor Euro- Americans, and especially African-
Americans, did not help define these sets of ideals. Rather, the Victorian rules of
childhood were actually intended to distinguish and reinforce the divisions between
working class and elite white Americans. Working class persons were considered
beneath elites both economically as well as socially and morally.
Toy Production
In 1904, 49% of the American toy market was composed of foreign
toymakers, mainly in Germany, who could manufacture and export toys cheaply.
The majority of the consumers of toys were urban, middle or upper class children
and adults. This was due to market availability and the disposable income that
urban middle class and upper class families had available to them. The majority of
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working class families would typically make their playthings or use mundane
objects as playthings. The exception to this might be those rare purchases made
around holidays (Greenfield 1991:27-37).
By the mid-1800s, American factories were beginning to be structured for
mass-production, which allowed playthings to be manufactured cheaply and at a
greater volume. This caused foreign-made playthings to finally have competition
with American-made playthings. For example, foreign-made dolls were easily
breakable, due to being made from bisque and porcelain, whereas American-made
dolls were made more durable and could be used on a daily basis (Greenfield
1991:51-52).
Urban products could make their way out to even the most isolated rural
areas with the help of local stores, town magazines, and mail order catalogues
(Danborn 1995). In 1872, a man named Aaron Montgomery Ward created a mail
order catalogue called Montgomery Ward and Company, selling merchandise
through the mail. The first catalogue was a one- page list containing 162 items.
Three years later, the popular advertisement slogan, “Satisfaction or your money
back,” was created and used for this mail order company. Toys were among the
items people could purchase. In the Ward’s 1895 catalogue, an advertisement for a
toy iron cannon was listed for sale for ranging in size and price, starting from $0.20
to $1.90.
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*Figure 1-4: Image from 1895 Ward’s catalogue, Lienhard 2001
Ward’s mail order company was not only distributed among urban settings,
but was also common in the spread-out rural countryside (Lienhard 2001). Rural
children did not play with factory-made toys as much as urban children did because
of parent’s fear that their children would find urban lifestyle more appealing. Most
of the toys rural children played with were homemade toys made of wood or rags,
such as dolls and toy whips (Bunow 2009:22-23).
One of the greatest advances in the toy industry was when general stores,
which sold toys normally on a seasonal basis, began to be built into department
stores, such as Macy’s and Sears. A general store is normally located in a rural or
small town, carrying a broad selection of merchandise where the local people could
purchase their everyday goods (Clark 1944). A department store is usually part of a
retail chain having various locations in the country. It sells merchandise such as
clothing, house supplies, furniture, and appliances offering multiple product lines, at
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different prices, and in different product categories. Department stores could play
upon the desires of children, by exhibiting toys in windows overlooking streets or
displaying toys within the store in an elaborate fashion, and use their parents to
support those desires.
*Figure 1-5: Macy’s in New York City, Library of Congress
One of the first department stores to do this was Macy’s. Starting in 1860,
Macy’s started supplying playthings throughout the entire year. By 1900, most
department stores contained a toy store or department in them at least seasonally.
The Macy’s in New York City was so elaborately decorated it contained four doors to
enter the toy department within the building. In addition, the third floor maintained
the “largest toy and doll department in the city” (Greenfield 1991:81).
Childhood Presence in Archaeology
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The archaeology of childhood is essential because children “form a part of all
human social groups” (Baxter 2005:10). Children are active participants in all parts
of society, including economic, social, political, and religious (Kamp 2001; Baxter
2005:11; Lima 2012:63). The beginnings of the study of children in archaeology can
be traced through the appearance of artifacts whose importance could not be
explained (Cohen 1983; Carpenter 1942; Thompson 1952; Pearce 1978) and to
examine childhood from experimental and ethnoarchaeological studies, which oddly
did not look at children specifically (Baxter 2005:8; Lima 2012:73).
It has been common for children to be examined in archaeology through their
connection with their mother. Feminist archaeologists, in particular, used gender in
archaeology to examine children materially (Spencer-Wood 2004; Lillehammer
2000:17; Bunow 2009:5). Children were simply variables, which could not be easily
interpreted because their presence archaeologically was unpredictable and
exhibited no coherent pattern (Baxter 2005:8-9).
Lillehammer (2010) establishes that archaeology has concentrated its efforts
on the presence or absence of children, instead of the children’s material evidence.
Earlier views of children in archaeology has identified children as “little adults”
rather than human beings themselves, living in the present among adults.
Lillehammer suggests archaeologists should view childhood in archaeology with a
phenomenological approach meaning archaeologists should examine “the world’s of
children and children’s worlds.”
If an artifact was labeled as a toy, it was not likely due to the fact the object in
question was small in size. In most cases this determined in the minds of the
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researcher that the object pertained to a smaller person, or child. A popular term
used to define these objects was “miniature,” relating to the fact the object must
have belonged to a child. Miniature literally means in this sense, “a smaller version
of another object differentiated only by size and often the resulting lack of a
commensurate function with the larger object” (Baxter 2005:46-47). An example of
a toy being considered miniature can be seen in a study done in Rio de Janerio,
Brazil where they mention that “miniatures of tea and table wares” were produced
“en masse for children (themselves taken to be miniatures of adults)” (Lima
2012:70). These miniature objects, found archaeologically, could be examples of
how adults intended children to learn and mimic their own actions to allow better
development of the child.
Lima (2012) also examines gender construction among children’s toys. Due
to girls being perceived as fragile, “delicate materials” such as glazed porcelain,
stoneware, and bisque formed the materials for the majority of girls’ toys. In
contrast, the toys associated with boys were typically made of wood or iron, hard or
durable materials enforcing the view that boys were robust, brave, spirited, and
courageous. The popular toys for each gender in Rio De Janerio, Brazil were dolls for
girls and lead toy soldiers for boys.
The best glimpse into the childhood of African-Americans is demonstrated in
the comparative work done by Laurie Wilkie (1994), where she examines the toys
found on Riverlake Plantation and Oakley Plantation. Riverlake Plantation, founded
in the 1790’s, is located in Pointe Coupee Parish, Louisiana, as a sugar plantation.
There were four cabins excavated, each containing evidence of childhood. Oakley
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Plantation, located in West Feliciana Parish, Lousiana, was founded in the 1790s as a
cotton plantation, continuing to produce cotton until the 1940s. Two slave and three
Postbellum African-American assemblages were excavated, which two showed
evidence of childhood.
The main toy form found in Riverlake Plantation was marbles, dating from
the late-nineteenth to mid-twentieth centuries (Wilkie 1994:14). At Oakley
Plantation, there were two assemblages, dating from 1890-1915 and 1915-1935,
found in the servant’s cabin near the planter’s house. The toys excavated recovered
from both assemblages were marbles, toy teacups, saucers, sugar boxes, and
fragments of porcelain dolls. A banjo peg and doll’s clothing button was found
additionally in the second assemblage (Wilkie 1994:15).
Mass-produced toys are connected with the class status of the parents’, who
are purchasing the toys for their children. The planter family at Oakland Plantation
was childless, and they were known to give toys, and other goods, to the Freeman
family, who lived in the servant’s cabin. Furthermore, the planter family could have
been providing the Freeman children with tea sets to educate the children on
servitude, not to teach them about social etiquette, which was the common reason
for white middle and elite families to purchase tea sets for their children. Having tea
was very much a Euro-American tradition, not an African-American tradition.
African-Americans were normally the servers of this tradition, not the participants
(Wilkie 1994:17).
Unlike the unusual circumstances presented at Oakland Plantation, the
majority of African-American children played with toys much more like the
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Riverlake Plantation children. They did not have the same luxury of excessive time
to play that children from middle and elite white families did. African-American
children were expected to help around the house with chores, watch over their
younger siblings, and help with the chores in white owner’s houses. They would
create toys, such as playing with a button on a string, or making a simple slingshot,
or transforming fabric and paper into dolls. They also used their imagination and
games to satisfy their need for entertainment and amusement. Popular games for
African-American children were tree climbing, acting out scenes they created, and
treasure hunting (Wilkie 1994:17-20).
Archaeologically, toys are the material culture of childhood. They are the
tools needed to interpret how society imposed race and class restrictions on
children and how children, in both rural and urban settings, used their toys to still
have personal enjoyment. By examining children’s playthings, we can get a glimpse
at how children imposed their own identities onto society.
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Chapter Two: Mortuary Changes in the Victorian Era “Children are the hands by which we take hold of heaven.” – Henry Ward Beecher “No one has yet fully realized the wealth of sympathy, kindness, and generosity hidden in the soul of a child. The effort of every true education should be to unlock that treasure.” – Emma Goldman, author Mortuary changes were initiated with the start of the Beautification of Death Movement in the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries. This Movement impacted mortuary rituals by urging the funeral process to become more elaborate and prolong the period of mourning. One cemetery that was influenced by this Movement was Freedman’s Cemetery (1869-1907), located in Dallas, Texas. A common occurrence in the burials at Freedman’s Cemetery was the presence of grave inclusions. A ritual performed by placing a spiritual or personal object into the burial with the deceased. This ritual is arguably related to the belief system of African ancestors, found archaeologically in cemeteries dating from as early as the eighteenth century in the Caribbean. Beautification of Death Movement The examination of childhood and its social construction in the nineteenth and
early twentieth centuries has been examined through literature, photographs, diaries,
newspapers, and other social media in social sciences and humanities. One critical means
that can offer insight into childhood during the Victorian Era is through archaeology. The
archaeology of homes and domestic space (white and black, rural and urban) has often
revealed artifacts commonly associated with childhood, mainly pertaining to toys (e.g.
Baxter 2005; Bunow 2009). A rich archaeological context that is often overlooked,
however, is that of nineteenth and early twentieth century cemeteries.
Mortuary events are focused, coherent, and deliberate, meaning that virtually all
objects found in association with a grave, and the underlying thoughts and beliefs that
manifested them, were the result of conscious decisions on the part of a grieving family
(Baxter 2005:103). While one might assume that this would make any interpretation from
these studies a straightforward affair, the grave feature is complicated by the fact that
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both everyday life and spiritual belief (or religious dogmas) are represented. The
Victorian Era saw a formalization of codes of conduct, social dictates, and formalized
societal roles, such as the formal definition of “childhood.” At the same time, this period
also witnessed an increasingly observed and codified set of rules involved in the death
event, termed the “Beautification of Death Movement.”
The Beautification of Death Movement began in the late eighteenth and early
nineteenth centuries. It evolved out of the schools of thought that developed during the
Enlightenment period, with an increasing focusing on and a rise in importance of the
individual (Davidson 2004:118), mirroring the emotional intensity of Romanticism, a
philosophical and artistic movement which sentimentalized death (Little et. al. 1992). The
Movement was also greatly impacted by the Great Awakening, an evangelical religious
movement in the eighteenth century, which increased the number of African-Americans
and other individuals who converted to Christianity, and increased emotions in religious
services reflected through changes in religious music, language, and social conscience
(Farrell 1980:23-43; Aries 1981:409-474; Musa 2002:227-302; Davidson 2004:121). By
the 1840s, the Industrial Revolution formed an entire industry “to celebrate, beautify, and
ultimately negate death” (Davidson 2004:121). The Industrial Revolution was, in part,
responsible for the social stresses that demanded such elaborate mortuary rituals.
However, it also provided the manufacturing technologies and ability to cheaply supply
mass-produced mortuary hardware, such as coffins, coffin handles, and other associated
trimmings. This allowed middle and working class families, who could scarce afford
elaborate funerals, the increasing ability to purchase these mass produced coffins and
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mortuary hardware, and to have funerals with similar elaboration as the elite families
(Davidson 2004:121).
The Beautification of Death Movement is characterized by ritualized behaviors to
idealize death and heaven, the material aspect of which, the coffin and trimmings, were
buried with the deceased. Not only did burial containers become more costly and
embellished, but the period of mourning that followed the death of a loved one became
more formalized, increasing in length and intensity (Bell 1990). In the fashion portion of
the newspaper, The Courier, in Lincoln, Nebraska, an article states:
“Black promises to be the most dominant note in the wardrobes this season…I
don’t know anything that has been more revolutionized by Fashion’s decree than
mourning. Women used to look their worst when dressed in mourning under the
old regime. Henriettes and bombazine, made on ugly, straight, hard lines, with
some stiff bends of crepe as the only permissible trimming, was the popular
conception of mourning. Anything else more attractive was to be interpreted as a
mark of disrespect and lack of regret for the dead. Today the women in mourning
are, if anything, better dressed than the rest of the world. (The Courier 1900:11).”
By the late 19th century, mourning periods had become commonplace in society.
The Courier article goes into further detail about certain socialites who in society could
best “pull off” the color black, and how they went about adding detail to their mourning
clothes to make them more fashionable.
Within the Beautification of Death Movement, children’s burials could be even
more elaborate than some adults, due to the emotional toll the death of a child
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presumably took on grieving families. Parents expect to outlive their children; so when a
child’s death occurs, the deceased child would be afforded burial treatments that reflected
extreme care and uniformity (Baxter 2005:103). As outlined in Chapter One, during the
Victorian Era a child was believed to be pure, innocent, and unblemished because they
had not fully emerged into the corruption of the adult world (Baxter 2005:105). Elaborate
mortuary treatments and burial rituals helped evoke a “…strong symbolism of purity,
innocence, and sleep” (McKillop 1995), which allowed adults to picture their children
reaching heaven, bringing them some measure of comfort.
As an example of the data available from the primary site used in this study,
Freedman’s Cemetery (in Dallas, Texas), out of thirteen burials associated with toys, nine
(69%) are children (as seen in Table 2 in the Appendix). While the occurrence of
children’s toys with adults is equally fascinating, our focus here is on the children’s
associations; objects associated directly with a child are usually assumed to represent
personal possessions or playthings used by the child in life (Baxter 2005:103). Such
intimate personal possessions, placed in the coffin beside the dead child, could be a
comfort to the family, knowing something they gave the child will rest with them for
eternity.
African-Americans were highly receptive to the Beautification of Death
Movement, even though the majority of the movement and its precepts were formulated
by white society. This receptivity likely stems from enslavement; African-Americans
were denied the opportunity to handle their own dead, on their own terms, as well denied
the ability to perform white standards of what would be considered a “decent burial.” For
example, in antebellum Arkansas, deceased slaves were given no formal provision to
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have a proper funeral service. Some more favored slaves received coffins from their
masters, but usually burial occurred without any formal container at all. Most slave burial
grounds were separate from the white burial grounds, normally being located a great
distance from the main house and white burial ground (Beard et al. 2000:330).
With Emancipation in 1865, for the first time African-Americans theoretically now had
the economic means to purchase the supplies necessary for a formal funeral for their
deceased (Davidson 2004:123-124). Freedman’s Cemetery, founded in 1869 in Dallas,
Texas, and closed in 1907, belonged to and represents a community of African-
Americans who were beginning to experiment with ornate mortuary symbols in their
funerals.
Freedman’s Cemetery
In 1841, Tennessean John Neely Bryan was the first Euroamerican to settle in the
area of north Texas that would later be known as the town of Dallas, building the first
known structure there, a single rough-hewn log cabin (Holmes and Saxon 1992:39;
Davidson 2004:15). By 1856, Dallas was the home to approximately 350 citizens, mainly
farmers (McDonald 1978:10; Davidson 2004:15). The greater Dallas County did not
contain many large plantations, so the numbers of enslaved relatively few. By 1850, the
Dallas County had a census of around 207 slaves out of a population of 2,743 people
(Smith 1985:18-22; Davidson 2004:15-18).
The Civil War ended in 1865, freeing all enslaved African-Americans in the
South. Now emancipated African-Americans had to adjust to freedom, while facing the
increasingly discriminatory social atmosphere of exclusion laws. In the fall of 1865, the
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Dallas City Council passed a Vagrants Ordinance. A vagrant, who was usually an
African-American, was defined as a person who is found “loitering or rambling about, or
idly wandering around the streets or other public place or having no permanent residence
or employment” (Davidson 1999:22). The punishment for being a vagrant was a fine and
placing bond. Failure to pay either would force the vagrant to work on the streets without
pay, mirroring the social structure of slavery (Davidson 1999:22-23). This fear of
punishment and de facto slavery kept the majority of African-Americans from making
their home within the boundaries of Dallas’s jurisdiction (Davidson 2004:20). However,
many African-Americans still chose to settle in North Central Texas, with literally
thousands arriving in the surrounding areas of Dallas during Reconstruction (McDonald
1978:17; Davidson 2004:20).
African-Americans did not settle in Dallas proper, but formed their own
communities known as Freedman’s Towns around Dallas’s city limits (Davidson
2004:20). Founded in 1869, Freedman’s Cemetery was located in one of the largest of
these Freedman’s Towns, North Dallas Freedman’s Town, and quickly became the
principal burial ground for the African-American community of Dallas (Davidson
1999:18-29; Davidson 2004:20). The cemetery closed in 1907, was abandoned, and
portions of the 4-acre site were later converted into a city park in 1965. It was
“rediscovered” when a routine pedestrian cultural resources survey in December of 1985
noticed a sign saying “Freedman’s Memorial Park, A Public Cemetery” (Davidson
2004:3). Due to the City Place Tower, a high-rise office building, having been accidently
built approximately fifteen feet too close to the existing highway, the North Central
25
Expressway Project re-routed plans for highway expansion to the west and intruded into
the eastern portion of Freedman’s Cemetery (Davidson 2004:3-4).
*Figure 2-1: Extent of excavations at Freedman’s Cemetery (outlined in heavy, dotted line; Davidson 2004:5)
Between November 1991 and August 1994, a team of archaeologists began the
excavation at Freedman’s Cemetery, which resulted in the exhumation, documentation,
26
and analysis of 1150 burials (containing 1157 individuals); people who had lived and
died over a century ago. The fact no in situ tombstones were found during excavation
prevented the identities of the 1157 individuals to be known (Davidson 2004:6).
Belief System of Enslaved Africans and their Descendants
When the vast majority of African-Americans were freed from slavery in 1865,
they entered into a social system not of their making. Members of the middle and upper
classes of white society created the Victorian rules of appropriate behavior and dictated
the standards of etiquette. Did African-Americans buy into these rules and follow these
dictates to the letter, in an attempt to assimilate themselves into mainstream society? Or
did they choose to follow some rules while ignoring others?
In order to better interpret the presence of grave inclusions found in these late 19th
and early 20th century contexts, it is useful to examine the burials of earlier African
slaves, to understand the belief systems that were in operation at the time of interment,
and see if these earlier trends could have been continued in late post-Emancipation burial
rituals. Unfortunately, documented burials of people of African descent prior to
Emancipation in the Americas are extremely rare. In his dissertation, Davidson (2004)
introduced the idea that the retention of some aspects of African belief system could be
identified through mortuary practices. Specifically, Davidson used the archaeological
excavations of three cemeteries in the Caribbean as comparatives: the Seville Plantation,
Newton Plantation, and the Harney Site.
The cemetery at the Seville Plantation, Jamaica, dating from circa 1720-1750,
contained four individuals’ burials located in the floors of a slave’s house or within a
27
slave’s house yards, instead of within a formal cemetery. Up until around the early to mid
eighteenth century in Jamaica, Africans were permitted to practice their native beliefs. It
was during this time the British started to fear slave revolts and attempted to abolish the
Africans’ traditional religious life. The placement of the burials found here are similar to
burial practices of Africans in West Africa (Armstrong and Fleischman 2003; Davidson
2004:283-284; Heath and Bennet 2000:41).
The burials found in the floor of the house and the yards in Jamaica were each
accompanied by unique personal artifacts representing either a spiritual element (e.g.
trying to keep the spirit in the burial to prevent any haunting done to the living) or a
personal element (e.g. an object being owned by the individual during their lifetime).
Some examples of these artifacts found in Jamaica were a padlock, a folding knife, a
crystal decanter stopper, an intact clay pipe, and a carpenter’s compass (Davidson
2004:284). The practice of placing spiritual and/or personal objects in the burial with the
deceased is also seen in the cemeteries at Newton Plantation and Harney Site (Handler
and Lange 1978; Watters 1994).
Ninety-two burials, dating between the eighteenth and early nineteenth centuries,
were exhumed at the Newton Plantation Cemetery in Barbados. One difference between
this cemetery and the cemetery at Seville Plantation is that the placement of the burials
was in a formal cemetery. However, just as in Seville Plantation, grave inclusions were
located in the burials, such as a bowl, clay smoking pipes, metal knives, and different
arrays of jewelry (Handler and Lange 1978; Davidson 2004:284-285).
At the Harney Site, on the island of Montserrat in the Lesser Antilles, the burials
found here also contained personal objects, including a 1751 Turlington Balsam of Life
28
bottle and a plain metal disc (Watters 1994:69; Davidson 2004:285). The importance of
these three cemeteries is a demonstration that grave inclusions can be commonly found in
African cemeteries, dating early eighteenth to early nineteenth centuries, representing
either a spiritual or personal element to the deceased. This practice was maintained in
historic cemeteries dating in the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries in the
United States (as seen in table one in the appendix).
The practice of placing a spiritual object or a personal object, such as a toy, which
could be African-Americans demonstrating an African retention of belief system, which
will be explored further in Chapter 4.
29
Chapter Three: Grave Inclusions in Historic Cemeteries
“Children are our most valuable resource.” – Herbert Hoover, 31st U.S. President There were 134 historic cemeteries used in this study, to examine the presence and absence of grave inclusions, especially toys found in children’s graves. The different variables used were gender, class, economy, race, age, and time period to see where the highest frequencies of grave inclusions were buried. All grave inclusions were documented, between black and whites, urban and rural, and then toy grave inclusions were examined in more detail using the same variables. Variables Many types of artifacts are typically found in a 19th century burial, including the
coffin or casket, coffin trimmings, clothing artifacts, and the more rare, personal effects
buried with the dead. The artifact class that formed the key dataset for this thesis is
childhood toys and other personal possessions, found in direct association with the graves
of children. For the purpose of this study, I defined a grave inclusion as any object
included in the burial, which were not directly associated with the casket or coffin, or
were elements of clothing jewelry, or any other personal adornment. Common inclusions
include bottles, plates, bowls, smoking pipes, and various forms of toys.
The core variables that were considered include those key axes that represent
society itself: gender or sex, class, economy, race, age, and time period.
Gender or Sex: Typically it is difficult to determine sex in subadult skeletons using
standard osteological methods, but at Freedman’s Cemetery most subadult skeletons were
given sex assignments, using established sexual dimorphism characteristics combined
30
with a rigorous statistically-based methodology. For most other cemeteries, however,
subadult gender is unknown.
Class: a key variable, though difficult to evaluate with complete accuracy. For the
purposes of this study, class was calculated using several proxies, in part by the estimated
cost of the funeral event, as determined by wholesale cost of coffin hardware (see
Davidson2004a).
Economy: the two types of generalized economies presented in this work are urban and
rural. Urban describes a city like area, which has a substantial population of individuals
engaged at wage labor economy. Rural describes those portions of the United States with
sparse populations, small towns or true rural communities, and largely based within an
agricultural economy.
Race: an important variable that can cross cut socioeconomics or class, race is of critical
importance when examining how African-Americans resisted or assimilated themselves
into the mainstream of white society after Emancipation. By comparing African-
American and Euroamerican cemeteries, race, with all of its inherent baggage (racism,
intolerance, racial violence and discrimination) must be considered; it may determine the
difference in the rate and type of grave inclusions present, especially toys. There are also
African-based mortuary traditions that may be at play within these burial contexts.
31
Age: must be considered when defining what childhood is, based on the presence or
absence of childhood possessions. For the purpose of this work, a child is defined as any
individual 12 and under. Individuals who are between the ages of 13 and 17 are
considered adolescents. Individuals who are 18 and older are considered to be adults.
Time: controlling the variable of time, in both the date of interment and the preceding life
of the individual, is equally crucial. Typically, early 19th century graves will be
extremely simple affairs; they usually lack grave inclusions, such as toys, possibly due to
the fact that these early graves largely predate the Victorian definitions of childhood. In
contrast, the more recent graves, dating to the late 19th and early 20th centuries, are much
more likely to have been created when the dictates of Victorian life and death were in
play.
When examining the dataset created for this study, at first appearance it seems it
is more common to find personal possessions and especially children’s toys in the graves
of African-Americans, as compared to their white counterparts, a fact previously
documented in a summary way by Davidson (2004a). Davidson examined 42 historic
cemeteries, and his dataset was expanded upon for this work (N=134). But this
phenomenon or pattern is more nuanced than a simple presence or absence, and the
underlying rationale or rationales inherent in these actions can only be laid bare by a
more massive comparative framework, looking at cemeteries across North America,
using a much expanded dataset spanning the 19th and early 20th centuries.
All Grave Inclusions
32
In total, there were 134 historic cemeteries collected for this study. Out of these,
85 were associated with whites, 34 were associated with blacks, and 16 were designated
as mixed race or mixed use (i.e., used by whites and blacks), or of an unknown cemetery
with ambiguous racial affiliations. When examining the 85 white historic cemeteries,
there were 73 rural and 12 urban cemeteries. Of the 73 rural white cemeteries, there were
11 that contained at least one grave that held a form of personal effect, or 15%, with
grave inclusions. Of the 12 urban white cemeteries, 10 (83%), had at least one grave that
contained a grave inclusion in one form or another.
When examining the 34 black historic cemeteries, 28 were rural and six urban. Of
the 28 rural black cemeteries, there were 11, or 39%, that had graves with at least one or
more grave inclusions. Of the six black urban cemeteries, there were five, or 83%, with
grave inclusions. When examining the mixed race cemeteries, there were 11 rural and
five urban. Of the 11 mixed race rural cemeteries, four (36%) had grave inclusions. With
the five mixed race urban cemeteries, there were two, or 40%, that contained grave
inclusions.
One summary conclusion from this cursory analysis was that of those cemeteries
that exhibited at least one grave with personal effects, the majority for white, black, and
mixed race individuals were all in urban settings (83% of urban cemeteries for both races
contained grave inclusions). In Figure 1, it is obvious that within all of the defined
cemetery categories (i.e., black, white, urban and rural), rural white historic cemeteries
did seem to exhibit the greatest amount of grave inclusions, but this is defined by
presence or absence alone, even with a single grave. That is, a single burial with a
personal effect interred with them, buried in a cemetery of 100 individuals without such
33
inclusions, would still score that cemetery as a positive for the presence of grave
inclusions overall. These data are demonstrated in Figure 1; with such an overly broad
view, the end result is not very informative.
The other important aspect to understanding the data presented is the examination
of the grave inclusions not from a cemetery perspective, but also from how many
individuals within each cemetery are associated with grave inclusions. The total number
of individuals represented in this database is 9,079: 4,210 white individuals (1,450 rural;
2,760 urban), 3,683 black individuals (1,582 rural; 2,101 urban), and 1,186 individuals
buried in a mixed race cemetery (687 rural; 499 urban). There were a total of 229
individuals who were buried with grave inclusions: 44 white, 174 black, and 11
11 11
4
62
17
710
522 1
3
0
10
20
30
40
50
60
70
White Black Mixed Race
Figure 3-1: Grave Inclusions
Rural Presence
Rural Absence
Urban Presence
Urban Absence
34
individuals buried in a mixed race cemetery. The majority of individuals associated with
grave inclusions were black.
An interesting insight at this level of analysis was discovering there were more
white rural individuals associated with grave inclusions than their white urban
counterparts. Out of the 4,210 white individuals in the entire database, 1,450 were rural
and 2,760 were urban. Of the 1,450 white rural individuals, 24 were associated with
grave inclusions. This comprises 1.7% of the total number of white rural individuals with
grave inclusions. Surprisingly, of the 2,760 white urban individuals, there were 20 white
urban individuals associated with grave inclusions. This comprises only 0.7% of the total
white urban individuals being buried with a grave inclusion. Since it would be easier for
an individual to obtain personal objects in an urban area, the hypothesis going into this
19%
76%
5%
Figure 3-2: Individuals associated with Grave Inclusions
White
Black
Mixed Race
35
research was that individuals buried in an urban context would contain a higher
percentage of grave inclusions than the individuals who were interred in a rural area.
The trends for blacks and individuals in mixed race cemeteries are contrary to the
findings of white individuals. Of the 1,582 black rural individuals, 46 were associated
with grave inclusions, comprising 2.9%. Of the 2,101 black urban individuals, a
proportionally greater number were interred with personal effect; 128 individuals, or
6.1%. Of those individuals buried in cemeteries of mixed or unknown race, five of 687
rural individuals, and six, of 499 urban graves were associated with inclusions,
composing 0.7% and 1.2% respectively.
2024
128
46
6 5
0
20
40
60
80
100
120
140
Urban Rural
Figure 3-3: Individuals with Grave Inclusions
White
Black
MixedRace
36
While the study of grave inclusions in general is insightful, the primary focus of
this research is childhood, through an examination of these burial contexts. As such, the
next major database considered will be a subset of all inclusions, focusing exclusively on
those individuals associated with toy grave inclusions.
Toy Grave Inclusions
There were a total of 26 individuals buried with some sort of toy. The majority of
toys located in burials were dolls (N=16). The rest of the toys were marbles (N=4), a toy
gun (N=1), dice (N=1), a domino (N=1), a rattle (N=2), a whistle and bell (N=1), and a
toy teacup (N=2). These toys were all directly associated with the individual, either in the
coffin or on top of the coffin lid. Table 3 lists all toys recovered in the grave fill, or from
the surface of the grave. This only pertains to certain toys found in Freedman’s Cemetery
and 38CH1648.
Out of the 134 historic cemeteries examined for this work, only nine had toys as
grave inclusions. Further, there were only 26 individuals out of the 9,079 individuals total
that were buried with a toy grave inclusion. The majority of these individuals were black,
making up 22 of the 26 individuals (85%). The number of black cemeteries including
toys also took the majority, comprising six of the nine cemeteries total.
The cemeteries located in urban areas also had a greater number of individuals
being buried with toys than those interred in rural areas. There were 18, of 22, black
individuals buried in urban areas and 3, of 4, white individuals buried in urban areas,
comprising 82% and 75%, respectively, of the toys buried with individuals total. There
37
were only four (17%) black individuals and one (25%) white individual exhumed with a
toy grave inclusion in a rural area.
85%
15%
Figure 3-4: Toy Grave Inclusions by Race
Black
White
69%
12%
15%
4%
Figure 3-5: Toy Grave Inclusions by Economy and Race
Black Urban
White Urban
Black Rural
White Rural
38
The cemetery containing the majority of the toy grave inclusions was Freedman’s
Cemetery, containing a total of 14 individuals being buried with a toy(s). The toys
exhumed from Freedman’s Cemetery were nine dolls, one marble, two rattles, one toy
gun, two toy teacups and a pair of dice. Of the 14 individuals, 12 (86%) were buried
between, 1900 and 1907, which is described as L (standing for Late Period) in the
database. This pattern of increasing toy grave inclusions does not just include Freedman’s
Cemetery, but can be seen in nearly all the other cemeteries which contain a toy, or any
other category of grave inclusion.
There are many reasons why this could be explained. Factors include the
availability in life, and mortuary. At what point in time was it ok to include personal
items in to a grave and what was the impetus? The factors affecting the availability in life
could be explained because the toy industry did not become fully established in the
0
2
4
6
8
10
12
14
E: 1869-1884 M: 1885-1899 L: 1900-1907
Figure 3-6: Toy Grave Inclusions at Freedman's Cemetery
Toy Grave Inclusions
39
United States under the late 19th Century (and will be further explored in Chapter Four).
Ages of the individuals are another important factor to examine. A child is
considered in this work to be 12 or under. An adolescent is between the ages of 13 and
17. Individuals that are 18 or older are considered to be adults. Of the 26 individuals
buried with toys, 18 are considered to be children, two are adolescents, and two are
adults. One individual is assumed to be between the ages of 13 and 24, making the
placement of category undetermined. There are also three individuals of unknown age.
In figure 7 above, the highest frequency of toys is among children. There are 18
children directly associated with toys, 14 black children and 4 white children. There were
two black adolescents and two black adults also buried with toys. The only white
individuals associated with toy grave inclusions are children. The two adolescent
4
0 0
14
2 2
0
2
4
6
8
10
12
14
16
Children Adolescents Adults
Figure 3-7: Ages of Individuals with Toy Grave Inclusions
White
Black
40
individuals were both buried with dolls and the two adult individuals were buried with a
pair of dice and a doll.
When examining table 3 (see Appendix C), there are more adults (seven) than
children (five) listed among the toys found in the fill, on the lid, and on the surface. These
individuals are not directly associated with the toys. Rather, the toys found could have
been directly associated with a child during the time of placement on the surface of an
adjacent grave, but during the years these objects could have been displaced through later
grave digging effort, within the cemetery.
In summary, grave inclusions are objects of either spiritual or personal importance
to the deceased. Most grave inclusions were buried with black individuals in urban
cemeteries. Toy grave inclusions are most commonly placed in the burials of black urban
children during the early nineteenth century.
41
Chapter Four: Conclusions “You think the only people who are people, are the people who look and think like you. But if you walk the footsteps of a stranger, you’ll learn things you never knew you never knew.” –Pocahontas, “Colors of the Wind”
African-Americans as a people had just become emancipated in 1865, and many
were able for the first time to participate in formal funerals similar to the white middle
and elite classes. White America as a whole did not welcome the newly emancipated
blacks into their society, however, and instead imposed a great many restrictions to
maintain economic and social inferiority (such as the vagrant’s ordinances in Chapter
Two). Whether consciously or unconsciously, when a death occurred blacks in different
times and places, seemed to have invoked aspects of African-derived belief systems
instead of or in concert with the mainstream (and de facto white) American belief system
of funerals and other mortuary rituals. As seen in Chapter Three, many African-
Americans participated in the practice of placing personal objects into the coffin or grave
of the deceased much more often than white individuals. The reasons for this were likely
complicated and conflicting, acted out on the level of individuals or small tight-knit
communities. Through the death event, African-Americans could to try to assimilate
themselves into the white society by displaying economic wealth similar to whites, or
resist the rules and values of the white society, by practicing aspects of African derived
mortuary traditions.
These old mortuary traditions of placing items into the deceased’s grave which
could have held a spiritual element (such as the last object touched by the individual) or a
personal element (such as a child’s favorite toy) originates back to several cultures of
42
Central and West Africa. These practices can be seen archaeologically in three early
eighteenth to early nineteenth century Caribbean cemeteries: the Seville Plantation, the
Newton Plantation, and the Harney Site (see Chapter Two for more details about each
cemetery). Beyond the practice of first generation Africans, maintaining their
remembered traditional customs associated with the burial of the dead, second and third
generation African-Americans often did not invoke or practice these same traditions,
although whether this loss of practice was through direct intervention and oppression of
these beliefs by white enslavers is less than clear. Regardless, grave inclusions do show a
decline in enslaved burials dating to the late 18th to mid-19th century in the United States.
The tradition of placing spiritual or personal objects with the deceased did not appear
again with any frequency until the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries (see
Appendix A).
During the years following Emancipation, African-Americans could finally work
for wages, gaining a “socioeconomic stability, which was partly expressed through
funeral elaboration, as a means to simultaneously mark them as competent and
potentially equal to white society and to differentiate them from their less affluent black
neighbors” (Davidson 2004:372). Usually, enslaved African-Americans would not be
allowed to practice their own funeral rituals, having to listen to the orders of their master
of when the funeral could take place, where the funeral could be held, and what the
funeral objects associated with the deceased could be. Now, African-Americans were free
and were given the choice of how to perform funeral practices. Some blacks would
attempt to conform to the dictates of white normative mortuary treatments, in an attempt
to become part of the mainstream or dominant society, or at least to present a façade of
43
inclusion, while others would relate back to their old mortuary traditions from Africa,
perhaps as a means to maintain or foster ethnic identity and race pride (Davidson
2004:372).
When the grave inclusions were toys associated with children, these objects and
the motivations for their placement with the dead child likely reflected aspects of direct
sentimentality and loss. The death of a child was highly emotional for the parents and
related family members. This act, of placing a doll in the arms of a little girl, or the
favorite marble in the hands of a little boy, could be a comfort to a parent who has to
watch their child be buried. The greatest abundance of toy grave inclusions (as seen in
Appendix B) is in the later years of the Victorian Era. This in part could be explained
because the toy industry in the United States and the mass production of European toy
makers, which allowed for greater numbers of toys to be distributed at cheaper and
cheaper costs, a phenomenon which did not emerge until the late 19th century.
Although toys could have been purchased and/or delivered to rural areas during
the late 19th/ early 20th centuries, it would have been much easier to obtain toys, such as
dolls, in urban areas where department stores or general stores were in greater abundance.
In rural areas, children would normally invent toys, using mundane objects and an
imagination to create entertainment, instead of having their parents purchase them toys
from stores or catalogues (Bunow 2009: 22-23).
Not only was mass production occurring, but also transportation was made easier
with access to an increasingly interconnection train system. Advertisement for luxury
items could routinely be found in mail order catalogues, magazines, and newspapers,
which were distributed among most areas, both urban and rural. The concept of credit
44
also was innovated and employed, so that a person could purchase an item and pay for it
later. Soon enough, working class families could afford small luxuries, such as toys,
which were previously only consumed by the middle and elite classes (Baxter 2005;
Bunow 2009; Greenfield 1991).
The primary factors affecting mortuary traditions, and specifically the placement
of personal items into graves, were probably due to the Beautification of Death
Movement (see Chapter Two), which began in the late 18th and early 19th centuries. This
movement was developed from the Enlightenment and inspired an emotional intensity of
Romanticism sentimentalizing death (Little et al. 1992), which increased the elaboration
of funerals and expanded the mourning periods to focus more on the individual’s life who
passed away (Bell 1990). The Industrial Revolution was not only a factor in the
availability of material goods within living society, but also a proliferation of a different
class of goods for use in the death event, through the mass production of elaborate
caskets, coffins, and associate hardware (Davidson 2004:121). Such mass production
lowered the cost of these formerly expensive trappings, which allowed working class
families the opportunity to afford elaborate funerals, a “right” that just decades before
was afforded to only middle and upper-class families. Working-class white families, and
increasingly the case – for African-Americans – could now appear through the funeral
event to be in a higher socioeconomic class by creating an illusion of wealth with the
purchase of elaborate funerals and the placement of personal objects with the deceased.
In particular, this movement affected the graves of children due to the emotional
toll a parent would experience through burying their child. During the Victorian Era,
children were viewed as innocent, pure, and unblemished creatures that had not yet been
45
exposed to the evils and corruptions involved in the adult world (Baxter 2005:103). The
Beautification of Death Movement inspired parents to bury their children as if they were
just innocently sleeping. This might be why more young girls were buried with dolls. A
little girl with a doll in her arms with her eyes closed would symbolically display an
image of sleep, rather than one of death. Little boys might be lacking in toys compared to
little girls, due to the fact the majority of toys associated with boys were industrial or
active, such as trains and toy swords, which would at a fundamental level fail to conjure
up the same image of innocence and purity that toys associated with little girls could
generate.
Sociologists, historians, and other social scientists have examined the concept of
childhood and its construction, through time. Historical archaeologists have also
examined this phenomenon, using toys and other artifacts associated with children, as
recovered from domestic sites of the 19th and early 20th centuries. But, mortuary data, as
it concerns these social constructions, can offer us additional insights, due to the highly
personal nature of the mortuary realm, and the direct observation of the association
between an individual and these objects.
46
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68
Appendix A
Table 1: Historic Cemeteries examined for Evidence of Grave Inclusions (N=134)
Project
Temporal R
ange*
Race or ethnicity
Location (by state)
Economy
# of burials exhum
ed
# of individuals exhum
ed
Grave Inclusions
(Y/N)
# of burials with
inclusions
% of B
urials with
inclusions
Toys (Y/N)
Reference
15Cp61 1830
- 1900
Black and White
KY
Rural 15 15 N 0 0.00
% N Bybee 2003
15Mm137 1830
-1900
White KY
Rural 13 13 Y 0 0.00
% N
Bybee and
Richard 2003
1SC320
1840-
1900 (ca.)
White AL Rural 19 19 N 0 0.00
% N Matternes and Serio
2005
33Cn105 1843
- 1872
White OH
Rural 16 16 Y 6 37.50
% N Feldstone 1986
38CH1648 (Sailor's Burying Ground/ Confederate Navy Cemetery/ Charleston Potter's Field)
1825-
1894 Black S
C Rura
l 341 341 Y 4 1.2% Y Schuler et al. 2005
44CF568 1840
-1917
Black VA
Rural 6 6 N 0 0.00
% N Winter 1999
44HE950 1789
-1830
Black VA
Rural 47 47 N 0 0.00
% N Bowden 2001
44SK481 1800 (ca.) Black V
A Rura
l 1 1 N 0 0.00% N CRI 2002
44ST0623 1850
-1900
White VA
Rural 5 5 N 0 0.00
% N Ezell and Huston 2006
69
9ME509
1864-
1900 (ca.)
Black GA
Rural 3 3 N 0 0.00
% N Gardner 1997
Albert J. Phillips Memorial Cemetery
1884-
1927 Black TX Rura
l 53 53 Y 4 7.50% N Dockall et
al. 1996
Alderson- Jackson Cemetery
1830s White K
Y Rura
l 2 2 N 0 0.00% N Bybee
2007
Allen Parkway Village
1853-
1910 (ca.)
Black TX Urban 355 355 Y 8 2.30
% Y Bond et al. 2002
Applegate Lake Project (two cemeteries)
1886-
1914 White O
R Rura
l 13 13 Y 1 7.70% N
Brauner and
Jenkins 1980
Avondale Burial Place (9BI164)
1820-
1950 (ca.)
Black GA
Rural 106 106 Y 4 3.8% Y
Matternes et al. 2012
Becky Wright Cemetery (3CW922)
1854-
1900 White A
R Rura
l 10 10 Y 3 30.00% N Davidson
2004b
Bellwood Farm Cemetery
1840-
1900 Black V
A Rura
l 6 6 N 0 0.00% N
Bowden and Blake
2000
Bennett Cemetery
1871-
1940 (ca.)
Black KY
Rural 57 57 Y 4 7.00
% Y Bybee et al. 2011
Blackburn Cemetery (early graves:5,6,8,9)
1818-
1850 White T
N Rura
l 4 4 N 0 0% N
Atkinson and
Turner 1987
Blackburn Cemetery (later graves: 1,2,3,4)
1900-
1925 Black T
N Rura
l 4 4 N 0 0% N
Atkinson and
Turner 1987
Bowling Cemetery
1813-
1901
Black and white IL Rura
l 199 199 Y 1 0.50% N Bybee et
al. 2011
Brazoria Cty Pioneer Cemetery (41BO202)
1888-
1900 Black TX Rura
l 3 3 N 0 0% N Tine and
Boyd 2003
70
Brunson-Sisson Cemetery (11WI874)
1836-
1892 White IL Rura
l 20 19 N 0 0% N Cobb et al. 1999
Bulow Cemetery
1872-
1914 Black S
C Rura
l 300 300 Y 7 2.30% N Trinkley
2005
Burning Spring Branch Cemetery
1795-
1818 White W
V Rura
l 9 10 N 0 0.00% N Bybee et
al. 2003
Burying Grounds at Vandaworker's Corners (11-L-572)
1850-
1880 (ca.)
White IL Rural 10 10 N 0 0% N Bird et al.
2000
Callender Court Cemetery (40SU251)
1817-
1880 (ca.)
Black? TN
Rural 21 21 N 0 0.00
% N Weaver
et al. 2010
Carmouche Cemetery
1885-
1910 (ca.)
Black GA
Rural 3 3 N 0 0% N Wood et
al. 1984
Catoctin Furnace Cemetery
1790-
1840 Black M
D Rura
l 35 35 N 0 0% N
Burnston and
Thomas 1981
Cedar Grove Cemetery
1900-
1915 Black A
R Rura
l 79 80 Y 4 5.10% N Rose
1985
Choke Canyon Project (five cemeteries)
circa 1860
-1911
White TX Rural 34 34 Y 1 2.90
% N Fox 1984
Cole Cemetery
1850-
1880 White M
D Rura
l 6 6 N 0 0.00% N Gibb
2010
Cool Branch Cemetery
1800-
1830 White T
N Rura
l 5 5 N 0 0% N Matternes 1998
Cross Family Cemetery
1829-
1849 White IL Rura
l 29 29 N 0 0% N Craig and
Larsen 1993
Dallas Pioneer Cemetery
1884-
1920 White TX Urba
n 15 15 N 0 0% N Cooper et al. 2000
Davis Cemetery
1827-
1844 White K
Y Rura
l 2 2 N 0 0% N Diblasi 1995
Deepstep A.M.E. Church Cemetery
1860-
1920 (ca.)
Black GA
Rural 79 79 Y 5 6% N Braley
1992
71
Dement Cemetery (3CW685)
1885;
1890;
1896
White AR
Rural 3 3 N 0 0% N Cande et
al. 1995
Diuguid/ Slack Cemetery
1840-
1891 White K
Y Rura
l 7 7 Y 0 0.00% N
Breetzke et al. 2011
Douthitt Cemetery
1830-
1900 White IN Rura
l 11 11 N 0 0.00% N Bybee
2011
Dove Cemetery
1872-
1897 White C
A Urba
n 17 17 N 0 0.0% N Stanton 2008
Drafts Graveyard
1900-
1927 (ca.)
Black SC
Rural 2 2 N 0 0.00
% N
Hacker and
Trinkley 2007
Dunning Cemetery No.2 Site
1851-
1912 White IL Rura
l 26 103 N 0 0.0% N Trubitt et al. 1999
Eastern State Hospital (15Fa219)
1839-
1861 (ca.)
White KY
Rural 11 11 N 0 0.00
% N Favret et al. 2006
Eddy Cemetery (3CW921)
1870-
1900 White A
R Rura
l 16 16 N 0 0.00% N Davidson
2004b
Elko Switch Cemetery
1850-
1920 Black AL Rura
l 56 56 Y 2 3.60% N
Shogren, et. al. 1989
Evans Cemetery
1875-
1988 White W
V Rura
l 15 15 N 0 0.00% N Bybee et
al. 2007
Facility Cemetery
1790-
1825 White M
D Rura
l 13 13 N 0 0.00% N Slaughter
2001
Filhiol Mound Site (16OU2)
1900-
1920 White LA Rura
l 15 15 Y 3 20.00% N
Jones and
Shuman 2007
First African Baptist Church (8th and Vine)
1823-
1842 Black P
A Urba
n 140 140 Y 18
12.90% N
Parrington et al., 1989
First Cemetery (New Orleans)
1721-
1789 Black LA Urba
n 32 32 N 0 0% N Owsley,
et al. 1985
First Pioneer Cemetery (42SL98)
1847-
1856 White U
T Urba
n 33 33 Y 4 12.10% Y Baker et
al. 2010
72
Former Sacramento County Hospital Burial Ground
1891-
1927
White and Black and 3
Asians
CA
Urban 72 72 Y 3 0.40
% N Edwards
et al. 2005
Foster Cemetery
1870-
1960 Black AL Rura
l 127 127 N 0 0% N Thompson 2009
Freedman's "Pre-1900" Period
1869-
1899 Black TX Urba
n 37 37 Y 1 2.70% N
Condon et al., 1998
Freedman's Cemetery (all burials)
1869-
1907 Black TX Urba
n 1150
1157 Y 7
0 6.10% Y
Condon et al., 1998
Freedman's Early Period
1869-
1884 Black TX Urba
n 64 64 Y 2 3.10% Y
Condon et al., 1998
Freedman's Late Period
1900-
1907 Black TX Urba
n 878 884 Y 53
6.00% Y
Condon et al., 1998
Freedman's Middle Period
1885-
1899 Black TX Urba
n 170 171 Y 14
8.20% Y
Condon et al., 1998
Fuller Cemetery
1856-
1920 White G
A Rura
l 46 46 N 0 0% N
Wilson and
Holland 1998
Gee- Cabbage Cemetery
1800-
1874 (ca.)
White IN Rural 9 9 N 0 0.00
% N Bybee 2010
Givens Grove Site 1884 White TX Rura
l 1 1 N 0 0% N Miller et al.1996
Grafton Cemetery
1834-
1873 White IL Urba
n 252 252 N 0 0.00% N
Buikstra et al. 2000
Guinea Road Cemetery
1850-
1875 Black V
A Rura
l 34 35 N 0 0% N Rinehart
et al. 2009
Hampstead Cemetery
1840-
1860 (ca.)
white SC
Urban 437 446 Y 5 1.10
% N Bailey Jr.
et al. 2009
Handsmill Cemetery
1865-
1908 White? S
C Rura
l 11 11 N 0 0.00% N
Landsdell and
Gillard 2009
Horse Park Cemetery
1800-
1860 Black K
Y Rura
l 34 34 N 0 0% N Pollack et al. 2011
Irish Cemetery
1848-
1871 White IL Rura
l 13 13 N 0 0.00% N
Goldstein and
Buikstra
73
2004
James and Sarah Barnes Cemetery
1880-
1907 (ca.)
White GA
Rural 13 13 N 0 0% N Wood
2008
John Carman Cemetery
1826-
1874 White TX Rura
l 5 5 N 0 0% N
Mahoney and
Dismukes 2000
Junkin- Yost Cemetery
1824-
1850 White O
H Rura
l 4 4 N 0 0% N David 2010
Kaskaskia Island Cemetery
1853-
1881 (ca.)
White IL Rural 10 10 N 0 0% N Cobb et
al. 2000
Lance Hall Cemetery
1840-
1850 (ca.)
White SC
Rural 3 3 N 0 0.00
% N Shuler 2007
Laredo Cemetery
1880-
1910 (ca.)
White TX Urban 14 14 Y 2 14.30
% N McReynolds 1981
Lindsay Cemetery
1828-
1863
Black and White MI Rura
l 4 4 N 0 0.00% N Wescott
1996
Madam Felix/ Hettick Cemetery
1852-
1905 White C
A Rura
l 3 3 Y 1 3.30% N Costello
1991
Main Street Cemetery
1858-
1938 White IL Rura
l 2 2 N 0 0% N Demel et al. 2000
Matagorda Cemetery
1850-
1900 (ca.)
White TX Rural 5 5 Y 1 20% N Crow
2004
McBride Cemetery
1830-
1906 (ca.)
White IL Rural 11 11 N 0 0% N
Hvelsand et al. 2005
Meadowlark Cemetery
1860-
1900 (ca.)
White KA
Rural 13 13 Y 1 7.70
% N Pye 2007
Michigan City Old Graveyard
1835-
1864 White IN Rura
l 15 15 N 0 0.00% N Strezews
ki 2003
Mitchell Road Cemetery
1841-
1893 (ca.)
White IL Rural 17 19 N 0 0% N
McGowan et al. 2009
74
Morgan Chapel Cemetery
1891-
1924 White TX Rura
l 21 21 N 0 0% N Taylor et al. 1986
Mother UAME Church Cemetery
1855-
1908 Black D
E Urba
n 352 352 Y 8 2.3% Y Thomas
et al. 2000
Moultrie's Graveyard
1800-
1840 (ca.)
Black and White
SC
Rural 15 15 Y 1 6.70
% N South 1979
Mt. Gilead Cemetery
1832-
1849
Black and white
GA
Rural 31 31 N 0 0% N Wood et
al. 1986
Nancy Creek Cemetery
1850s-
1979
Black and white
GA
Rural 56 56 Y 1 1.80
% N Garrow et al. 1985
O. H. Ivie Reservoir (Boothill Cemetery)
1870s-
1880s
White? TX Rural 11 11 Y 1 9.10
% N Earls, et. al. 1991
O. H. Ivie Reservoir (Coffey Cemetery)
1870s-
1880s
White? TX Rural 2 2 N 0 0% N Earls, et.
al. 1991
Obringer Cemetery
1881-
1888 White IL Rura
l 5 5 Y 1 20% N Shah and
Lence 2003
Old Branham
1834-
1927
White and 2 Black
KY
Rural 13 13 Y 2 1.50
% N Bybee 2004
Old Frankfort Cemetery
1815-
1860 Mixed K
Y Rura
l 272 272 N 0 0.00% N Miller n.d.
Old Snohomish Cemetery
1866-
1923
White and Indian
WA
Urban 313 313 N 0 0.00
% N
Tallman and
Carriho 2006
Oliver Family Cemetery
1831-
1865 White V
A Rura
l 11 11 N 0 0% N Wilson 1998b
Peoria Public Grave Yard
1842-
1886 (ca.)
White IL Urban 88 88 N 0 0.00
% N Bird and Grauer 2012
Pepper Hill I Cemetery (22LO998)
1870-
1905 (ca.)
Black MI Rural 17 17 N 1 5.90
% N Hogue
and Alvey 2006
Pine Ridge Cemetery
1800-
1850 White G
A Rura
l 14 14 N 0 0% N Wilson 1998
75
Providence Baptist Church Cemetery
1899-
1933 Black T
N Urba
n 65 65 Y 24 39% N Oster et
al. 2005
Quaker Burying Ground
1784-
1890
Black and white
VA
Urban 66 66 Y 3 4.50
% N Bromberg
et al. 2000
Rambo Family Cemetery
1853-
1920 White G
A Rura
l 5 5 N 0 0.0% N Reynolds and Kane
2010 Randolph Family Graves (St. Mary's Cemetery)
1867-
1937 White LA Rura
l 14 14 N 0 0.00% N Williamso
n 2000
Read Family Cemetery
1830-
1871 (ca.)
White TN
Rural 27 27 N 0 0% N
McKee and
Sterbinsky 2012
Redfield Cemetery
1875-
1930 Black G
A Rura
l 80 80 Y 9 11.30% N
Braley and
Moffat 1995
Reynolds Cemetery
1832-
1900 White W
V Rura
l 31 31 N 0 0.00% N Bybee et
al. 2002
Rhoads Cemetery
1860-
1906 (ca.)
White IN Rural 44 44 N 0 0.00
% N Nawrocki
et al. 1998
Ridley Cemetery
1885-
1940 Black T
N Rura
l 49 49 Y 2 4.80% N
Buchner et al., 1999
Rudy Cemetery
1836-
1850 White K
Y Rura
l 1 1 N 0 0.00% N Bybee
2007
Samuel Robinson
1830-
1920 White? K
Y Rura
l 12 12 N 0 0.00% N Bybee
2003
Schuyler Flatts Burial Ground
1767-
1835 Black N
Y Rura
l 13 13 N 0 0.00% N McQuinn
2007
Seven Rivers Cemetery
1873-
1899 White N
M Rura
l 54 54 Y 2 3.70% Y
Ferguson et al. 1993
Shippenville Cemetery
1860-
1890 White P
A Rura
l 28 30 N 0 0.00% N Espensha
de 2004
Sinclair Cemetery (41DT105)
1850s-
1880s
White TX Rural 16 16 N 0 0% N
Winchell et al. 1992
76
Spartanburg County, S. C. (38Sp105)
1870-
1910 Black S
C Rura
l 15 15 Y 1 6.70% Y
Joseph, et. al. 1991
Spartanburg County, S. C. (38Sp106)
1830s-
1880s
White SC
Rural 61 61 N 0 0.00
% N Joseph, et. al. 1991
St. Francis Regis Cemetery
1845-
1876 Mixed M
O Urba
n 47 48 N 0 0.00% N Powell
2000
St. Johannes Cemetery
1840-
1930 (ca.)
White IL Urban 4 4 N 0 0.00
% N Trinkley
et al. 2009
St. Joseph's Cemetery
1850 -
1893 (ca.)
White NM
Rural 11 11 N 0 0.00
% N Boudreaux
State Monument
1812-
1880 (ca.)
Black and White
KY
Rural 5 5 N 0 0.00
% N Stottman
et al. 2005
Stellwagen Cemetery
1873-
1909 White IL Rura
l 15 15 N 0 0% N Kreisa et al. 2004
Steven's Family Pioneer Cemetery
1854-
1879 White O
R Rura
l 12 12 N 0 0.0% N Conolly et al. 2008
Stewart County Cemetery
1850-
1880 White G
A Rura
l 6 6 N 0 0% N Pomfret 2003
Stoltz Site
1830-
1880 (ca.)
White WI Rural 5 5 N 0 0% N Meer
1990
Sussex Cty Cemetery (site 7S-F-68)
1752-
1799 White D
E Rura
l 9 9 N 0 0% N LeeDecke
r et al., 1995
Talbot County Cemetery
1825-
1900 White G
A Rura
l 6 6 N 0 0% N
Garrow and
Symes 1987
Terrill Cemetery
1804-
1876
Black and white
KY
Rural 18 18 N 0 0.00
% N Favret et al. 2008
Texas State Cemetery (Confederate)
1884-
1951 White TX Urba
n 57 57 Y 1 1.80% N Dockall et
al. 1996
Thurston Cemetery
1840- White IL Rura
l 19 22 N 0 0% N Bird et al. 2003
77
1900 (ca.)
Tucker Cemetery
1880-
1942 White TX Rura
l 16 16 Y 1 6.30% N Lebo
1988
Tucson City Cemetery
1850-
1881 (ca.)
White AR
Urban
1083
1386 Y 4 0.3% N Heilen et
al. 2010
Upper Prater Cemetery
1830-
1920 White? K
Y Rura
l 8 8 Y 0 0.00% N Bybee
2003
Vawter- Swaim Cemetery (31FY714)
1843-
1885 White N
C Rura
l 8 8 Y 1 12.5% N
Woodall et al. 1983
Voestly Cemetery
1833-
1861 White P
A Urba
n 727 727 Y 3 0.41% Y Beynon
1989
Ward Hall Cemetery (15SC292)
1830-
1860 Black K
Y Rura
l 9 9 N 0 0.00% N
Bybee and
Haney 2009
Weir Family Cemetery
1830s-
1907 White V
A Urba
n 24 24 Y 1 4.20% N Little et
al. 1992
Wells Cemetery N/A White T
N Rura
l 357 357 Y 1 0.30% Y Mckee
2012 Williams Family Cemetery
1921-
1961 White T
N Rura
l 9 9 N 0 0% N Arthur 2008
Wrenn- Hutchison Cemetery
1864-
1931
Black and White
VA
Rural 59 59 N 0 0.00
% N LeeDecke
r et al. 2009
Wright- Whitesell- Gentry Cemetery
1841-
1868 White IN Rura
l 33 33 N 0 0% N
Ross- Stallings
et al. 2009
Appendix B
Table 2: Burials Containing Toy Grave Inclusions (N=28)
78
Cemetery Burial Race or Ethnicity Economy Age Period Sex Toy Other
Inclusions: Allen
Parkway Village
195 Black Urban 13- 24 1892- 1910 N/A Doll Necklace,
Bracelet
Avondale Burial Place
(9BI164) 34 Black Rural Child
1870-1900 N/A Doll N/A
Bennett Cemetery 5 Black Rural 9 to 11
1913- 1940 (ca.)
N/A Marble
Purse clutch,
Teaspoon, Mirror, Brooch, Comb, Nickel, Knife, Beads
Bennett Cemetery 20 Black Rural 6 to 8
1895-1905 (ca.)
N/A Doll N/A
First Pioneer
Cemetery N/A White Urban Child
1847- 1856 N/A Doll N/A
Freedman's Cemetery 46 Black Urban 4.36 L S Toy
Teacup N/A
Freedman's Cemetery 85 Black Urban 5.62 L SF Doll N/A
Freedman's Cemetery 110 Black Urban 16.6 L F Doll N/A
Freedman's Cemetery 121 Black Urban 1.4 L S Rattle Bib Pin
Freedman's Cemetery 147 Black Urban 9.6 L SM
Marble and Toy
Gun
Book, Bottle, Bull
Case Freedman's Cemetery 158 Black Urban 23.8 L F? Dice N/A
Freedman's Cemetery 314 Black Urban 7.35 L SM
Ceramic (Toy
Teacup) N/A
Freedman's Cemetery 315 Black Urban 1.18 L SF Doll N/A
Freedman's Cemetery 320 Black Urban 14.5 L F 2 Dolls N/A
Freedman's Cemetery 856 Black Urban 4.8 L SF Doll N/A
Freedman's Cemetery 1003 Black Urban 6.3 L SF Doll N/A
79
Freedman's Cemetery 1120 Black Urban 9 L SF Doll
Earring, 2 Earhoop, Lace Pin,
Bead* (Other), Bottle, 2 Bracelet, Necklace
Freedman's Cemetery 1391 Black Urban 0.64 E SF Rattle Bead Neck
Freedman's Cemetery 1397 Black Urban 18.5 M F? Doll
Ring, 1 Ring
(Silver), 1 Ring (cell), Lace Pin,
Shoe, Bottle, Coin
Purse, 1 Hair Pin, Pocket Knife
Mother UAME Church
Cemetery
287 Black Urban Unknown 1855-1908 N/A Marble N/A
Mother UAME Church
Cemetery
202 Black Urban Unknown 1855-1908 N/A Domino N/A
Mother UAME Church
Cemetery
2 Black Urban Unknown 1855-1908 N/A Doll
Arms N/A
Seven Rivers
Cemetery 38 White Rural 14 mths
1880- 1899 (ca.)
F Doll N/A
Spartanburg County,
S.C. (38Sp105)
13 Black Rural ~5 1870- 1910 F? Doll Bird Pin, 7
buttons
Voestly Cemetery 189 White Urban Infant
1833-1861 N/A Marble N/A
Voestly Cemetery 384 White Urban Infant
1833-1861 N/A Whistle
and Bell N/A
*Beads
found with
doll
80
Appendix C
Table 3: Burials Containing Toy Grave Inclusions Found Outside of Coffin (N=13)
Cemetery Burial
Race or Ethnicit
y Econom
y Age Period
Sex Toy
Other Inclusions
:
38CH1648 257 Black Urban Unknow
n
1825- 1894 N/A
Doll Set Teacup Saucer*
N/A
Freedman's
Cemetery 37 Black Urban 2.5 L SF Doll* N/A
Freedman's
Cemetery 326 Black Urban 32.2 L IF
Ceramic (Miniatur
e Teapot)**
N/A
Freedman's
Cemetery 418 Black Urban 29.2 L IM Doll
Frat- Pin, Shell,
Vase**** Freedman'
s Cemetery
521 Black Urban 99 L I Doll* N/A
Freedman's
Cemetery 551 Black Urban 2.7 M S Marble Dec_
Comb*
Freedman's
Cemetery 720 Black Urban 0.8 L SF Doll*** Bib Pin
Freedman's
Cemetery 859 Black Urban 19.4 L I Doll**
Ring, 1 Ring Gold, Lace Pin, Cuff Hold
Freedman's
Cemetery 1192 Black Urban 98 L F? Doll* N/A
Freedman's
Cemetery 1199 Black Urban 40 L F? Doll*
3 Ring Copp,
Earring, 2 Ear Hoops
Freedman's
Cemetery 1375 Black Urban 40 L M? Doll* N/A
Freedman's
Cemetery 1436 Black Urban 0.65 M SF Doll*
Shoe, Bead Neck,
Pendant Freedman'
s Cemetery
1453 Black Urban 0.58 L S Marble** Bib Pin
*Found in
fill
81
**Found
on lid
***Found on surface
****Misc
items in
fill