n° 2 february 2013

www.diecievcenticinque.it

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spendingreview

2

I spent more time thinking about what to say than actually writing it. You know, it is never easy to start something. Many words deleted. Many moments of frustration. So, I had to stop thinking to finally realize the word: ‘they’. They believe people cannot change the world: power goes in one direction, the one of money, ‘Ubi abundatia, ibi incuria’. They show off their smiles sustaining that science cannot survive: ‘evolution is equal to no future as in-vitro is not equal to bible. They trust corruption, they feed it and because of the crisis they can fire or they can offer you a job, a no paid one.

So, what you do? You can go to school to improve your position or you can migrate to other countries. In other words, you may end up a week at home because you are a woman, because you live in Uganda, and because is not your time of the month. Differently, you may gain a new identity, which may go from ‘alien’ to ‘immigrant’ or from ‘Bulgarian’ to ‘Rumanian’. Sometimes, you do know what to say. You then write an article to tell your story. This is what we have done, hoping a bit that among a spiritual election and a political one, ‘they’ may stop their wrong spending review(s).

Diego Ottaviano


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index

SPAIN 2013 between crisis and corruptionFrancesco Camonita

Biographies Acknowledgement

Homogeneityin the multiplecontexts of a single europe: a discussion of contemporaryform of colonializationTodor Bashev

p.12

U.S. FARMSUBSIDIES : Implication andsolution

p.14

p.18

p.20

p.22 p.25

GIRLEDUCATION in Pallisadistrict Stanley Okurut

p. 8

CLASS WARFARE Hugo Neron

p. 6

p. 4

PENA NIETO: p .10

A WAR OVER IN-VITRO

HAPPY CRAZY

Maja Michaliszyn

Athena Zapounidi

Natalie Shapiro

The mexican Handsome President David S. Munoz Cuenca


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SPAIN2013:

Francesco Camonita(Italy)

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It was the 7th of September 2010 when I first came to live in Spain. Take it for granted that I had the enthusiasm of an Erasmus student, who despite two years studying in a nice peripheral UK town was absolutely fascinated with living in a metropolis for the first time in his life. It is also true that I was biased by an honest adoration of a language and culture that I had been studying during the previous five years. However, this did not mean that I assumed that Spain was perfect: I did see the similarities with the Italian environment and the first hints of a “PIIGS-like” economic crisis. But I also saw indignation in the eyes of Spanish people; I was in the country when the 15-M movement burst out on Puerta del Sol and Plaça Catalun-ya – I even happened to write an article on the Barcelona situation back then – and I thought the Spaniards were going to obtain results thanks to that very same Mediterra-nean passion I believed the Italians to have lost, perhaps below the crushing weight of a Berlusconian MEDIASET culture. Two years later, I got my degree and was lucky enough to get a decently paid research assistant job back

in Barcelona. But on my return I was also forced to open my eyes to the Spanish reality. In everyday life, I now see my Spanish friends looking at my job situation with astonishment, while some of them are about to deplete their paro (that is, their fund for unemployment); I recently survived an administrative crusade to obtain my Spanish ID and work insurance number (in a few words , access denied to certain documentation unless you already have a working contract signed. So much for the EU In varietate Concordia and EU citizenship versus conservative politi-cs); and I see the axe of the so-called recortes (budgets cuts) making some of my friends’ relatives work for free without getting their payments, shrinking services and activities everywhere and multiplying strikes and protests. Be it as it may, when you raise the focus of the analysis on the institutional level, things are even harsher. Spain, belonging to the same unfortunate family of southern Mediterranean countries, could not escape all the worst of the Euro zone Crisis. Enrique Casais Padilla, a notorious professor from the Complutense University of Madrid, has

between crisisand corruption

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photos by Paolo Zapparoli

been publishing a number of studies on the country and its troubles due to the crisis. In his rightful opinion, Spain’s biggest issues are indeed the extended neoliberal policies applied since the 80s to catch up with its neighbors in the soon-to-be EU; the explosion of an housing bubble ge-nerated over an economy fed by construction and building business – it is enough to look for the word desahucio (Eviction) in Spain to appreciate the gravity of the situation –; and last but not least the choking series of austerity me-asures that all Europeans know way too good. The portrait of Spain is not certainly better on the field of statistics and figures. The Organization for Economic Cooperation and Development (OECD) recently declared a shrinking of the Spanish economy by 1.4%, with a very timid chance to raise the level of only 0.5% in 2014. It looks like the count-ry is second only to Greece, namely the most affected victim of the Euro-zone. It is almost scary to turn the page to ratings of unemployment. España reaches at the end of 2012 a rate of 26.2%, with almost 6 million people not ha-ving a job, and a scandalous level of young unemployed that reaches the 55.12% of total Spanish youngsters. It is in this crude context that yet another source of wor-rying hits the country. Around the third week of January, a huge political scandal spills out from the pages of the El Mundo newspaper, and for the right-wing governing Partido Popular (Popular Party), mostly known around here as PP, it is the start of a massive turmoil. Old fi-nancial registers from former treasurer of the party Luis Bárcenas have been found and exposed to the masses. A second influent paper, El País, quickly follows up with further discoveries on a strange series of payoffs that may be more or less illegal, with extra payments hidden around regular accounting of the party and all directed to influen-tial members in and around the government. Although the circumstances are not clear, and even on my listed sources there are alternative versions of the same story, Spanish authorities and medias have got their hands full with the issue, and the very same perspective of catching Prime Minister Rajoy with his hands dirty sounds appal-ling to public opinion. There are still many gray zones in the issue, but it is enough to know that according to the press, regular sums mentioned around 3.000 and 15.000 Euros used to be transferred with much discretion into the pockets of the PP authorities. Considering that the PP may be, in my humble opinion, a good alter ego for a dear old Popolo delle Libertá party (mostly known as the infamous right-wing party Pdl), the saddest part of the story could well be the fact that my Italian point of view was not impressed by what Spaniards

generally see as a good reason for the PP to leave gover-nment altogether. After all, the primacy in the criminal and corrupted context can only go to Italy. No matter what they say, the international public opinion knows way too better about Bunga-Bungas. Then, I think about it and declare myself guilty for letting my conscience be indifferent to the renewed indignation of Spain. I recently came to read a very interesting article that I hope other people may end up noticing. In his words, the philosopher José Antonio Marina defines corruption as a virus that corrupts social linkages, reciprocity and trust. It penetrates our conscien-ces in the outskirts of our private and social life, it makes us almost impossible to distinguish it and transforms us in carriers of the very same disease. It becomes more than an infection, almost like an intoxication. And what is worse, it can end up in its final stage becoming a culture. May the time come for the Southern European countries to wake up from the drowsiness of our own structural problems inside our states. Despite all, I still choose to believe in a Spain that has the capacity to react, that is not too fatigued by political deception. And then I slowly, almost reluctantly turn my head east, and look at that singular boot-shaped country of relatively recent creation that I am from. My head is full of irony and skepticism. But my heart still hopes that nation will also react.

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A war over in-vitro

For years, in Poland the in-vitro procedure is a matter of heated disputes which could be described as “a war over in-vitro.” The recent public announcement of the Polish Prime Minister Donald Tusk that from July 2013 the in-vitro fertilisation procedure could be reimbursed by the state, spurred the debates around IVF in the country once again. The programme of state funding of the in-vitro fertilisation will cover, during 3 years-period, the treatment of 15.000 couples who are trying unsuccessfully for over a year to have a baby. Only 80 per cent of the procedure will be funded by the state. The rest of the costs will have to be paid by a patient. The Health Minister states that the programme will improve the low birth rate in Poland, but most importantly, thanks to the programme many couples, regardless of financial means, will have the possibility to use this method, which up until now was very expensive for middle-class Poles. What is the in-vitro procedure?In-vitro fertilisation (IVF) is a process by which an egg is fertilised by sperm outside the body. IVF is a major treatment for infertility when other methods of assisted

reproductive technology have failed. The first person that has been conceived through this method was born in 1978. In Poland, the procedure is used from 1987. In most of the European countries, the procedure is already financed by the state. However, in Poland until now, there are no law regulations concerning IFV method which in practice means that the in-vitro is legal but need to be done in private clinics and paid from one’s own funds. The European Union, have long been demanding from Poland a law that would regulate the use of the technique and ensure the careful monitoring and safety of reproductive cells. Recently, the European Commission gave Poland two-months ultimatum to implement the directives that would adjust Polish law to the EU law. For and against IVFIn Poland, the Right and the Catholic Church are against the in-vitro bill. Catholic teaching prohibits the in-vitro fertilisation, maintaining that a child should be conceived in the marital embrace of his parents. According to the Ca-tholic church, the in-vitro method is immoral because most of embryos—which the Church holds should be respected

Maja Michaliszyn(Poland)

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as new human lives— die during the process, are frozen indefinitely for later implantation, are used for research, or are discarded. What is more, the conservative right-wing party Prawo i Sprawiedliwość (Law and Justice) proposed a total ban and penalization of the in-vitro fertilisation.However, as the recent opinion poll shows, more than two thirds of Poles oppose any ban of IVF treatment and 85% of couples in the 25 to 30 age range told that they would consider using IVF if necessary. What is more, in 2009, the World Health Organization officially defined infertility as a disease which should be treated and the in-vitro ferti-lisation is seen as one of forms of an infertility treatment. The problem of infertility concerns about 12-15 per cent of Polish population which constitutes around 1,2 -1,3 million people. Yet, in Poland, infertility is still a taboo topic. It is connected with a great fear and embarrassment as well as with pressure from society expecting from a married couple a quick conception of a baby. For many couples, inability to conceive a baby is a source of a great suffering. It is their personal tragedy. For many people facing this problem, the in-vitro procedure is the only and last chance to conceive a baby. The state fun-ding of the procedure would give many couples an enor-mous chance to have a baby that they have been waiting for so long. However, in the face of current debates in Poland, many people stand in front of a moral dilemma when considering the use of in-vitro. The Church and the Right wing parties’ ways of naming the in-vitro procedure as “a sublime abortion” or “a murder”, shocked and hurt many people who used the in-vitro method. According to them, such opinions stigmatize children born from the in-vitro procedure. The right to chooseWhen discussing this matter, another question can be raised whether the religions should influence the legisla-tor in making moral choices possible or impossible for everyone. Does, one powerful group such as the Catholic Church sufficiently represent social consensus? Can the Church Episcopate, consisting solely of men, discuss and decide about women’s bodies? And how much the state should control women’s right to privacy or the right to health and reproductive choices?According to the Polish Constitution, the Church has the right to express its opinion publically but it has no right to put pressure on the sovereign Polish State to take a par-ticular decision. The Catholics do not need to use in-vitro if they disagree with it or if it is against their moral values. However, in a democratic state, one should have a free

dom of choice to decide about his/her body. The in-vitro method should be regulated by law so one would have a certainty that the procedure is safe and his/her genetic material is protected against unlawful use. A decision to use the in-vitro fertilization should be free and made only in accordance with one’s own conscience.

Polish Constitution

Article 25Churches and other religious organizations shall have equal rights.

Public authorities in the Republic of Poland shall be impar-tial in matters of personal conviction, whether religious or philosophical, or in relation to outlooks on life, and shall ensure their freedom of expression within public life.

The relationship between the State and churches and other religious organizations shall be based on the principle of respect for their autonomy and the mutual independence of each in its own sphere, as well as on the principle of cooperation for the individual and the common good.

The relations between the Republic of Poland and the Ro-man Catholic Church shall be determined by international treaty concluded with the Holy See, and by statute.

The relations between the Republic of Poland and other churches and religious organizations shall be determined by statutes adopted pursuant to agreements concluded between their appropriate representatives and the Council of Ministers.

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classwarfare

Hugo Neron(France)

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January has been busy for François Hollande. Some would say ‘Unlike the 7 previous months’. The Socialist president and his government are on every field. Abroad, the Special Forces tried, and failed, to free a hostage in Somalia and the army intervened in Mali to help the Ma-lian army fighting the rebellion. The d ebate on the same-sex marriage also turned out to be more passionate than expected. Between 350 000 and 800 000 people marched against the government’s proposal to establish equality for all. However, these subjects have been dealt with extensively and you can probably find smart and informed analyses. A more surprising topic appeared on the French political scene. An old concept has come back in political discourses: class warfare.In a debate against the budget minister, Jean-Luc Mé-lenchon, leader of the Left Party, exposed his vision of the society. Using the Marxist concept, he claimed that the interests of the workers were opposed to those of the

dominant class. Nothing surprising from an allied of the Communists. His socialist opponent refuted this analysis. However, the Centrist leader François Bayrou also recen-tly declared that class warfare was a relevant concept in 2013. The sincerity of this declaration is hard to assess. However, class warfare seems to be a born-again trendy concept. The workers of ArcelorMittal and Renault would probably agree with Mélenchon and Bayrou. The workers of Florange did not get any guarantee that their jobs will be preserved. Since the refusal to nationa-lize the site, the government did not take any concrete action. The negotiations with Mittal carry on but no step further was taken. The representatives of the workers tried to chain themselves to the fence of Matignon, office of the Prime Minister. After being expelled, they attempted to have a meeting with the leader of the Socialist Party. A new failure. 1.300 workers of the steel company will soon lose their jobs in Belgium. The future of Florange does

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not seem promising. Meanwhile, the board of Renault seems to have used blackmailed during negotiations with the unions. After PSA (Peugeot and Citroën) which announced the firings of 11.000 people in years, another huge car manufacturer threatens to close. If the unions refuse the conditions of the company, including decrease of wages, two production sites would close in France. The unions protested but the government did not officially react yet. 51.000 jobs would be threatened. Goodyear is about the close its main factory in Amiens; 1.250 workers will lose their jobs. Many more ‘social plans’, soft euphe-mism to describe the destruction of economic area, are to come. This list is not exhaustive.Arnaud Montebourg, the minister of the Industry, propo-sed during the socialist primary election the concept of de-globalization. His platform entailed protectionism and social protection. This type of reform could prevent some job destructions. However, this would involve a change in paradigm at the European level and would require a consensus to a large extent. Moreover, it can also harm emerging economies and appear quite egoistic. A decrease in standards of living is never easy to accept and can lead to violent reaction. To avoid such a thing, actions need to be taken soon. The French industry is on its way to disappear. The fall may not be over if no radical actions are taken. The government seems powerless for now. Good news though: the unemployment rate was stable in December. Maybe the beginning of the end of the crisis.Hollande was highlighting in his platform negotiations and consensus. This time seems far away. Despite all the attempts of the government, the economic powers are

free to do whatever they want. These firings may aim to maximize profits or simply to keep up with the competition. However, the working-class feels left apart. Proletarians might be frustrated by the focus of the media on socie-tal topics, especially same-sex marriage, on the foreign military interventions, and on the 50th anniversary of the Elysée treaty. This last event, celebrating the French-German friendship, can be perceived as an ironic symbol. The German-French couple has been at the center of the European construction. The same European Union is often perceived as imposing economic liberalism, free market and global competition. Even worse, Angela Merkel is often pictured in the media as very influent on French politics. No huge demonstration of joy was recor-ded on the 22nd of January. This is a real pity considering the huge impact of the Elysée treaty on European history. This event marks the beginning of a period of peace and prosperity. The celebration, a quite humble summit in Berlin, does not seem to fit this great day. When we look at the facts, we can only agree with Warren Buffet, who said: “There’s class warfare, all right, but it’s my class, the rich class, that’s making war, and we’re win-ning.” Can a left-wing government impact this acknowled-gement in a global economy? Can the French government do so? What is to expect? What is next?

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In recent decades, Mexico has been characterized as a developing country, and as part of it, democracy in presi-dential elections had undergone a major transformation in 2000, after the National Action Party (PAN) candidate Vicente Fox Quesada was elected as president, the PAN is the ultra-Conservative party who left behind 70 years of dictatorship of the Institutional Revolutionary Party (PRI) in Mexico.

But corruption emerged and evolved in 2006, when the new elections took place, the leftist candidate Andrés Manuel López Obrador (AMLO) faced the PAN candidate Felipe Calderón Hinojosa (FCH). In the final stretch of the 2006 election campaigns, the PAN used an illegal strategy to increase between the preferences of voters, the cam-paign discredited AMLO with lies and instilling fear among the population. This election was the first victim of elec-toral fraud of the XXI century. Facts were obvious to all

Mexicans. However, the media campaign against AMLO by the major television channels in the country made possible the fraud, and with a huge list of irregularities in the elections, such as blank ballots, which were found with votes for the PAN. Eventually, Hinojosa was declared president with a majority of only 0.56% (FCH, 35.89% Vs. 35.31% AMLO). Time passed as 2006 was turning to the end. The po-pulation could not do much against the fraud, beyond some social manifestations and a nuisance to the obvious electoral fraud. Felipe Calderon was elected President of Mexico and its mandate was remembered as the president of the war on drugs. For example, the National Information System in Mexico recognizes 64,000,786 deaths related to the fight against organized crime and newspapers reports 83 thousand executions in the six years of his administra-tion. Mexico was disappointed and grounded by a strong

Peña Nieto: The Mexican handsome President

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David S. Muñoz Cuenca(Mexico)


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violence experience as a result of drugs market in addition to a dramatic increase of the national poverty. During those six years of PAN government, the leftist can-didate López Obrador dedicated to his campaign across the country. Moreover, a new figure would result: The PRI with its star candidate would come out. Enrique Peña Nieto (EPN), was governor of the state of Mexico from 2005 to 2011 - according to official statistics, the State of Mexico is one of the most dangerous in the country. Peña was chosen as the PRI candidate for presi-dential elections of 2012 to regain the power of the party after 12 years of PAN. In 2010, EPN married Angelica Rivera, a famous Mexican actress belonging to the Mexican television group “Televi-sa”, company that according to the Guardian newspaper, supported the candidacy of EPN in elections. Popular rumors described this as the ‘perfect match for the pre-sidency of the republic’: a famous young actress and a handsome president. Among the rest political environment, AMLO stood as the candidate of the left again, Josefina Vazquez Mota was the candidate of PAN, and PRI was represented by EPN. Finally, during the presidential campaign, the most contro-versial candidate was seen in Enrique Peña Nieto. During a book fair in Mexico, which was also attended by EPN, he showed his ignorance. He could not name the title of three books that had marked his life. His first book mentioned was the Bible, the second a title that he could not remember and the author of the third book was con-fused. Later on, also his daughter caused controversy by posting a defamatory message on twitter against the poor people of the country. However, beyond their obvious ignorance and lack of culture, among the social networks environments a wave of information about what happened with EPN began. This was also consequences of the national news: informa-tion was modified and censored. EPN was not welcome in universities or cultural venues. On the other hand, he was cheered by women from poor populations, especially when he used to take his famous wife with him as if eve-rything was just an artistic tour. Peña Nieto’s team went to the poorest populations of the country and conditioned the people’s vote in exchange for

a prepaid card with 2000 pesos, the equivalent of appro-ximately 25 days of minimum wage in the country. Votes were sold. EPN was traveling in a private jet, he gave appliances, kitchens, food, clothes and food coupons during his campaign. Different was the situation of Nieto’s opposings. During her tours Vázquez Mota was traveling in helicopters and private jets, with entrepreneurs and the high class people of the country, and Andrés Manuel traveled on commercial flights and gave political speeches to his followers rather than money. Once the elections were over, EPN was the winner. Regarding the voting process, obvious were the irregu-larities. The exit pool did not match with the official data also available on the Internet. If Peña Nieto had 100 votes physically, online appeared 1000, if AMLO had 560, on the official statistics appeared 56. AMLO contested the election, and the streets around the country were filled of protesters. They demanded a new election and the di-smissal of ENP as a candidate, for exceeding the obvious campaign expenses, and for other irregularities during his candidature. Nonetheless, the Court Electoral of Mexico (TEPJF) va-lidated the election, causing a great national trouble. Mexi-cans believed this was the death of democracy. Moreover, the PAN candidate accepted the defeat and congratulated EPN, as well as the local media which congratulated the new president too. Differently the international world was shocked as media were talking about electoral fraud. Enrique Peña Nieto is the current president of Mexico since December 1, 2012. On January 28, 2013, the Mexican Federal Electoral Institute (IFE) said that AMLO would be fined for exceeding campaign expenses. On the other hand, EPN was disavowed of a possible excess in expenses. Mexicans are disappointed and through social networks they show their dissatisfaction: national events are planned in the coming days at the failure of the institu-tions in the country and against the obvious corruption of the government.


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GIRLEDUCATION in Pallisadistrict

Apolot Felistas (not real names), a born of Pallisa district , 16 year old attends secondary school education. Felistas education is being affected by menstruation because she lacks the facilities to handle this phenomenon. Therefore she always has to miss school for at least seven days every month. Pallisa District is a largely rural district located in eastern Uganda. It is composed of three counties (Pallisa, Butebo, and Agule) which are subdivided into 18 smaller sub-counties.

Felistas is a slender, tall and a beautiful girl in a family of two boys and one girl. She is in senior three this year. She attends the same school which is about 5 km away with her brother. They walk to school every morning and return home in the evening. She is among the very few girls in her village attending secondary education. Her school reports note that she is bright girl but her habitual absence from the school is affecting her performance. She once revealed to a friend that she could not help missing school every month for at least seven days because of ‘women issues’. She said that on one occasion she will never forget, she was very embarrassed to death when all over sudden while in class she discovered that all the back part of her skirt she sat on was wet with blood. She could not leave her desk until every boy in the class had left and

a friend offered her wrapper to cover up her wet cloth. So since that day, she has always had to miss school if she anticipated her periods. She said she was not adequately equipped to handle her periods away from home. Felistas is not the only one affected by this problem; but many other girls in age group suffer from this phenomenon.

Myriad factors affect girls’ education in Pallisa District. These may be split into two overarching categories:Factors preventing girls from enrolling in primary school; Factors promoting girl drop-out rates in secondary school.Felistas like many other girls in Pallisa district belong to the second category.

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Stanley Okurut(Uganda)


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Girls’ secondary school enrolment faces a similar but much more complex set of obstacles than those in pri-mary school. Poor access to school facilities continues to plague secondary school enrolment but menstruation, pregnancy, and failing out present much greater hurdles. Early marriage is another major obstacle to girls’ secon-dary school education, since it can end a girl’s schola-stic career permanently. The Ugandan government has already outlawed child marriage, but 84.2% of girls aged 15 to 19 in Pallisa District reported being married or coha-bitating. Clearly, legal proscriptions against child marriage have had little effect. Therefore, rather than penalizing married students, schools should seek to meet married adolescents where they are by providing childcare and other services as described at length in the section entitled “Pregnancy.”

Failing out or repeating a level is more common among students who miss class and girls are far more likely to miss class than boys, due to malnutrition, illness, and menstruation. Menstruation is a major complicating factor for secondary school-age girls. Many schools do not provide adequate sanitary facilities and girls (particularly in rural areas) may not have access to adequate sanitary supplies. The sha-me of being caught menstruating at school keeps many girls at home, missing a week or more of school each month. Menstruation can also exacerbate malnutrition- or

malaria-related anaemia, further undermining girls’ school performance.Menstruation presents one of the greatest challenges, but it is perhaps the most easily remedied. Many girls in rural Pallisa District do not have access to adequate sanitary supplies so they stay at home during menstruation rather than risk embarrassment in class. They miss at least a week of school each month, increasing their chance of failing out or repeating a level. In order to improve atten-dance, secondary schools could provide sanitary supplies either free of charge (bundled into the government health budget) or for a small fee at a school store, nurse’s office, or bathroom dispenser. Provision of sanitary supplies could also be addressed by an NGO, CBO, or even by a local business. For example, a woman-run sewing collec-tive could make and sell reusable cloth menstrual pads (see sewing pattern in Appendix A), filling girls’ need for sanitary supplies in an affordable and environmentally-sustainable way. Such a business would also generate income for local women, which would in turn elevate women’s status in the home and the community.

A complicating factor here is the dearth of adequate sa-nitary facilities at schools. Girls (particularly menstruating girls) need private latrine facilities, which are not available at all schools. Schools must prioritise construction of private latrines increase girl enrolment. If school funds are unavailable, a CBO could also organise and direct com-munity labour in latrine construction.


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HOMOGENEITY IN THE MULTIPLE CONTEXTS OF A SINGLE EUROPE:A DISCUSSION OF CONTEMPORARY FORMS OF COLONIZATION

Examining European Unification through labour relations, neo-colonization and heavily regulated migration policy points out the crucial work-sites where socially responsible policy is needed. As Unification is restructuring belonging by repeatedly evoking feelings of a European community, at stake are belonging’s boundaries and their variable me-anings in the West and the other Europe. This variability is due to perceptions of superior value systems, cultural thre-ats and stigmas of criminality. Taking converging concepts from contemporary critical theory, news media, European Commission Reports and literary representations underli-nes that although European Unification purports a policy of plurality, much needs to be done to substantiate this claim. The central problematic resides in the gap betwe-en conceptions of pluralism and conceptions of national identity which contain the contradictory goals of regulating (im)migration to maintain senses of nationalism while also attempting to give rise to European fraternal relations. As the politics regarding national belonging in many Euro-

pean countries are, at least in part, governed by fear, questions about the extent of such ethnic and intellectual plurality ideals arise. Allowing fear of the ‘other’ to dicta-te the regulation of people based on national identity is bound up with xenophobic politics that function through seemingly clear-cut lines that decide whether a subject within a specific geographic location belongs to the larger community. Such regulations are indeed logical to a cer-tain degree as many scholars point out that social systems cannot absorb an influx of migrants. Yet, the contradictions of this argument are easily demonstrated through several examples. Specifically, the power centres of the EU have attained this status through the accumulation of funds from the colonial era, current neo-colonial efforts and the pseudo-domestic colonization of undesirable migrants. Privileging Western nationals with free movement and so-cial protections while also overlooking that undocumented migrant populations run many of the unskilled industries that economic systems depend on indicates that preferen-

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Todor Bashev(Canada)


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tial treatment enables human rights violations. Over the last decade, prominent political theorist and European studies professor Etienne Balibar has worked tirelessly to underline the complex causes that undermine European plurality. His most famous work, We, The Peo-ple of Europe? Reflections on Transnational Citizenship focuses on how the concept of illegal migration (or the status of ‘being illegal’) sheds light on his provocative as-sertion of a veritable European Apartheid. His eloquently argues this point by illustrating how power centralization in Brussels, sharp differences in economic ‘development’ between member states, and the rules of ascension for incoming member states create different sets of rules for subjects supposedly living in a single Europe. Marina Lewycka’s Two Caravans (2007) – a novel repre-

senting the experiences of Eastern European migrant wor-kers in England– provides a lucid literary representation of Balibar’s theorization. This is unintended, of course, but quite interesting as it provides a literary and philosophical convergence on the issue of nationality and access to social protections, showing that many scholars and artists are coming to the same conclusions about using different methods. Lewycka’s novel also brings another approach to this issue by symbolizing a relationship between narra-tive and public policy. Although many may reject notions that stories and narratives have this influential function, I will try to show that representations through story – be it through media representations, stories shared among friends and then repeated in different social circumstan-ces, and stories broadcast through different mediums – play a significant role in framing social life, interaction and consequently influencing ‘gut feeling’ policy.

CONTEMPORARY LABOUR COLONIES?I would like to show how the consequences of xenophobic sentiments create a narrative of otherness that contributes to the subtle formation of contemporary or domestic labour colonies. Briefly defined, domestic colonization employs exploitative labour forms, economic and structural violence – in terms of exclusion from social protections and/or the institutions regulating such – to dictate certain social lives. For example, recent ethnographic changes in Western Eu-rope follow, at least in part, a certain predictability dictated by low cost labour needs in mass production industries using evolved, if not equitable procedures to colonial la-bour forms, thereby effectively creating a colony within the

state. Yet, it is important to point out that this form of con-temporary colonization is not exactly a product of direct policy or state initiative, but rather a reflexive interaction between neo-liberal economic policy and cultural pheno-mena that subtly influences decision making processes. I will exemplify this process below by analyzing the Dutch contemporary context. The central message of this section aims to show how stories about certain subjects underline that the progression of colonial labour relations are by no means a thing of the past, are not only occurring in (neo)colonized nations, but, through the prioritization neoliberal policies and technocratic refinements in late Western indu-strialization, the large number of jobs requiring repetitive, unskilled labour are, by no coincidence, disproportionally performed by members of the nations seen as threats to national culture and security. The problem is compounded as ‘illegals’ cannot ask for medical or police assistance, and in some cases, are subject to harassment from the

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authorities. The implication is the formation of a cyclical process in which foreigners become interchangeable, yet crucial to the domestic economy and senses of nationali-sm. As many of the larger unskilled industries use recrui-ters to fill their labour demands and pay their wages, state intervention becomes shockingly impotent. What occurs instead is the arrest and deportation of recruiters and wor-kers, which, on quota police forms is used to statistically show police potency. Yet, the recruiters shield industries of attention, allowing them to maintain operations in the face of serious humanitarian implications (Bobeva, Garson 24).

THE DUTCH CONTEMPORARY CONTEXT: Grouping together media representations underlines how they create narratives about persons with specific natio-nalities and contribute to a xenophobic social reality. For example, dominant representations of Eastern Europeans in Dutch media underlines stigmas of criminality, which in turn, allow certain subjects to be viewed with a fearful gaze that objectifies their existence into that of a series of arguments regarding security. And indeed, growing xenophobic sentiments in news media reports contribute to fuelling xenophobic policies. Although there is resi-stance from certain municipalities in the Netherlands, the official government policy regarding illegal migrants is a “10 percent” increase in arrests in hopes of achieving the quota of “4800” through “more individual checks and raids on suspect premises” (“Government Gets Tougher With Illegal Immigrants.”). Such a fear of others becomes quite specific, illogical and a poor use of public money. When discussing supposed Bulgarian and Romanian increa-sed involvement in criminal activity, the Council for Chief Constables in the Netherlands official statement is based

on a “very strong gut feeling that this is so” (“Research into Crime from Eastern Europe.”). Directing policy on gut feelings is indeed dangerous, yet Hague police chief Henk van Essen recently stated that “although exact figures are still missing . . . [Eastern Europeans] increasingly cross the line” (Hague Courant, 1 Mar. 2012). This article continues in a sensational manner, though a basic under-standing of statistical measures underlines how it informed by exclusionary ideology. The article builds on Chief Con-stables’ ‘gut feelings’ concluding that “Eastern Europeans” are “focused on committing burglaries” and that “thanks to them, the number of burglaries . . . increased 4 percent” (Hague Courant, 1 Mar. 2012). The sensational aspects emerge with van Essen’s suggestion that Bulgarians and Romanians operate in “flying squads . . . committing a series of burglaries” that have difficult patterns for police discovery (Hague Courant, 1 Mar. 2012). Nonetheless, such logic has led to a “record number of arrests [of 712]” (“Jobless Eastern Europeans Increasingly to Crime.”). Yet, the figure is the total arrests for burglaries regardless of ethnic origin. The disturbing feature is that out of the “67,000 reported” incidents, “26,600 suspects” were detai-ned, leading to questions regarding how much evidence is required for detainment if there is such a discrepancy between it and successful prosecution (“Jobless Eastern Europeans Increasingly to Crime.”). This phenomenon leads far right parties like the (recently disbanded) GVV to create complaint websites about Eastern Europeans that build their arguments completely on fear and preju-dice (“Problems with Poles? Report Them to Us, Says New PVV Website.”). One reason for complaint is the lost jobs of Dutch nationals to Eastern Europeans. Yet, when compared with the findings of the European Commission Reports on Racism and Intolerance that state that in The Netherlands, “discrimination in employment is rife” as “immigrants . . . are perceived as a burden to society” and that “xenophobic discourse has been mainstreamed during the past decade, gaining increasing social acceptance,” the contradictions and motivations behind such statements become evident (European Commission Against Racism and Intolerance 2011). The growth of xenophobic sentiments is paralleled by official policy in The Netherlands. Yet, it is important to keep in mind the divide between the official party line and differential enforcement according to profession. Specifically, agents in health care and education were less likely to comply with restrictive measures that require them to report illegal migrants; many claimed that they are in the health care or education profession, not the

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police (van der Leun 317). Although conservative political sentiments tend to argue that illegal migrants abuse social protections, findings suggest that migrants tend to distrust governmental institutions, and therefore find alternative community methods of support (van der Leun 314). Even without compliance, the consequences of official exclu-sionary policies are that many migrants do not register births or worse, seek medical care once it is already too late (van der Leun 320). These findings point towards the growth of an ironic trend in The Netherlands: although it is debatable, many migration scholars are arguing that increased regulation and exclusion forces migrants into minor crime (Minderhoud 394). As such, a cyclical structu-re takes shape in that stigmas and policy create elements of the very effect they are attempting to combat.Consequently, what occurs is the accentuation traditional nationalist views by defining against representations of certain migrants, which in turn inform policing policies – or ‘gut feelings’ - about levels of criminality. This not only stereotypes migrant subjects and troubles their access to social protections, but also furthers xenophobic sentiments by representing and attributing a disproportionate level of criminality on (im)migrants, thereby creating national fictions that criminals are typically foreign. It is this accen-tuation that illustrates how the desire to maintain levels of cultural homogeneity prioritizes ethnic identifications for national identity while also furthering the fear that fuels the process and perception that national identifications are under a certain threat. Although a part of the motivation behind this is to protect the workforce stability of natio-nals, it cannot be discounted that the rise of conservative rhetoric supports arguments of immigration as a threat to society, with common examples suggesting that migrants contribute to a loss of national culture and typically, abuse of social protections that ironically, many migrants are not afforded. It is indeed interesting to consider that exploi-tative industries are afforded more freedom than certain subjects, illustrating that, especially now in the time of a financial crisis, human experience and vulnerability is second place to economic success. Regulating undesirables in The Netherlands occurs throu-gh multiple permits, placing a bombardment of almost impossible conditions for subjects who in many cases come from formerly colonized states or contemporary neo-colonial states, thereby creating a vulnerable class within the country of immigration and home nation. Humanitarian implications arise from unanimous bureaucratic blockades based on fearful accounts of crimi-

nal otherness. Keeping these points in mind, it starts to become clear that certain policies of integration begin to resemble marginalization. Protecting degrees of cultural homogeneity implies that the term integration confirms a hierarchical relationship. If plurality is to be a genuine social prerogative, the term and process towards integra-tion needs to be heavily scrutinized or follow an ethos of interconnection as this term signifies the mutual benefits of cultural exchange and social unity. The cultural hierarchy’s presence even within the language of equality is just one strand that supports what Balibar argues is the existence of an “essentially defenceless group of people” and what I argue contributes to creating contemporary colonization (x).

BROADER IMPLICATIONS: This work may be criticized as one sided and anti-Europe-an. Europe is not a uniformly malevolent space to subjects deemed other. There are many civil initiatives and social activist movements working to improve the functioning of the European Community. The purpose of this criticism is to point out the intricacies of the specific problem presen-ted by increasing migration. The contradictions discussed criticize the selective application of social protections and xenophobic policing measures by relating them to colonial forms of social relations. I think that these factors significantly disrupt the European community and demand progressive measures. Many will also point out the mass amount of funds poured into developing economies. I do not contest this point. What I hope has become clear at this juncture is that doing so may indeed be beneficial to a certain degree, but it is not enough to challenge the foundation of unequal development or compensate for unethical multinational business relations and the consequent impoverished and criminal representations emerging from their wake. A step in the right direction would involve the European commis-sion defining a social policy that regulates the business practices in developing economies. This would supported a new, healthy image of the EU community, one that aban-dons static nationalism, appreciates the heterogeneity of European space and looks ahead to a post-national com-munity that moves beyond solely ‘tolerating’ intercultural encounters.


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INTRODUZIONE

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Many nights have I spent talking with friends about the worldwide sociopolitical and economic problem in an attempt to understand how humanity reached this point? Or maybe like Zeno’s paradoxes we never moved from it at all. That’s scary. That means no evolution. It is true though, the revolutions for equal rights, basic health care and education are burning in the garbage bin. A friend once said that the problem with humanity is the fact that capitalism legalized slavery. My partner added that through jobs we buy our freedom every day, little by little, trying to unshackle the long chains of subjection and subjugation. I once said that to a colleague and he got frustrated. Words are words and some are harsh. Words are words and truth is truth. I am sorry, I am not sorry. I am not sad. I am mad!In the hail of news and trash we are exposed to every day,

I came across the genius statement of ‘volunteering as a means of combating unemployment’. This was actually a recent suggestion by a Greek politician (I am not going to name or advertise him, he has a whole crew doing that for him; plus, it could be anyone, see, they all are so much alike) which once read, I couldn’t decide if I want to burst into laughs or tears.Just to make myself clear, I have no political preference and despise all parties equally for all are responsible for the degradation of the quality of life in Greece and the consequent suffering of its people. What is more, I have no magic, no recipes or alternatives for capitalism and believe that it’s high time we face the fact that since that’s the board and that’s the game we have to play it with its respective rules.On this basis, the politician’s statement is completely out

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Carousel, Syntagma Square, Athens, Greece-Harry Mouhtaris

of place though his personal interests are crystal clear. Yes! The wine of neoliberalism is sweet and the hunger of greed hard to satisfy. So instead of, as a politician, acknowledging the governmental responsibility, he casts the weight to the Greek citizens. But their shoulders and hands are full and thus such a statement comes as a tragi-comic insult playing with their nerves and patience.So, volunteering and let’s not forget the unpaid in-ternships, two similar things and in my view, two of the best tricks of capitalism for the perpetual conservation of the rich over the poor, and of course a celebration of capital. I know that you may not completely agree with this statement yet, to avoid misunderstandings, I do not object to the concept of volunteering or internships per se.I not only understand the principle of altruism but also support it practically (even at this very moment). This decision however, is a personal choice and doesn’t need encouraging by anybody (especially politicians). Moreover, I recognize the need of experience and practical applica-tion in most degrees with the difference that, in my humble opinion, these should be paid and not unpaid according to the modern ‘fashion’. Personally, I am sick and tired of this capitalist ‘chewing gum’ of volunteering and internships that is in vogue these last years of global recession. Why don’t the members of the parliament volunteer and exercise their duties without getting paid (for three months as suggested) to alleviate the people from the burden of an absurd taxation which also includes and covers their expenses? The taxation and the austerity measures imposed on the citizens and brought about by the incompetent politicians of the country. This is exactly what the Greek problem is! It is mostly political rather than financial and this is precisely

wwhy Greek people are drowning in debt, depression and despair.It is true that politicians have long abandoned the people and couldn’t care less about their impoverished lives, their frustration, and their everyday battles to reach their work amidst the strikes that halt the city. Nor do they care about the decreasing salaries or the small fortunes they have to pay to the banks the state is trying to save. They don’t care about how the people will find a way to pay the new taxes they impose on the empty freezing houses that cannot be sold or rented, on the personal ‘income’ (if any) and on the children that are born. The problem is much complicated for many interests collide and no efficient solution is offered to combat the escalating unemployment. Still, instead of proposing (and tarnishing the concept of) volunteering and supporting the illegal unpaid internships (which, as far as time and money is concerned, can only be afforded by high-income students), I’d rather see politicians focus on how new jobs and positions are created.As for the civic responsibility, namely the unpaid employe-es, do yourselves a favor and quit your ‘jobs’ (get a paid one for a change and don’t be afraid to relocate or start over) for if you stay, you just sustain the perpetual abuse and exploit by those bearing the capital thus leaving a black legacy to your offspring. My position is clear. Volunteer for whatever you like but do not work for anybody who does not pay you. No, working for free is not a solution for, if there’s one thing capitalism has taught us, it’s that nothing is free. Not our time and not our energy.

Photos by Harris Moutharis


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In 1933 the United States was experiencing unemployment, hunger and debt at rates never seen before as a result of the onset of the Great Depression in 1929. Unemployment was at 15 million and extensive portions of farms throughout the country were failing. On the day of Roosevelt’s inauguration in March of 1933, 40% of Mississippi farms were on the auction block. Prices of commodities had fallen to an all time low and the market was infiltrated with huge quantities of crops. Soon after FDR’s inauguration, he signed into agreement the Agri-cultural Adjustment Administration (AAA), a system offering farmers subsidies in exchange for regulating the quantity of livestock or crops grown and harvested. This process reduced the crop supply, thus raising the value and bringing more money back to the farmer and detouring large-scale devastation of U.S. farms. Although AAA was modified and replaced over the time, it holds great significan-ce. Following it came a pedigree of farm subsidy distribution procedures, which continue to penetrate U.S. agricultural policy through resilient political and corporate arrangements.

The Model – A subsidy is “a sum of money granted by the government […] to assist an industry or business so that the price of a commodity or service may remain low or competiti-ve […] or other undertaking held to be in the public interest.” Farm subsidies provide farmers a sum of money to produce a large quantity of commodities to be sold at cheap prices into the food market. The question as to whether or not it upholds public interest is to be determined. Between 1995 and 2009, the government spent $277 billion on farm subsidies. $218.9 of which was spent on commodity subsidies and crop insurance. Corn subsidies received $81.7 billion, making it the highest subsidized crop. Following be-

hind was wheat with $32.3 billion. Third came cotton, which was followed by a component of the conservation program, and thereafter came soybeans with $26.3 billion in gover-nment support, rice, dairy, and livestock at $3.7 billion. According to the USDA, 62% of farms in the U.S. collected subsidies; however, only 10% of which collected 75% of the total $277 billion. That equates to $207.7 billion for not 10% of all farmers, but 10% of the 64% who received any subsidy at all – leaving hefty sums in few hands. The impermeable links between big agriculture, lobbying, the U.S. Department of Agricultural (USDA) and the passing of bills that enable the quantity and direction of distribution of subsidies are of undeniable significance. As these pro-grams allowed for big agricultural companies to boom, the companies began playing a significant role in the agriculture economy, creating ties to governing bodies and enhancing their aptitude to affect policy making. Big agriculture has the funds to utilize the significant influence lobbyists have over politicians and governing officials. So what began as a tool

U.S. Farm Subsidies:Implicationsand SolutionsNatalie Shapiro

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to bring farmers out of debt, has become a system of “You-scratch-my-back-and-I’ll-pay-someone-to-scratch-yours.” Farm Bills have developed into ones that favor big business and overproduction, as exemplified through the drop from five million family farms in the U.S. in 1950 to two million in 2000.v The Implications – This model of distribution creates and perpetuates an assortment of injustices in both the United States and throughout the World. Farmer’s, worldwide, cannot sustain profits due to U.S. agricultural policy. The numbers listed above exemplify that the large-scale commodity crops (corn, soybeans, wheat, livestock) are supported, whereas specialty crops, “[…] fruits and vegetables, tree nuts, dried fruitsvi” are left without. Instead, subsidies are offered to big agriculture producingmono-crops of cheap commodities in vast quantities, thus

flooding domestic and international markets with cheap pro-ducts that cannot be competed with, resulting in huge losses for small scale and/or specialty crop farmers worldwide. Furthermore, the link between income and obesity is transpa-rent when looking at the cost of a bunch of carrots versus a Hostess snack. Why is it that something harvested from the ground costs more than the complex, scientific ingredients found in the latter product? Why does a McDouble cost less than a head of broccoli? Policy makers subsidize commodi-ties that compose the concoction of ingredients in processed products. Corn, the leading subsidized crop by $47.3 billion, is the key ingredient in the processed sweetener, high fructose corn syrup (HFCS). HFCS is a main ingredient found in the majo-rity of processed foods – cereal, chips, candy, soda, juice, bread, and so on. Heavily subsidized corn generates cheap HFCS and processed calories, making income level one of the main predictors of obesity. With the crisis of obesity and food related disease, it is difficult to comprehend why gover

nment subsidies have not been directed towards products that heal and prevent illnesses, as opposed to those that create and perpetuate them. While the Surgeon General is wailing about obesity, the government is subsidizing HFCS. The impermeable links between big agriculture and policy makers must be noted. Ethanol, a cheap energy source, is derived from 40% of subsidized corn grown in the United States. $32.68 billion of farm subsidies are used for ethanol production, which continues to put the environment at risk due to large-scale mono-crops, coal-powered refineries, excessive use of water, and greenhouse gases. Furthermore, the question as to whether or not this should be funded by energy departments, as opposed to farm subsidies, is rarely put into question. Additionally, most livestock are raised in factory farms where they are fed corn, wheat, and soybeans (the highest subsi-dized farm commodities), along with same species meats, diseased animals, and animal waste. Diets of this type create cheap livestock products that flood markets, restaurants, and ultimately our bodies. Industrial farms that produce cheap products generate disease, anti-biotic ridden livestock that go to slaughter and infiltrate our bodies, leaving many with food related disease and infections such as: salmonella and e-coli,

Solutions –Many argue that obesity and disease are crises based upon personal responsibility. Yes, we are responsible for our own health. We can vote with our forks. We can cho-ose to buy healthy, organic, local products grown on small farms. However, many continue to purchase and consume science-made products from huge monocultures due to price or lack of information. While we vote with our forks, we must, as Michael Pollen noted, also “…vote with our votes because so much of our food system is the result of policy choices made in Washington.” A modification in the USDA must be made that shifts the Farm Bill into a Food Bill. Current subsi-dy programs are no longer upholding public interest. It is achievable to have policies: supply people with healthy and affordable food, permit small farmers to profit, promote healthy food systems, support specialty crops, protect natural resources, encourage animal welfare, prevent unnecessary waste, and support our worldwide neighbors. Let us question the current paradigm that has outlived its utility. Let us demand governmental support for honorable methods and products.

Visit HYPERLINK “http://farm.ewg.org/index.php” EWG Farm Subsidies for more information.


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Maja Michaliszyn comes from Krakow in Poland. Having been raised in the cultural capital of the country, with numerous museums, galleries and theatres, it was inevita-ble that she became interested in art. Recently, she has graduated from the Univer-sity of Glasgow in Scotland receiving a first class degree in Art History and Italian. During her studies, she spent nine months living and studying in Bologna, where she developed a great passion for Italian culture. She is particularly interested in Italian art especially Venetian art on which she wrote her dissertation and the twentieth-century Italian art. While being a student, she has written publications, for instance for Radiius, an online art journal. Moreover, she has been working in various museums such as the Hunterian Museum and Art Gallery in Glasgow, Mackintosh House in Glasgow and recently she completed her internship at the Peggy Guggenheim Collection in Venice. She is planning to continue her career in the museum context.

Giacomo Savani -(Jack) is a freelance writer and cartoonist (http://tac-cuinofarcito.tumblr.com/) as well as a PhD student in Roman Archaeolo-gy at the University of Leicester. After spending more than half of is life in quiescent state in his sleepy hometown, he woke up, started Univer-sity in Bologna and tried to face his disastrous lack of self-confidence with dignity. At the moment he lives in England and he is quite happy.

Stanley OkurutChairman of Pallisa Community Development Trust (Pacodet) since 1989, with a Graduation with honors in Zoology, today Stanley is Program Director of Pacodet. His job focuses in the research and organization of developing plans for the improvement of the area of Pallisa in Uganda.

PacodetThe community-based organization Pallisa Community Development Trust (PACODET) serves a rural population of about 60,000 people in the Pallisa district, Eastern Uganda. PACODET involved online volunteers in the development of its project proposals in the areas of health care, community-based-adaptation to climate change, food security and civil rights.www.pacodet.org

Athena Zapounidi completed her BA in English studies at the University of Athens and got her MA in English Language and Culture at the University of Amsterdam by researching and surfacing the sociopolitical narrative of Charles Bukowski’s poetry. Her academic background in the literary and cultural field has enhanced her critical, analytical and creative skills. She writes academic essays, articles, poetry, scripts, and enjoys painting in her spare time.

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Born and raised in Provence, in the South of France, Hugo is graduated from the Institute of Political Studies of Aix-en-Provence. He particu-larly focused there on the European left-wing parties. After his study in France and an exchange in Stockholm, he is studying now political communication in Amsterdam.

Natalie Shapiro is a Holistic Health Advisor working in California, United States. She received a Bachelor of Arts in Sociology from San Francisco State University, a Certificate of International Social Sciences from the University of Amsterdam, and a certificate from the Institute of Integrative Nutrition: New York. Natalie works to guide individuals towards healthier, balanced nutrition and lifestyles. She has researched the link between food and: quality, deficiencies, (mal)nutrition, production, corporations, government, environment, animals. Contact Natalie at: [email protected].

Paolo Zapparoli is native of the of North of Italy. At the age of 25, he started his adventure in the photography environment, discovering new views of the world as well as of himself. His focuses are people, which he likes portraying with the extravagant and unexpected style of Street Photography. He counts several collaborations with the online magazine Diecieventicinque.it and with the cultural group of Zerocin-queuno. To highlight ‘No Fixed Abode’, a cooperation with a group of international photographers in Bologna, and ‘Appunti di Viaggio’ a personal project developed dedicated to Turkey and its populations.

Harry Mouhtaris studied marketing and photography at Technical collage GYMEA, Sydney Australia. In 2004 worked my way to Europe being based in Athens for 8 years till moving to Amsterdam. Photography to me is capturing the moment, lifestyle/people, travel, food/still, scenic, night and documentary. Always looking for the right shot.


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Salvo Ognibene was born in Livorno and he grew up in Menfi, Sicily. In 2008, he moved to Bologna, where he studies law at the University of Bologna. Because of his passions for journalism, politics, sport and anti-mafia, in 2011 he founded the online magazine www.Diecieventincinque.it. Finally, he collaborates with the network ‘I Siciliani giovani’ and the television ‘Telejato’.

Francesco Camonita is from Catania, Sicily. At the age of eighteen, probably too tired of the beautiful, cursed reality of his island he left Italy in what he defined a “voluntary exile”. He successfully completed in 2012 a career in International Relations with Spanish at Swansea University, Wales (UK), getting a First Class Degree. He currently lives and is lucky enough to work as an Administrative Research Assistant for the Autonomous University of Barcelona, specializing in academic project management and European studies. Francesco’s fields and academic passions space contemporary history, international relations, the European debate and languages. He dreams of a career at a Euro-pean Institution to try and change things for the sake of EU society, and hopes the day of a renewed 3rd Italian Republic will eventually come true.

T. Bashev completed an M.A in Literature and Culture at UvA Amster-dam and a Dual BA in Literature and Psychology at the University of British Columbia, Vancouver Canada. His primary academic interest lies in the intersection between (post)colonial theory, contemporary literature and public policy. His personal interests include philosophical comic books, long distance running and attempting to play the guitar.

David S. Muñoz Cuenca.I was born in Mexico in 1989. During my life as a student, I became more and more involved in the international topics, especially those related to the political, social and environmental live. For that reason, I studied a bachelor in International Relations in Mexico, finishing my last year at the University of Amsterdam; this opportunity changed my vision of the world. Now that I am back in my home country I want to share my experiences to the world.

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Diego Ottaviano. Writer and collaborator of Diecieventicinque since 2011, he is now attending a research master program at the University of Amsterdam. He also works with the publisher Caracò.it with which he develops pedagogi-cal project for high school. He studies Communication Sciences at the Univer-sity of Amsterdam. He is the coordinator of Diecieventicinque International.

Paolo Vicenzi is a freelance creative designer. For three years he lived in Milan where he attended the professional School of Comics. It is during this period, that Paolo cultivated passions such as, edit design and art design. After his experience in Milan, Paolo moved to Bologna, where he started collaborations with several cultural groups. In Bologna, Paolo also ente-red the international environment, which has led him to a short stay in the [email protected]

Our magazine, 10&25 International would not be ‘real’ without the support of many people. The editorial staff wishes to express its gratitude to all the writers and collaborators of this project. In the specific, we wish to thank the writers Athena, Maja, Natalie, David, Francesco, Giacomo, Hugo, Stanley and Todor and the photographers Harris and Paolo. A special thanks also goes to Paolo V., who has embraced this adventure with passion and dedi-cation. A thanks is also reserved to Salvo Ognibene, who was abundantly helpful and offered invaluable assistance, support and guidance. Finally and for her patience, a personal thanks also goes to Francesca.

Acknowledgement

Layout and cover by Paolo VicenziWeb site created by Carlo TamburelliLogo and comic strips by Giacomo Savani

[email protected]

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n° 2 february 2013

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