new clare twigger-ross - social impact - appendices · 2014. 3. 22. · 7 appendix 3 list of social...

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HBC/10/2A

THE MERSEY GATEWAY PROJECT

(MERSEY GATEWAY BRIDGE)

SOCIAL IMPACT

APPENDICES TO PROOF OF EVIDENCE OF

Dr. Clare Twigger-Ross

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Appendices

Appendix 1 Construction area map

Appendix 2 Overview of social research

Appendix 3 List of SIA variables

Appendix 4 Maps of vulnerable groups distribution, education facilities,

health facilities and leisure facilities in Halton

Appendix 5 Relevant legislation and policy

Appendix 6 Summary of impacts and effects

Appendix 7 Summary of objections and responses

Appendices 8 – 17 articles and extracts referred to in proof of evidence

Appendix 8 Barrow 1997

Appendix 9 Petts 1999

Appendix 10 IAIA 2003

Appendix 11 Burdge 2004

Appendix 12 Vanclay 2003

Appendix 13 Extracts from Office of National Statistics

Appendix 14 Meadows 2008

Appendix 15 Extracts on regeneration projects from HBC website

Appendix 16 Extract from Urban Renewal Baseline

Appendix 17 Halton Borough Council Focus on the economic downturn

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Appendix 1 Construction Areas

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Appendix 2: Overview of social research

Stage of Research

Method of Data Collection

Focus of the survey Survey Report

Stage 1 Eight focus group with residents, 9 in-depth interviews with businesses, telephone survey with 201 businesses, on-street survey with wider travelling public at 10 different locations (500), workshop with stakeholders.

Research was undertaken to identify the current perceptions and travel needs within Halton and consideration of different bridge options

New Mersey Crossing Consultation –Stage One (2002)

Stage 2 Six focus groups with residents, 3 workshops with businesses and 1 workshop with local interest groups, postal survey with all stakeholders (1545 returned).

Research was undertaken to quantify support for a new crossing within Halton and identify any preferred route options

New Mersey Crossing Consultation –Stage Two Route Consultation (2003)

Stage 3 Eight focus groups were consulted with residents, employees and employers.

Research was undertaken to identify respondents’ viewsregarding the implementation of tolls on the New Bridge and/or the Silver Jubilee Bridge

New Mersey Crossing Tolling Feasibility Study (2004)

Stage 4 Postal survey amongst local businesses and random sample of households (2,400 questionnaires sent).

Research was undertaken to determine driver sensitivity in relation to travel/time cost and see if this is in line with DfT’s default values for Economic Assessments, to provide more specific values of time relative to drivers currently crossing the River and give greater confidence when modelling how drivers will behave under different future scenarios

New Mersey Crossing Quantitative Research Stated Preference (2004)

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Stage of Research



involving increased journey time to avoid a toll.

Stage 5 Numerous questionnaires were distributed in local facilities along with reply paid envelopes in addition to random on street interviews in Runcorn and Widnes town centres. For the purpose of assessment Halton was spilt into eight regions with one north and one south of Halton. For reference these regions were spilt as follows;

1 – Riverside;2 – Hough Green, Ditton and Hale;3 – Farnwoth and Birchfield;4 – Halton View, Appleton and Kingsway;

5 – Mersey;6 – Halton Brook, Grange and Heath;7 – Halton Castle, Halton Lea, Beechwood;

8 – Daresbury, Windmill Hill, Norton North and Norton South;9 – Areas north of Halton; and10 – Areas south of Halton.

Research was undertaken to determine the use ofcommunity facilities and frequently made trips to key destination types, in order to map how people use the space in their local areas.

Community Facilities Research (2005)

Stage 6 582 questionnaires (55.6%) returned from Halton Citizens’ Panel.

Research aimed to investigate how people perceive their local area and how involved they

Mersey Gateway Social Impact Assessment Quality of Life

6

Stage of Research



are in community activities.

Survey (2005)

Stage 7 Nine focus groups were conducted with vulnerable and other groups identified as part of the socio-economic impact assessment. A telephone survey took place with Black and Minority Ethnic groups (BME) respondents due to the cancellation of that focus group. In addition, a quantitative survey (502face-to-face interviews) of residents residing close to the Silver Jubilee Bridge (SJB) and the route of the proposed Project.

Research aimed to explore the perceptions and attitudes of residents and employees towards the Project and its potential effects on those who are most likely to be affected by construction and operation of the Project

Mersey Gateway Social ImpactAssessment (2007)

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Appendix 3 List of social impact assessment variables (taken from

Burdge, 2004a an extract of which is in Appendix 11)

Impact 1 – Population change

Definition: The movement of people into or out of a specified geographic area,

over a specified time period as result of the project.

Rationale: The magnitude and rate of population change has important

implications for community infrastructure requirements and may be a major

determinant of other financial and social impacts in the project area. Three key

indicators are important: the size of the population change, the density of the

population change, the density of population in the impact area and the rate of

influx or outflux of persons.

Impact 2 – Influx or Outflux of temporary workers

Definition: The temporary movement into or out of a specified geopolitical area

over a specified period of time, as a result of the project.

Rationale: Some of the social impacts in a project setting can be traced to the

number and composition of the construction and associated workers who are

introduced to the impact area. Some of the impacts of the workers are

temporary (i.e. housing and health needs) while others may be permanent –

such as unused infrastructure capacity

Impact 3 Presence of an outside Agency

Definition: Permanent residence in the project area of a govt. agency or private

sector organisation who has not previously been in the community and whose

management and control is external to the area.

Rationale: This changes power structures in the community and for

communities to respond positively they will need to feel they have some control

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over the process. The presence of a new employer may also significantly alter

existing social and power structures within the community.

Impact 4 Change in community infrastructure

Definition: The increase or decrease in the demands for and supply of basic

infrastructure services and facilities

Rationale: Project development can alter the demands put on services.

Population influx that accompanies construction may demand need new

facilities. For example, the population influx that accompanies construction

may result in the expansion or building of new facilities or, at the end of

construction may lead to a reduction in community service levels. If capital

investments are made in new facilities, communities may be faced with excess

capacity during the operation phase of the project.

Impact 5: Change in Economic Inequities

Definition: The degree to which employment opportunities of the proposed

project or development match the job skills of the unemployed in the impact

area

Rationale: Project justification often hinges on the expectation that the

development event will contribute to the employment needs of the impacted

area. One such contribution would be jobs for locals who are presently

unemployed. This social impact variable evaluates the match between jobs

available from the project and the occupational skills of the locally unemployed.

Impact 6: Change in employment equity of minority groups

Definition: The degree to which employment opportunities of the proposed

project match the job skills of minorities to include low-income, younger

persons, ethnic and racial categories and women.

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Rationale: Jobs resulting from project development tend not to be distributed

equitably either geographically or socially. When assessing the combined

negative impacts (costs) and positive impacts (benefits), patterns must be

identified where matches are present e.g. whether one group is significantly

benefiting, while another is negatively impacted in many different ways. Social

assessors should be aware that the project may indirectly increase or decrease

social inequity in the impact area. This SIA measure expands the variable on

enhanced economic inequities and attempts to determine in benefits will be

extended to specific categories of the unemployed (or indigenous populations)

that otherwise might not have local employment opportunities.

Impact 7 Changing occupational opportunities

Definition: The degree to which the proposed project or development alters the

occupational profile of the impacted area

Rationale: The creation of new occupation opportunities means that local

labour may be drawn from different groups, previously not employed (e.g.

housewives may enter service industries experiencing project-induced growth),

or they may be drawn away from those presently employed. The resulting

change in occupational opportunities may lead to changes in family income,

class-level and even lifestyles. Those not participating in the new occupational

opportunities may also fine their job situation changing. The different types of

jobs available in the community may mean a requirement for a different sets of

skills, which could attract new members to a community which in turn may lead

to social conflict. Indirect effects of increased employment opportunities may

be the retention of young adults in the community who otherwise might have

left. Project development may also discourage local youths from acquiring

higher education levels and remain in non-skilled positions.

Impact 8 Perceptions of health and safety

Definition: Perceptions, attitudes or beliefs on the part of the residents in the

impact area that their physical health and safety, to include their mental well-

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being will be jeopardised by the proposed activity – e.g. effects of stress from

noise and general disruption.

Rationale: Projects such as nuclear power plant construction and operation and

hazardous (nuclear and chemical) waste site construction and operation may

lead to perceived risk and stress among local residents. While the public’s

assessment of risk is subjective in nature, their fears should not be dismissed

as irrational or unimportant. If there is a widespread belief that the project will

endanger their (and future generations) health, community satisfaction will be

diminished, acceptance of the project and workers will be hindered and

perceptions and interpretation of subsequent positive benefits may not be fully

realised.

Impact 9 Changes to daily living and movement patterns

Definition: Changes in the routine living and work activities of residents in the

impact area caused by alteration to the visual environment, noise, odour levels,

transportation routes or the amount of vehicular traffic resulting from the

project or development.

Rationale: Project construction and operation may cause adverse

environmental change leading residents in the vicinity to alter their movement

patterns and social habits in order to minimise exposure to project related

activity. Such adverse impacts include increased traffic congestion, noise,

odour, air or water pollution and impacts on the visual quality of an area. The

latter is important because it can affect residents’ perceptions of their

community, which in turn may affect how wiling they are to invest time and

money in the area and how likely they are to move elsewhere. A change in the

community image may also influence whether outsiders will visit, live or

establish businesses in the area.

Impact 10 Change to social networks

Definition: The termination or disruption of normal community social interaction

(including friendship and kin relations) by project activity and development.

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Rationale: The normal flow of informal communication in an area may be

disrupted by the project. An example would be the construction of physical

barriers to existing vehicular or pedestrian routes. Such disruption will affect

some social groups more than others. For example, persons with low incomes

may be unable to afford the increased time and expense to continue former

relationships. The elderly and physically disabled may be cutoff from support

networks. The disruption of social networks will always occur in the case of

significant population relocation, particularly if accompanied by water

impoundment, highway development and pipeline construction.

Impact 11 Change in leisure opportunities

Definition: An increase or decrease in leisure/recreational opportunities due to

changes in the management of natural resources within the impacted areas.

Rationale: The number and type of leisure opportunities available in a

community has an important influence on resident’s satisfaction with their

community. Recreational developments may add to, or change the nature of,

available leisure opportunities.

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Appendix 4 – Maps showing location of vulnerable groups, education facilities, health

facilities and leisure facilities in Halton

VULNERABLE GROUPLOCATIONS

WITHIN HALTON

20.2

ENVIRONMENTALSTATEMENT

MG_REP_EIA_007

Ethnic Minorities

*Elderly, LTLI

Elderly

*Elderly, LTLI

Disabled, Elderly, LTLI

LTLI

Ethnic Minorities

Deprivation, Disabled, LTLI, Unemployment


Ethnic Minorities

Disabled, LTLI

Elderly, Ethnic Minorities, LTLI, Unemployment

Ethnic Minorities, LTLI

Deprivation, Disabled, LTLI

Disabled, Elderly, Ethnic Minorities, LTLIDeprivation, LTLI, Unemployment

*Deprivation, Disabled, Ethnic Minorities, LTLI

Disabled, LTLI, Unemployment

Deprivation, Elderly, LTLI, Unemployment


This map is reproduced from Ordnance Survey material with the permission ofOrdnance Survey on behalf of the Controller of Her Majesty's Stationery Office © Crown copyright.Unauthorised reproduction infringes Crown copyright and may lead to prosecution or civil proceedings.Halton Borough Council Licence No. 100018552 2007.

´KEY

Report Title

Report Number

Figure Title

Figure Number

LegendPlanning Application BoundaryTransport & Works Act BoundaryHalton Ward Boundaries

No. of Vulnerable Groups Identified in LSOA01234

0 1,000 2,000500 Meters

OVERALL IMD RANKINGWITHIN HALTON

20.6


MG_REP_EIA_007

Hale

Daresbury

Heath

Ditton

Riverside

Mersey

Farnworth

Halton Castle

Halton ViewKingsway

Halton Lea

GrangeNorton North

Birchfield

Appleton

Norton South

Beechwood

Halton Brook

Broadheath

Hough Green

Windmill Hill


´KEY

Report Title

Report Number

Figure Title

Figure Number

LegendTransport & Works Act BoundaryPlannig Application BoundaryIMD 2007 Worst 4%IMD 2007 Worst 20%

IMD Rank 2007306 - 25202521 - 56425643 - 99379938 - 1606316064 - 2151221513 - 28232

0 1,000 2,000500 Meters

EDUCATION DEPRIVATIONAND BASELINE WITHIN HALTON

20.9


MG_REP_EIA_007

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Daresbury

Heath

Ditton

Riverside

Mersey

Farnworth

Halton Castle

Halton ViewKingsway

Halton Lea

GrangeNorton North

Birchfield

Appleton

Norton South

Beechwood

Halton Brook

Broadheath

Hough Green

Windmill Hill


´KEY

Report Title

Report Number

Figure Title

Figure Number

Legend#* Special Schools

^ 6th Form Colleges

n Secondary Schools

nm Primary SchoolsPlanning Application BoundaryTransport & Works Act BoundaryEducation IMD 2007 Worst 4%Education IMD 2007 Worst 20%Halton Ward Boundaries

Education IMD 2007 Ranking1003 - 34053406 - 58675868 - 90119012 - 1343013431 - 2263722638 - 29240

0 1,000 2,000500 Meters

% CAR/ VAN OWNERSHIPWITHIN HALTON

20.13


MG_REP_EIA_007

Hale

Daresbury

Heath

Ditton

Riverside

Mersey

Farnworth

Halton Castle

Halton ViewKingsway

Halton Lea

GrangeNorton North

Birchfield

Appleton

Norton South

Beechwood

Halton Brook

Broadheath

Hough Green

Windmill Hill


´KEY

Report Title

Report Number

Figure Title

Figure Number

LegendProject Planning Application Boundary

Transport and Works Act Boundary

Halton Ward Boundaries

LSOA where Car/ Van Ownership >UK Mean

% Residents with No Car/ Van

1 - 8.7

8.7 - 17.5

17.5 - 26.4

26.4 - 35.1

35.1 - 45.2

45.2 - 58.7

0 1,250 2,500625 Meters

HEALTH DEPRIVATION AND% OF INDIVIDUALS

WITH A LTLI IN HALTON

20.14


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Norton South

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Broadheath

Hough Green

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Highfield Hospital

Halton General Hospital


´KEY

Report Title

Report Number

Figure Title

Figure Number

Legend

X GPs

®v HospitalsTransport & Works Act BoundaryPlanning Application BoundaryHealth IMD 2007 Worst 4%Health IMD 2007 Worst 20%Halton Ward BoundaryLSOA with LTLI above UK Mean

Health IMD 2007 Ranking32 - 958959 - 24952496 - 42054206 - 81218122 - 1202812029 - 17277

% Residents with LTLI!( 6 - 9!( 10 - 16!( 17 - 21!( 22 - 25!( 26 - 32

0 1,250 2,500625 Meters

LOCATIONS OF SERVICESAND FACILITIES IN HALTON

20.17


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Hale

Daresbury

Heath

Ditton

Riverside

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GrangeNorton North

Birchfield

Appleton

Norton South

Beechwood

Halton Brook

Broadheath

Hough Green

Windmill Hill


´KEY

Report Title

Report Number

Figure Title

Figure Number

LegendPlanning Application Boundary

Transport & Works Act Boundary

!( Libraries

") Leisure Centres

#* Community Rooms

^ Community Centres

E Churches & Village Halls

Secondary Shopping Area

Primary Shopping Area

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!. Tennis club

I" Post offices

"/ Cricket Clubs

Rugby Clubs

! ! ! !

! ! ! ! Playgrounds

Playing Fields & Parks

Nature Reserves & Woodlands

Golf Courses

Football Pitches

Bowling Greens

Halton Ward Boundaries

0 1,000 2,000500 Meters

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Appendix 5 Relevant Legislation and Policy

Policy, Legislation and Background

Summary of key issues identified for the Socio - Economic Impact Assessment

International

European Structural Funding

Halton is currently in receipt of European Structural Funding. Funding is awarded over seven year blocks and the current period runs from 2007-2013. There are 2 main types of funding:

• Structural Funds;• Community initiatives funding

National

Sustainable Development Strategy –Securing the Future (2005)

This document states that ‘The goal of sustainable development is to enable all people throughout the world to satisfy their basic needs and enjoy a better quality of life, without compromising the quality of life of future generations’. This strategy seeks to work on local, national and global levels to implement sustainable development through such measures and policies as enabling and encouraging behavioural changes, realising sustainable consumption and production, targeting energy consumption, greenhouse gas emissions and climate change, protecting natural resources and enhancing the environment.

Single Regeneration Budget

The ‘Quality of Life’ within England has been targeted through a 1994 EU initiative; Single Regeneration Budget (SRB) Schemes. Nationally, Local Regeneration Partnerships bid for 6 rounds of SRB funding providing that their Project meets the eligible objectives set for each round. In total 1027 bids were awarded funding, worth over £5.7 billion. SRB funding aims ‘to enhance the quality of life of local people in areas of need by reducing the gap between deprived and other areas, and between different groups’ (Ref. 3). Halton was awarded funding for three schemes, these schemes include:

SRB Round 2 – Runcorn on the Mersey (£12.7M awarded): This Project opened in 1996 and was completed in 2003. The programme aimed to revive Halton through stimulating an increase in economic and social activity via increasing business in the area, increasing the skills base of the area, by providing community support services to residents and in making the area successful, prosperous and attractive;

SRB Round 4 – Realising the Benefits (£2.55M awarded): This Project aimed to create opportunities, remove barriers and promote inclusion in the full economic and social life of Halton. This Project ran from 1998 to 2004; and

SRB Round 5 – Focus for Change (£23M awarded): This Project opened in 1999 and continued until 2006. The focus of expenditure was primarily Widnes, as no previous SRB funding had been spent here. Focus for Change aimed to reduce areas of

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disadvantage and deprivation.In addition to external government funding, the approved SRB bids attracted private sector investment. For the SRB programmes awarded funding within Halton an additional £103M was provided from other private sources.

Regional

Regional Planning Guidance (RPG) 13 (Regional Spatial Strategy (RSS)

The main aim of RPG13 is to promote sustainable patterns of spatial development and physical change. In order to achieve this aim RPG13s’ seven key objectives are: To achieve greater economic competitiveness and growth, with associated social progress;To secure an urban renaissance in the cities and towns of the North West;To ensure the sensitive and integrated development and management of the coastal zone and secure the revival of coastal resort towns;To sustain and revive the Region’s rural communities and the rural economy;To ensure active management of the Region’s environmental and cultural assets;To secure a better image for the Region and high environmental and design quality; andTo create an accessible Region, with an efficient and fully integrated transport system.RPG13 specifically highlights that a ‘very significant enhancement, in terms of image and opportunities for higher quality of life overall, is required in Runcorn and Widnes’.

North West Development Agency’s (NWDA) ‘Regional Economic Strategy’ (2006)

The NWDA specifically identifies Halton as an area to target for ‘Delivering the basic skills required by employers for those individuals without qualifications’, to ‘Deliver support to improve peoples prospects of getting a job (employability activities) and reduce the high level of Incapacity Benefit claimants’, to ‘Develop and encourage employment creation in or near deprived areas’ and to ‘Develop business start up and support services’. It can therefore be seen that the Project will be created and operate in a location where such social policies must be considered

Local

Halton Unitary Development Plan (UDP) (2005)

Halton became a Unitary Authority in 1998. The current UDP was adopted in April 2005 and sets the framework for development within the Borough up to 2016. The UDP’s main strategic aim is; ‘to transform the quality of Halton's environment and improve economic prosperity and social progress through sustainable development’. This aim is to be achieved through setting targets and objectives for economic development, housing and population, environmental and cultural assets, environmental quality, regeneration, town centres and shopping, transportation, waste and social inclusion. Halton’s UPD aims to achieve social inclusion through the following objectives;

Create more job opportunities through new development and a more diversified economy;Provide for suitable access and facilities in developments for people with disabilities and people with young children;

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Protect greenspace from development;Protect local shops, recreation and community facilities;Improve public transport;Provide safe and attractive pedestrian routes and extend pedestrianisation of town centres; and to Encourage a proportion of all new houses to be built suitable for the less mobile.

Halton’s UDP recognises that the Mersey Estuary is a major barrier to transportation links between Runcorn and Widnes, and other parts of the sub-regions. The UDP states that ‘the congestion of the existing single road crossing is a major constraint to the economic development of the area and to social and economic interaction within the Borough’ and that these issues are an objective for the UDP to resolve. The UDP’s main strategic aim of Economic Development includes an objective ‘to promote schemes of economic importance within the Borough including the New Mersey Crossing’.

Neighbourhood Renewal Areas

Halton is listed as one of the government defined Neighbourhood Renewal Areas. Neighbourhood Renewal Areas (NRA) are defined under ‘A New Commitment to Neighbourhood Renewal: National Strategy Action Plan, 2001’ and are listed as the top 88 most deprived Boroughs within England. NRA are those listed within the top 50 most disadvantaged within England against any of the six district level summaries of the Index of Multiple Deprivation (IMD). Two long term visions are set out by the National Strategy Action Plan which consist of:‘In all poorest neighbourhoods, to have common goals of lower worklessness and crime, and better health, skills, housing and physical environment’; and‘To narrow the gap on these measures between the most deprived neighbourhoods and the rest of the country’.

The Halton Strategic Partnership Board (HSPB) was set up to oversee the management of the distribution of this funding in the most efficient way and to areas of greatest need. Five Strategic Priorities were identified for Halton (as identified by Halton’s Community Strategy). A thematic group for each priority was formed to sit under the HSPB in order to identify need within that thematic area, commission projects, allocate funding and monitor progress against subsequently developed Service Level Agreements.

The Working Neighbourhoods Fund (WNF) was introduced in 2008 and superseded the Neighbourhood Renewal Fund (NRF). Funding is spread across the five strategic priorities to form a commissioning pot. This pot is used to fund three cross-cutting areas that were identified in the Local Area Agreement as areas where progress was proving difficult, but where improvement would have a positive effect on meeting a wide range of existing targets. These three areas were alcohol misuse, anti-social behaviour, and worklessness/skills/enterprise. Funding for ‘Employment, Learning & Skills’ is combined with funding received from the Safer and Stronger Communities Fund (SSCF) to provide a single coherent programme of interventions. The

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WNF and SSCF provide over £12M worth of funding for Halton between 2009 and 2011.

Halton Strategic Partnership‘A Community Strategy for a Sustainable Halton 2006 –2011, Making it Happen in Halton’

Halton’s Strategic Partnership outlined a number of socio economic objectives and targets to be achieved within Halton by 2011 in; ‘A Community Strategy for a Sustainable Halton 2006 –2011, Making it Happen in Halton’. The key themes which were identified by this strategy are:

A Healthy Halton;Halton’s Urban Renewal;Halton’s Children and Young People;Employment, Learning and Skills in Halton; andA Safer Halton

Halton Strategic Partnership stated that the main key themes identified above are to be achieved in the medium term through:

Improving health;Improving the skills base in the Borough;Improving educational attainment across the Borough;Creating employment opportunities for all; Tackling worklessnessTackling the low wage economy;Improving environmental assets and how the Borough looks;Creating prosperity and equality of opportunity;Reducing crime and anti-social behaviour;Improving amenities for all age groups;Furthering economic and urban regeneration;Tackling contaminate land;Creating opportunities/ facilities/ amenities for children and young people;Supporting the ageing population;Minimising waste/ increasing recycling/ bringing efficiencies in waste disposal;Increasing focus on community engagement; andRunning services efficiently.

Halton is currently in the process of adopting a revised Community Strategy, which is likely to be formally adopted in Summer 2009. The key themes will remain the same as noted above, but will contain updated targets in line with the LAA. This Strategy will include explicit reference to the Mersey Gateway Project.

Halton’s Corporate Plan (2006 – 2011)

Halton’s Corporate plan, ‘Its all Happening in Halton 2006 –2011’ outlines the goals which the Council aspire to achieve by 2011 to create a better future for Halton. The vision for Halton, which guides their key priorities and actions states; ‘Halton will be a thriving and vibrant Borough where people can learn and develop their skills, enjoy a good quality of life with good health; a high quality, modern urban environment; the opportunity for all to fulfil their potential; greater wealth and equality; sustained by a thriving business community; and safer, stronger and more

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attractive neighbourhoods’. Key priorities are identified within the corporate plan and, for each, realistic objectives and targets are set. These key priorities are grouped in six themes, which mirror Halton’s main priorities throughout all the council’s adopted strategies, including those in Neighbourhood Renewal Strategy and the UDP. These key themes consist of:

A Healthy Halton;Halton’s Urban Renewal;Halton’s Children and Young People;Employment, Learning and Skills in Halton;A Safer Halton; andCorporate Effectiveness and Business Efficiency.

Local Area Agreement for Halton (June 2008 – April 2011)

Halton’s Local Area Agreement (LAA) is a three year agreement which forms the delivery plan for Halton’s Community Strategy. The agreement mirrors the vision and five strategic aims (a – e) which are highlighted above by Halton’s Community Strategy. The LAA specifically identifies seven key priority deprived wards within which Halton aims to ‘close the gap’ between the most deprived communities and Halton overall. The wards, which were identified on the basis of census and IMD data are;Halton Castle;Windmill Hill;Halton Lea;Grange;Riverside;Kingsway; andAppleton.Of these wards, the Project passes through Halton Castle, Halton Lea, Grange and Riverside.Halton Specialist Strategic Partnerships will be responsible for the delivery of the LAA.

Halton Local Transport Plan 2006 – 2011

The main objective of Halton’s Local Transport Plan (LTP2) (2006 – 2011) is ‘The delivery of a smart, sustainable, inclusive and accessible transport system and infrastructure that seeks to improve the quality of life for people living in Halton by encouraging economic growth and regeneration, and the protection and enhancement of the historic, natural and human environment’. Further to achieving the LTP main objective four additional objectives have been identified comprising; Tackling Congestion, Delivering Accessibility, Safer Roads and Better Air Quality.

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Appendix 6: Summary of impacts and effects from Chapter 20 of

the Environmental Statement

Impact Effect Receptor and Importance

Nature of Effect

Significance(High/ Moderate/ Low and Positive / Negative)

Mitigation and Enhancement Measure

Residual Significance (Positive/ Negative and High/ Moderate/ Low)

Construction Phase

Individuals and families within communities and LSOAs surrounding the Project –High Importance

Temporary Moderate magnitudeShort termIndirect

Moderate Negative

Low NegativeIncreased pressure to community facilities and services (e.g. health centres, hospitals, leisure facilities).

Individuals and families within the rest of Halton –Moderate Importance

TemporaryLow magnitudeShort termIndirect

Low Negative

Raise awareness amongst local residents of facilities and services which are likely to experience increased pressures during the construction period

Appropriately targeted provision of financial contributions where necessary to relieve specific pressure points within the Borough

Not Significant

Individuals and families within communities and LSOAs surrounding the Project –High Importance

TemporaryModerate magnitudeShort termIndirect

Moderate Negative

Low NegativeIncreased feeling of insecurity amongst residents (associated with an influx of workers to the area)

Individuals and families within the rest of Halton – High Importance


Low Negative

Provision of Community liaison officer to ensure relations between construction workers and residents are upheld

Provision of contact name/ number to local residents/ police to contact further to any incidents/ fear of incidents

Not Significant

Change in population structure

Economicbenefits

Individuals and families within

Temporary Low

Low Positive No enhancement

Low Positive

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Nature of Effect




through increased expenditure within Halton (e.g. through local shops, leisure centres, private renting sector)

Halton –High Importance

magnitudeShort termIndirect

measures required

Increase/ decrease in job opportunities available to local residents

Appropriately skilled/ qualified individuals seeking employment within Halton –High Importance

TemporaryHigh magnitudeShort termDirect

High Positive Provision of relevant training programmes within Halton prior to construction to ensure a greater skills pool within the area from which to resource.

High Positive

Change in Employment Opportunities

Effects to employees of businesses affected through ProjectCPOs.

Employees who travel to Halton for employment and also those who live locally and work in Halton – High Importance

PermanentHigh MagnitudeLong termDirect

High Negative

Provision of Mersey Gateway Relocation Strategy proving advice and support to affected businesses.

Low Negative

Travelling Public (Car and Bus users)High Importance

TemporaryLow MagnitudeShort termIndirect

Low Negative No additional mitigation to be provided further to that detailed within the Transport Chapter 16.

Low NegativeHealth implications through disruption in access to health facilities and increased traveller stress

Travelling Public (Pedestrians and Cyclists)High Importance


Not Significant

No mitigation measures required

Not Significant

Change in perception or actual health and safety issues for individuals in Halton

Change in exercise uptake through disruptions to footpaths and

Travelling Public (Pedestrians and Cyclists)High Importance


Low Negative No Mitigation to be provided

Low Negative

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Nature of Effect




cycleways

Individuals and families within communities and LSOAs surrounding the Mersey Gateway ProjectHigh Importance

TemporaryLow MagnitudeShort termDirect

Low Negative Not Significant

Travelling PublicHigh Importance


Low Negative Not Significant

Construction compound and associated traffic movement health and safety issues;

Employees working within or adjacent to the ProjectHigh Importance


Low Negative

Appropriate traffic management

Implementation of Construction Health and Safety Plan

Provision of adequate signage detailing locations of construction compounds and areas if plant/ HGV movements

Not Significant

Contamination risks through soil, sediment, and groundwater.

All Receptors –as defined in MG_REP_EIA_009

Not Significant


Not Significant

Change in surface water quality

Users of watercourses within Halton(As defined within Chapter 8)

Not Significant


Not Significant

Individuals and families within communities and LSOAs surrounding the ProjectHigh Importance


Low Negative No additional mitigation recommended further to that detailed within the Waste Chapter 15 and the Air Quality Chapter 19.

Low NegativeCreation of Project related Wastes (Dust)

Employees working within or adjacent to the ProjectHigh Importance


Low Negative No additional mitigation recommended further to that detailed within the Air Quality Chapter 19.

Low Negative

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Nature of Effect




Changes in Air quality resulting from construction traffic emissions (NO2 and PM10)

All social receptors within 200m of Construction Areas A – IHigh Importance


Low Negative No additional mitigation recommended further to that detailed within the Air Quality Chapter 19.

Low Negative

Changes in Air Quality resulting from road traffic emissions (NO2 and PM10)

All social receptors within 200m of Construction Areas A – IHigh Importance


Moderate Negative

No additional mitigation recommended further to that detailed within the Air Quality Chapter 19.

Moderate Negative

Individuals and families within communities and LSOAs surrounding the Mersey Gateway Project

TemporaryModerate magnitudeShort termDirect

Low –Moderate negative

No additional mitigation recommended further to that detailed within the Noise and Vibration Chapter 17

Low -Moderate negative

Changes in Noise & Vibration

Individuals and families within Construction Areas G, Wigg Island and Woodside Primary School High Importance

TemporaryModerate magnitudeShort termDirect

High Negative

No additional mitigation recommended further to that detailed within the Noise and Vibration Chapter 17

High Negative

Changes in health due to perception of a change in landscape and amenity

Individuals and families within HaltonHigh Importance


Not Significant


Not Significant

Change in access to facilities and social networks

Effects to existing employers/ employees within Halton resulting from disruption from Project construction activities

Employees who travel to Halton for employment and also those who live locally and work in Halton – High Importance

TemporaryModerate MagnitudeShort termIndirect

Moderate Negative

Prior awareness of construction route including all roads which will be closed/ disrupted to local consumers and businesses to ensure that day to day businesses

Low Negative

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Nature of Effect




operations are not disrupted. Prior awareness and adequate signage to local consumers and businesses of diversions and alternative routes. Provision of signage to advertise businesses which remain open in close proximity to construction activities.

Travelling Public – Car UsersHigh Importance


Low Negative Prior awareness of road closures and disruptions.

Provision of adequate signage detailing diversionary routes.

Not Significant

Change in access to GPs, health centres and hospitals

Travelling Public –pedestrians and cyclistsHigh Importance


Not Significant

No Mitigation Measures required

Not Significant

Change in access to Further Education establishments and special schools

Travelling Public – Car usersHigh Importance


Moderate Negative

Prior awareness of road closures and disruptions.


Low Negative

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Nature of Effect






Low Negative Prior awareness of road closures and disruptions.


Not Significant

Change in access to Primary and Secondary Education establishments

Travelling Public –pedestrians and cyclistsHigh Importance


Low Negative Provision of alternative/ diversionary footpath and cycleway routes. Provision of adequate signage detailing any diversionary footpaths.

Provision of adequate safety measures alongside pavements.

Not Significant

Navigational Effects to users of the River

Users of the River Mersey within Halton -High Importance


Low Negative No mitigation measures recommended further to those detailed in theNavigational Chapter 18.

Low Negative



Moderate Negative

Prior awareness of road closures and disruptions.


Low NegativeChange in daily movements

Travelling Public –

Temporary Moderate Provision of alternative/

Low Negative

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Nature of Effect




pedestrians and cyclistsHigh Importance

Moderate MagnitudeShort termIndirect

Negative diversionary footpath and cycleway routes. Provision of adequate signage detailing any diversionary footpaths.

Provision of adequate safety measures alongside pavements.

Change in recreational shooting opportunities in Astmoor

Astmoor Shooting ClubLow Importance


Low Negative No mitigation measures recommended

Low Negative

Employees who travel to Halton for employment and also those who live locally and work in HaltonHigh Importance


High Negative

Provision of Mersey Gateway Relocation Strategy

Low NegativeLoss of Commercial/ Industrial Land/ Property


PermanentHigh MagnitudeLong termIndirect

High Negative

Provision of Mersey Gateway Regeneration Strategy

Low Negative

Individuals and families within communities and LSOAs surrounding the ProjectModerate Importance

PermanentModerate MagnitudeLong termDirect

ModerateNegative

Provision of Mersey Gateway Regeneration Strategy

Moderate Negative

Change in availability of amenity and recreational land

Loss of Greenspace

Individuals and families within the rest of Halton –Moderate Importance

PermanentLow MagnitudeLong termDirect

Low Negative Provision of Mersey Gateway Regeneration Strategy

Low Negative

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Nature of Effect




Operational Phase

Jobs created through operation of the Project


PermanentLow MagnitudeLong termDirect

Not Significant


Not Significant

Regeneration attracting individuals/ families to remain/ immigrate to Halton



High Positive No mitigation measures provided as part of thisProject

High Positive

Change to Population Structure

Increased pressure to community facilities and services (e.g. health centres, hospitals, leisure facilities).


PermanentModerate MagnitudeLong termIndirect

Moderate Negative

No mitigation measures provided as part of this Project

Moderate Negative

Creation of jobs directly through operation of the Project

Appropriately skilled/ qualified individuals seeking employment within Halton High Importance


Moderate Positive

No enhancement measures required

Moderate Positive

Change to Employment Opportunities

Change in travel patterns and job catchment areas due to tolling

Employees –who travel to work in Halton by private vehicleHigh Importance


High Negative

Provision of Sustainable Transport Strategy

High Negative

Individuals and families within 2km walking distance and 5km cycling distance from the SJB

High Importance


High Positive High PositiveChange in perception of, or actual health and safety issues for individuals in Halton

Provision of pedestrian and cycling facilities (directly and indirectly as a result of the Project)

Individuals and families within

PermanentLow

Moderate Positive

Integration of pedestrian and cycling facilities with Halton’ s Sustainable Transport Network through the Sustainable Transport Strategy Moderate

Positive

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Nature of Effect




the rest of HaltonModerate Importance

MagnitudeLong termIndirect

Increase awareness of new and improved routes with adequate signage and publicity.

Contamination risks through soil, sediment, and groundwater.

All Receptors –as defined in MG_REP_EIA_009

Not Significant


Not Significant

Changes in Air Quality –emissions of NO2

Users of the SJB and Greenway RoadHigh Importance


High Positive No enhancement measures required

High Positive

Changes in Air Quality –emissions of NO2

Individuals and families within the rest of HaltonHigh Importance


Moderate Positive


Moderate Positive

Changes in Air Quality –emissions of NO2, PM10

and CO2

Individuals and families within the North WestModerate Importance


Low Positive No enhancement measures required

Low Positive

Individuals at Weston Point and West Bank schoolHigh Importance



High Positive

Individuals and families residing in close proximity to the SJBHigh Importance

PermanentLow MagnitudeLong termIndirect

Moderate positive


High Positive

Changes in Noise and Vibration

Individuals and families residing in close proximity to construction areas F, G and H

PermanentLow MagnitudeLong termIndirect

Low negative No additional mitigation recommended further to that detailed within the Noise and vibration

Low Negative

27


Nature of Effect




High Importance

chapter 17

Changes in health due to perception of a change in landscape and amenity



Not Significant


Not Significant

Navigational Effects to users of Watercourses

Users of watercourses within Halton -High Importance

TemporaryLow MagnitudeLong termDirect

Not Significant


Not Significant

Travelling Public – Car Users –High Importance

PermanentModerate magnitudeLong termDirect


High Positive

Pedestrians and cyclists undertaking cross River trips within HaltonHigh Importance

PermanentModerate magnitudeLong termDirect


High Positive

Provision of improved access routes

Users of Public Transport undertaking cross River trips in HaltonHigh Importance

PermanentLow magnitudeLong termDirect


High Positive

Disruption and closure of footpaths and cycleways

Pedestrians and cyclists within Halton undertaking non cross River tripsHigh Importance

PermanentLow magnitudeLong termDirect

Low Negative No mitigation measures recommended further to those detailed within the Transport Chapter 16.

Low Negative

Change in access to facilities and social networks

Change to daily movements through implementation of tolling


TemporaryHigh MagnitudeLong termDirect

High Negative

Provision of Sustainable Transport Strategy

High Negative

28

Appendix 7 Objections

There are 44 objections (including 7 standard letters) to the Project that specifically refer to socio-economic issues and these are addressed in the following tables. They have been grouped according to themes that are raised by the objectors.

MG Party No:

TWA Ref

Name

1, 11, 12OBJ/40, 77, 14

CPRE , Transport Activists Round Table North West , Friends of the Earth

ObjectionConflicts with development plans & national policies including reducing social exclusion, tackling health inequalities and improving overall quality of life.

Response

Policy issues are addressed by John Brooks. However, on balance in relation to social exclusion, health inequalities and overall quality of life, I consider that the Project together with the Mersey Gateway Regeneration Strategy and Sustainable Transport Strategy has the potential to facilitate improvements in those areas through improved accessibility and employment.

MG Party No:

TWA Ref

Name

2, 11,12, 61, 123, 455,460,

470,

OBJ/ 77,

14,18, 58

CPRE and Transport Activists Round Table North West, Friends of the Earth, Mrs Wallace, DW Edwards, Mrs D Doran, D and S Bullock, Suzanne Edwards, Standard

letters 5, 6 and 7

Objection

Effects of the Project including effects on quality of life, health effects on humans. Negative health effects due to increased traffic fumesFurther study and modelling required with regards to potential impact on human health and request that a full health impact assessment is undertaken. Concern that no HIA was undertaken. Disturbance of contaminated sediment could risk aggravating health problems of local people. Concerns over health and safety of construction workers.

Response

Mr Nicholson (HBC/2/1P para14.1.1) reports on the rapid HIA that was carried out which did not come to any overall conclusion on the net effect of the Project on the population of Halton because of the diversity of health outcomes. I conclude that there is the potential for some improved health outcomes both directly from increased opportunities for walking and cycling and indirectly from

29

improvements in employment and accessibility. Mr Cossons addresses contamination in his proof of evidence (HBC/17/1P).

MG Party No: TWA Ref Name

2 ,11, 12,27,45,61,78,95, 123, 126, 128,136,

141, 131, 474, 473

OBJ/77,14, 8, 107, 69,

REP/06, OBJ/58,

117, 115, 116

CPRE and Transport Activists Round Table North West, Friends of the Earth, Halton,

Preston Brook Parish Council, Colin Keenan, National Alliance Against Tolls, Great

Sankey Parish Council, D.W Edwards, Paul Fry, Michael Gelling, Finn Family, Mrs S M

Spruce, P.A Thompson, Mr and Mrs P Bazley, Peter Balgobin, Standard letters 1 -

7

Objection

Tolls will introduce new costs into existing deprived communities (amongst highest in England). Objection to tolls which will disadvantage all residents, specifically those on Runcorn side who will have to pay to access services in Widnes (where there are more services). Tolling will reduce small business competitiveness and may force closures, bring less trade to own shops as people go to Warrington rather than cross the riverTolls forcing companies to relocate elsewhere. Existing free bridge joins two towns financially into a single borough. Tolls will split community, which has only recently become united. People will not be able to afford tolls to access places of work. Toll prices will hinder regeneration.

Response

Tolls will be a new cost. However, there is a framework in place to secure benefits alongside those costs which is detailed in Mr Nicholson’s proof (HBC/2/1P). Halton Council have resolved to seek toll discounts for local residents and frequent users. See Mr Parr (HBC/1/1P) and Mr Nicholson’s proofs (HBC/2/1P). As well as a framework for discounts, there will be substantial improvements in public transport, cycling and walking making them viable alternatives to crossing the bridge by car. The focus of the SJB as a local bridge, together with improvements in public transport, cycling and walking provide the potential to unite the two sides of the borough. The funding from the tolls that will be put into public transport via the Sustainable Transport Strategy

30

together with the Mersey Gateway Regeneration Strategy has the potential to facilitate regeneration. Overall, I consider that these impacts are sufficiently addressed.

MG Party No:

TWA Ref

Name

2,11, 12, 25,

94,132, 458,

OBJ/77, 14, 59,

49

CPRE and Transport Activists Round Table North West, Friends of the Earth, Peter Black, Halton Green Party

(Derek Mellor), Andrew Basden, K. Mayle

Objection

Query over economic regeneration claims, which evidence has shown to be without foundation. Other research has shown that there is no automatic connection between the provision of the new highway infrastructure and economic benefits. Questionable that the Mersey Gateway Project will actually deliver proposed regeneration and job benefits. Questionable how much benefit Mersey Gateway Project will have on local residents, specifically those in deprived areas (i.e. Halton Castle). Wrong to depend on one project for regeneration.

Response

The issue of the regeneration benefits is addressed in Mr Russell’s proof (HBC/9/1P). I consider that the results of Mr Russell’s work indicate that with the Mersey Gateway Regeneration Strategy and the Project in place there will be regeneration benefits to Halton and that these will have benefits to those in deprived areas. (see para of this proof for details). The Project is a vital part of a wider picture of regeneration initiatives in Halton and the wider region.

MG Party No:

TWA Ref

Name

12, 29,61,136, 453, 454, 456,470

OBJ/14, 18, 117

Friends of the Earth, Jimmy Doran, Mrs S M Wallace, Finn Family, Jan Lucas, Petition, Mrs C Hartley,

Suzanne Kennedy. Standard letters 1 - 7

Objection

Construction effects. Negative effects of increased noise, light and air pollution during construction. Disruption of lives due to construction dust and noise Effects of construction on residential areas from dust traffic emissions and noise in addition to upheaval.Construction effects on health, via traffic fumes, pollution dust noise and disturbance.

31

Construction work causing disruption, noise dust and chaosEffect of construction on health of residents in Runcorn from dust, pollution and traffic emissions.Construction traffic and increase in people during construction resulting in pollution and effects on local health and social injustice.

Response

Overall, I consider the effects of construction to be mitigated effectively. The socio-economic impact assessment assessed disruption to daily lives and is reported in this proof and concludes that the effects will be mitigated. Further evidence is detailed in the air quality proof of evidence of Yvonne Brown (HBC/11/1P) and the noise and vibration proof of evidence of Paul Freeborn (HBC/12/1P) which conclude that with mitigation effects would be a low negative to moderate negative depending upon the effect assessed but these effects will be temporary and short term in nature. As noted previously a rapid HIA was carried out and that is reported by Mr Nicholson in his proof of evidence (HBC/2/1P). The rapid Health Impact Assessment concluded that “During construction the majority of activities undertaken will have some potential for negative impacts on peoples’ health in Halton; however, construction activities are temporary and therefore any associated negative health affects will also be short term”. (para 9.1.2 CD195)

MG Party No:TWA Ref

Name

2, 11, 12, 25, 44, 45, 61,

94,95,128,130, 136, 143, 453,454,

455,456, 458, 465, 470, 473,

OBJ/77, 14, 59,

12, 107, 18,

REP/06, 49,117,

CPRE and Transport Activists Round Table North West, Friends of the Earth, Halton, Peter Black, Mr and Mrs Turner, Colin Keenan, Mrs Wallace, Halton Green Party (Derek Mellor), Great Sankey Parish Council, Michael Gelling, Ronald Churchill, Andrew Basden, Finn Family, David and Lynne McCarrick, Jan Lucas, Petition, Mrs D Doran, Mrs C Hartley,

K. Mayle, Peter Wurchbacher, Suzanne Kennedy, Peter Balgobin, Standard letters 1 and 3

Objection

Quality of life reduced as Halton made poorer through increased through traffic in residential area. Operational effects of increase in traffic resulting in reduction in quality of life and potential relocation of residents (e.g. to Warrington). Route of project through residential areas resulting in effects on health from dust, noise & traffic fumes Resulting effects to local residents from extra pollution (air quality, light, noise) adding to social, health and environmental deprivation. Route funnels traffic through residential area which will make health problems worse Objection to route of scheme through residential areas and resulting effects on health from

32

increase in noise and pollution. Disturbance to Great Sankey residents due to excess diverted traffic. Project will increase traffic from Merseyside through centre of Runcorn, will add to existing noise from air, rail and road.

Response

In terms of air quality this is addressed by Ms Brown in her proof (HBC/11/1P). In the socio-economic impact assessment the air quality issues were assessed as not significant in the operational phase. In terms of noise, this is addressed by Mr Freeborn in his proof (HBC/12/1P) and the effects are overall beneficial and mitigation for noise along the central expressway will reduce the effect to low impact.

MG Party No:

TWA Ref Name

25, 29, 30,79,80,81

OBJ/59,1,56,57,55 Peter Black, Jimmy Doran, Bold Nu-Tec Insulation, Arven Chemicals, Rotheram,

Frank and Lesley, Ventcroft Ltd,

ObjectionNo formal approach regarding CPO, Significant effect on employment through relocation, breach of Human Rights, no adequate relocation premises available/ proposed..

Response

The effect of relocation of businesses was assessed in the socio economic impact assessment and discussed in this proof. Halton Council has in place a relocation strategy, discussed by Mr Scarisbrick (HBC/19/1P). Whilst some businesses may be displaced the effect was assessed by the socio-economic impact assessment as not significant after mitigation.

APPENDIX 8

APPENDIX 9

APPENDIX 10

Inte

rnat

iona

l Pri

ncip

les

for

Soci

al I

mpa

ct A

ssss

men

tSOCIAL IMPACT ASSESSMENTInternational Principles

Purpose/BackgroundThis document was prepared over afive year period as an official IAIAProject. Workshops to develop thesePrinciples were held at several IAIAand other conferences across sixcontinents. Several hundred peoplewere consulted in the process ofdrafting the document and some fiftypeople made substantial contributions.

The International Principles is aliving document that will continue tobe modified. This, and all subsequentversions, will be accessible on theIAIA website (www.iaia.org).

This document was prepared for IAIAby Frank Vanclay, to whom feedbackshould be provided.

• Prof Frank VanclayTasmanian Institute of Agricultural Research

University of Tasmania

Private Bag 98Hobart Tasmania 7001Australia+61 3 6226 2618 telephone+61 3 6226 7450 [email protected]

© Copyright InternationalAssociation for Impact Assessment,2002, 2003.

May 2003

Special Publication Series No. 2

INTERNATIONALASSOCIATION forIMPACT ASSESSMENT• Headquarters

1330 23rd Street South, Suite C

Fargo, ND 58103 USA

Phone +1.701.297.7908

Fax +1.701.297.7917

[email protected]

www.iaia.org

SOCIAL IMPACT ASSESSMENT (SIA) IS ANALYSING, MONITORING AND

MANAGING THE SOCIAL CONSEQUENCES OF DEVELOPMENT.

Why have Principles for Social Impact Assessment?

There has been considerable interest in producing “International Guidelines and Principlesfor Social Impact Assessment”. An international document produced under the auspices ofa major organisation such as the International Association for Impact Assessment could:

• Assist in the development of legislation and policy at the national level;

• Provide standards for SIA practice in international contexts (transboundary

projects, development cooperation, foreign investments, international

banking);

• Increase the appeal of SIA to a wider range of audiences, through increasing its

legitimacy/standing;

• Establish minimum standards for SIA practice;

• Provide an articulation of best practice in SIA as a model to aspire to;

• Remove confusion over terminology by establishing a definitive glossary;

• Establish the appropriate scope of the social component of impact assessments;

• Promote the integration of SIA in all impact assessments (especially

environmental impact assessment and strategic environmental assessment).

The process of developing international guidelines and principles however has been difficult.In a truly international context, there are many issues to consider and little can be taken forgranted. The regulatory context varies, the cultural/religious context varies, and social andeconomic priorities for development vary. As the process of developing internationalguidelines and principles progressed, increasing pressure was placed on the conventionalunderstanding of SIA, and a new concept of what SIA was about emerged. This resulted ina revised definition of SIA.

It also became apparent that a definitive document containing the “International Guidelinesand Principles” was a flawed concept. Firstly, because most such documents tend to emphasiseguidelines rather than principles. They fail to realise that guidelines need to be deducedfrom principles, and principles need to be derived from core values. Only by first establishingthe core values of the community of practice, then deriving the principles, and only thendeveloping guidelines, can truly appropriate guidelines emerge. The second flaw is thatguidelines and principles are often developed in non-participatory processes. Even whereparticipatory processes are involved, too often they do not include the people to whom theguidelines are directed. These are the people who ultimately need to develop 'ownership' ofthe guidelines if they are to be adopted and utilised.

This document serves as a discussion document for the impact assessment community. Itpromulgates a new understanding of SIA. It is intended that this be available to practitionersaround the world. It can provide them with the basis for developing national guidelines inconsultation with a range of stakeholders and users in their own countries.

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2INTERNATIONAL PRINCIPLES for SOCIAL IMPACT ASSESSMENTInternational Association for Impact Assessment

Defining and describing Social Impact AssessmentIn general terms, SIA is analysing, monitoring and managing the social consequences of development. However, there are different levels bywhich to understand the term ‘SIA’. SIA is a field of research and practice, or a paradigm consisting of a body of knowledge, techniques, andvalues. Various individuals identify themselves as SIA professionals, or list SIA as one of their disciplines or specialty areas. There is a communityof individuals engaged in research and practice of SIA. These people practice the methodology of SIA and undertake associated social andenvironmental research to inform the practice of SIA. As a methodology or instrument, SIA is the process that SIA professionals follow in orderto assess the social impacts of planned interventions or events, and to develop strategies for the ongoing monitoring and management of thoseimpacts. SIA should not be understood only as the task of predicting social impacts in an impact assessment process.

SOCIAL IMPACT ASSESSMENT INCLUDES THE PROCESSES OF ANALYSING, MONITORING AND MANAGING THEINTENDED AND UNINTENDED SOCIAL CONSEQUENCES, BOTH POSITIVE AND NEGATIVE, OF PLANNED INTERVENTIONS(POLICIES, PROGRAMS, PLANS, PROJECTS) AND ANY SOCIAL CHANGE PROCESSES INVOKED BY THOSE INTERVENTIONS.ITS PRIMARY PURPOSE IS TO BRING ABOUT A MORE SUSTAINABLE AND EQUITABLE BIOPHYSICAL AND HUMANENVIRONMENT.

The important features of this understanding of SIA are that:

1. The goal of impact assessment is to bring about a more ecologically, socio-culturally and economically sustainable and equitableenvironment. Impact assessment, therefore, promotes community development and empowerment, builds capacity, and developssocial capital (social networks and trust).

2. The focus of concern of SIA is a proactive stance to development and better development outcomes, not just the identification oramelioration of negative or unintended outcomes. Assisting communities and other stakeholders to identify development goals,and ensuring that positive outcomes are maximised, can be more important than minimising harm from negative impacts.

3. The methodology of SIA can be applied to a wide range of planned interventions, and can be undertaken on behalf of a widerange of actors, and not just within a regulatory framework.

4. SIA contributes to the process of adaptive management of policies, programs, plans and projects, and therefore needs to inform thedesign and operation of the planned intervention.

5. SIA builds on local knowledge and utilises participatory processes to analyse the concerns of interested and affected parties. Itinvolves stakeholders in the assessment of social impacts, the analysis of alternatives, and monitoring of the planned intervention.

6. The good practice of SIA accepts that social, economic and biophysical impacts are inherently and inextricably interconnected.Change in any of these domains will lead to changes in the other domains. SIA must, therefore, develop an understanding of theimpact pathways that are created when change in one domain triggers impacts across other domains, as well as the iterative orflow-on consequences within each domain. In other words, there must be consideration of the second and higher order impactsand of cumulative impacts.

7. In order for the discipline of SIA to learn and grow, there must be analysis of the impacts that occurred as a result of past activities.SIA must be reflexive and evaluative of its theoretical bases and of its practice.

8. While SIA is typically applied to planned interventions, the techniques of SIA can also be used to consider the social impacts thatderive from other types of events, such as disasters, demographic change and epidemics.

SIA is best understood as an umbrella or overarching framework that embodies the evaluation of all impacts on humans and on all the ways inwhich people and communities interact with their socio-cultural, economic and biophysical surroundings. SIA thus has strong links with a widerange of specialist sub-fields involved in the assessment of areas such as: aesthetic impacts (landscape analysis), archaeological and culturalheritage impacts (both tangible and non-tangible), community impacts, cultural impacts, demographic impacts, development impacts, economicand fiscal impacts, gender impacts, health and mental health impacts, impacts on indigenous rights, infrastructural impacts, institutionalimpacts, leisure and tourism impacts, political impacts (human rights, governance, democratisation etc.), poverty, psychological impacts,resource issues (access and ownership of resources), impacts on social and human capital, and other impacts on societies. As such, comprehensiveSIA cannot formally be undertaken by a single person, but requires a team approach.

3INTERNATIONAL PRINCIPLES for SOCIAL IMPACT ASSESSMENT

International Association for Impact Assessment

The nature of SIA in an international contextThe objective of SIA is to ensure that development maximises its benefits and minimises its costs, especially those costs borne by people(including those in other places and in the future). Costs and benefits may not be measurable or quantifiable and are often not adequately takeninto account by decision-makers, regulatory authorities and developers. By identifying impacts in advance: (1) better decisions can be madeabout which interventions should proceed and how they should proceed; and (2) mitigation measures can be implemented to minimise theharm and maximise the benefits from a specific planned intervention or related activity.

An important feature of SIA is the professional value system held by its practitioners. In addition to a commitment to sustainability and toscientific integrity, such a value system includes an ethic that advocates openness and accountability, fairness and equity, and defends humanrights. The role of SIA goes far beyond the ex-ante (in advance) prediction of adverse impacts and the determination of who wins and who loses.SIA also encompasses: empowerment of local people; enhancement of the position of women, minority groups and other disadvantaged ormarginalised members of society; development of capacity building; alleviation of all forms of dependency; increase in equity; and a focus onpoverty reduction. SIA complements the economic and technical models that characterise the thinking of many development professionals andagencies.

SIA can be undertaken in different contexts and for different purposes. This creates difficulties in defining or evaluating it. The nature of an SIAdone on behalf of a multinational corporation as part of that company’s internal procedures may be very different to an SIA undertaken by aconsultant in compliance with regulatory or funding agency requirements, or an SIA undertaken by a development agency interested inensuring best value for their country’s development assistance. These, in turn, may be very different to an SIA undertaken by staff or studentsat a local university on behalf of the local community, or an SIA undertaken by the local community itself. Each of these applications of SIA isworthwhile, and none should pretend to be the definitive statement. Evaluation of an SIA needs to consider its intended purpose.

Some conceptualizations of SIA are related to protecting individual property rights, with clear statements of adverse impacts required to ensurethat individual rights are not transgressed. Where these rights are violated, SIA could be seen as contributing to mitigation and compensationmechanisms. In these situations, SIA tends to concentrate on the negative impacts. In other contexts, however, particularly in developingcountries, there should be less emphasis on the negative impacts on small groups of individuals or on individual property rights. Rather, thereshould be greater concern with maximising social utility and development potential, while ensuring that such development is generallyacceptable to the community, equitable and sustainable. SIA should also focus on reconstruction of livelihoods. The improvement of socialwellbeing of the wider community should be explicitly recognized as an objective of planned interventions, and as such should be an indicatorconsidered by any form of assessment. However, awareness of the differential distribution of impacts among different groups in society, andparticularly the impact burden experienced by vulnerable groups in the community should always be of prime concern.

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SIA COMPLEMENTS THE ECONOMIC AND TECHNICALMODELS THAT CHARACTERISE THE THINKING OF MANYDEVELOPMENT PROFESSIONALS AND AGENCIES


What are social impacts?SIA is much more than the prediction step within an environmental assessment framework. Social impacts are much broader than the limitedissues often considered in EIAs (such as demographic changes, job issues, financial security, and impacts on family life). A limited view of SIAcreates demarcation problems about what are the social impacts to be identified by SIA, versus what is considered by related fields such as healthimpact assessment, cultural impact assessment, heritage impact assessment, aesthetic impact assessment, or gender impact assessment. The SIAcommunity of practitioners considers that all issues that affect people, directly or indirectly, are pertinent to social impact assessment.

A convenient way of conceptualising social impacts is as changes to one or more of the following:

• people’s way of life – that is, how they live, work, play and interact with one another on a day-to-day basis;• their culture – that is, their shared beliefs, customs, values and language or dialect;• their community – its cohesion, stability, character, services and facilities;• their political systems – the extent to which people are able to participate in decisions that affect their lives, the level of

democratisation that is taking place, and the resources provided for this purpose;• their environment – the quality of the air and water people use; the availability and quality of the food they eat; the level of hazard

or risk, dust and noise they are exposed to; the adequacy of sanitation, their physical safety, and their access to and control overresources;

• their health and wellbeing – health is a state of complete physical, mental, social and spiritual wellbeing and not merely theabsence of disease or infirmity;

• their personal and property rights – particularly whether people are economically affected, or experience personal disadvantagewhich may include a violation of their civil liberties;

• their fears and aspirations – their perceptions about their safety, their fears about the future of their community, and theiraspirations for their future and the future of their children.

Activities comprising Social Impact AssessmentSIA comprises most of the following activities. It:

• participates in the environmental design of the planned intervention;• identifies interested and affected peoples;• facilitates and coordinates the participation of stakeholders;• documents and analyses the local historical setting of the planned intervention so as to be able to interpret responses to the

intervention, and to assess cumulative impacts;• collects baseline data (social profiling) to allow evaluation and audit of the impact assessment process and the planned intervention

itself;• gives a rich picture of the local cultural context, and develops an understanding of local community values, particularly how they

relate to the planned intervention;• identifies and describes the activities which are likely to cause impacts (scoping);• predicts (or analyses) likely impacts and how different stakeholders are likely to respond;• assists evaluating and selecting alternatives (including a no development option);• assists in site selection;• recommends mitigation measures;• assists in the valuation process and provides suggestions about compensation (non-financial as well as financial);• describes potential conflicts between stakeholders and advises on resolution processes;• develops coping strategies for dealing with residual or non-mitigatable impacts;• contributes to skill development and capacity building in the community;• advises on appropriate institutional and coordination arrangements for all parties;• assists in devising and implementing monitoring and management programs.



Guidelines, Principles and Core ValuesI. Core Values: Fundamental, ideal-typical, enduring, statements of belief that are strongly held and accepted as premises (is-statements).

II. Principles: General statements of either a common understanding or an indication as to a course of action about what ought to be done (oughtstatements).

III. Guidelines: Statements by which to plan a specific course of action and which clarify how it should done (action statements).

Guidelines can be described as statements which provide advice or direction by which to plan a specific course of action. They are written asspecific statements of instruction about what to do and/or how to do it. Typically they are “action-statements”. A principle is a macro statementthat provides a general guide to a course of action about what ought to be done. They are written as “ought-statements”. Core values arestatements about fundamental beliefs that are deeply held. They are typically “is-statements”. Values determine principles, from whichguidelines can be written.

I. The core values of SIAThe SIA community of practice believes that:

1. There are fundamental human rights that are shared equally across cultures, and by males and females alike.2. There is a right to have those fundamental human rights protected by the rule of law, with justice applied equally and fairly to all,

and available to all.3. People have a right to live and work in an environment which is conducive to good health and to a good quality of life and which

enables the development of human and social potential.4. Social dimensions of the environment – specifically but not exclusively peace, the quality of social relationships, freedom from fear,

and belongingness – are important aspects of people’s health and quality of life.5. People have a right to be involved in the decision making about the planned interventions that will affect their lives.6. Local knowledge and experience are valuable and can be used to enhance planned interventions.

II(a). Fundamental principles for developmentThe SIA community of practice considers that:

1. Respect for human rights should underpin all actions.2. Promoting equity and democratisation should be the major driver of development planning, and impacts on the worst-off

members of society should be a major consideration in all assessment.3. The existence of diversity between cultures, within cultures, and the diversity of stakeholder interests need to be recognised and

valued.4. Decision making should be just, fair and transparent, and decision makers should be accountable for their decisions.5. Development projects should be broadly acceptable to the members of those communities likely to benefit from, or be affected by,

the planned intervention.6. The opinions and views of experts should not be the sole consideration in decisions about planned interventions.7. The primary focus of all development should be positive outcomes, such as capacity building, empowerment, and the realization

of human and social potential.8. The term, ‘the environment’, should be defined broadly to include social and human dimensions, and in such inclusion, care

must be taken to ensure that adequate attention is given to the realm of the social.


II(b). Principles specific to SIA practice1. Equity considerations should be a fundamental element of impact assessment and of development planning.2. Many of the social impacts of planned interventions can be predicted.3. Planned interventions can be modified to reduce their negative social impacts and enhance their positive impacts.4. SIA should be an integral part of the development process, involved in all stages from inception to follow-up audit.5. There should be a focus on socially sustainable development, with SIA contributing to the determination of best development

alternative(s) – SIA (and EIA) have more to offer than just being an arbiter between economic benefit and social cost.6. In all planned interventions and their assessments, avenues should be developed to build the social and human capital of local

communities and to strengthen democratic processes.7. In all planned interventions, but especially where there are unavoidable impacts, ways to turn impacted peoples into beneficiaries

should be investigated.8. The SIA must give due consideration to the alternatives of any planned intervention, but especially in cases when there are likely

to be unavoidable impacts.9. Full consideration should be given to the potential mitigation measures of social and environmental impacts, even where impacted

communities may approve the planned intervention and where they may be regarded as beneficiaries.10. Local knowledge and experience and acknowledgment of different local cultural values should be incorporated in any assessment.11. There should be no use of violence, harassment, intimidation or undue force in connection with the assessment or

implementation of a planned intervention.12. Developmental processes that infringe the human rights of any section of society should not be accepted.

II(c). Other guiding principlesThere are many International Agreements and Declarations that contain notable statements. Principle 1 of the 1992 Rio Declaration onEnvironment and Development, for example, states that “Human beings are at the centre of concerns for sustainable development. They are entitledto a healthy and productive life in harmony with nature.” Principle 17 calls for impact assessment to be undertaken. Article 1 of the 1986Declaration on the Right to Development states that:

“The right to development is an inalienable human right by virtue of which every human person and all peoples are entitled to participatein, contribute to, and enjoy economic, social, cultural and political development, in which all human rights and fundamental freedoms canbe fully realized. The human right to development also implies the full realization of the right of peoples to self-determination, which includes,subject to the relevant provisions of both International Covenants on Human Rights, the exercise of their inalienable right to full sovereigntyover all their natural wealth and resources.”

In International Agreements and Declarations social issues are often implied but rarely given adequate emphasis. Nevertheless, the statementsthat are given in those Declarations can be rewritten to refer to social issues more specifically. The following is a list of international principles incommon usage rewritten to apply more directly to social issues.

Precautionary Principle: In order to protect the environment, a concept which includes peoples’ ways of life and the integrity of theircommunities, the precautionary approach shall be applied. Where there are threats or potential threats of serious social impact, lack offull certainty about those threats should not be used as a reason for approving the planned intervention or not requiring theimplementation of mitigation measures and stringent monitoring.

Uncertainty Principle: It must be recognised that our knowledge of the social world and of social processes is incomplete and thatsocial knowledge can never be fully complete because the social environment and the processes affecting it are changing constantly,and vary from place to place and over time.

Intragenerational Equity: The benefits from the range of planned interventions should address the needs of all, and the social impactsshould not fall disproportionately on certain groups of the population, in particular children and women, the disabled and the sociallyexcluded, certain generations or certain regions.



Intergenerational Equity: Development activities or planned interventions should be managed so that the needs of the presentgeneration are met without compromising the ability of future generations to meet their own needs.

Recognition and Preservation of Diversity: Communities and societies are not homogenous. They are demographically structured(age and gender), and they comprise different groups with various value systems and different skills. Special attention is needed toappreciate the existence of the social diversity that exists within communities and to understand what the unique requirements ofspecial groups may be. Care must be taken to ensure that planned interventions do not lead to a loss of social diversity in a communityor a diminishing of social cohesion.

Internalization of Costs. The full social and ecological costs of a planned intervention should be internalised through the use ofeconomic and other instruments, that is, these costs should be considered as part of the costs of the intervention, and no interventionshould be approved or regarded as cost-effective if it achieves this by the creation of hidden costs to current or future generations orthe environment.

The Polluter Pays Principle. The full costs of avoiding or compensating for social impacts should be borne by the proponent of theplanned intervention.

The Prevention Principle. It is generally preferable and cheaper in the long run to prevent negative social impacts and ecologicaldamage from happening than having to restore or rectify damage after the event.

The Protection and Promotion of Health and Safety. Health and safety are paramount. All planned interventions should be assessedfor their health impacts and their accident risks, especially in terms of assessing and managing the risks from hazardous substances,technologies or processes, so that their harmful effects are minimized, including not bringing them into use or phasing them out assoon as possible. Health impacts cover the physical, mental and social wellbeing and safety of all people, paying particular attentionto those groups of the population who are more vulnerable and more likely to be harmed, such as the economically deprived,indigenous groups, children and women, the elderly, the disabled, as well as to the population most exposed to risks arising from theplanned intervention.

The Principle of Multisectoral Integration. Social development requirements and the need to consider social issues should beproperly integrated into all projects, policies, infrastructure programs and other planning activities.

The Principle of Subsidiarity. Decision making power should be decentralised, with accountable decisions being made as close to anindividual citizen as possible. In the context of SIA, this means decisions about the approval of planned interventions, or conditionsunder which they might operate, should be taken as close to the affected people as possible, with local people having an input intothe approval and management processes.


III. Developing GuidelinesBecause guidelines are specific recommendations for action, they need to be developed in the context in which they are to be applied and theyneed to be addressed to a specific audience. Therefore, they need to be developed in conjunction with the relevant parties. They need to becomeaccepted as the guidelines of that group rather than being imposed.

There are many different groups who are potentially interested in guidelines for SIA. They include:

• SIA practitioners – require guidelines to improve their practice;• Regulatory agencies – require guidelines in order to specify or audit the scope of SIA activities they commission as well as the

quality of SIA reports they receive;• Policy and program developers – require guidelines to ensure that policy and program development considers social impacts;• Affected peoples and NGOs – require guidelines to be able to participate effectively in SIA processes. Local action groups (resident

action groups) and NGOs often act like a regulatory agency in checking the appropriateness of SIA processes.• Developers (proponents) and Financiers – require guidelines to be committed to good practice in environmental and social

impact assessment, to adequately resource such practice, to liaise effectively with practitioners and interested and affected parties,and with regulatory agencies.

• Development agencies (multilateral and bilateral aid organisations) – require guidelines to ensure that the most benefit is obtainedfrom their aid projects, that SIA components are adequately resourced, and that the aid projects themselves do not haveunintended environmental or social consequences.

In addition, various sectors of the community may have special interests, and it may be appropriate for guidelines to be developed to addressthose special interests, such as Indigenous Peoples.

IAIA seeks to liaise with the groups listed above to develop SIA Guidelines applicable to their practice.

IAIA VISIONIAIA is the leading global authority on the best practice in the use of impact assessment for informed decision

making regarding policies, programmes, plans, and projects.

IAIA MISSIONIAIA provides an international forum for advancing innovation and communication of best practice in all

forms of impact assessment to further the development of local, regional and global capacity in impactassessment.

IAIA VALUES• IAIA promotes the application of integrated and participatory approaches to impact assessment,

conducted to the highest professional standards.• IAIA believes the assessment of the environmental, social, economic, cultural and health implications

for proposals to be a critical contribution to sound decision-making processes, and to equitable andsustainable development.

APPENDIX 11

APPENDIX 12

Impact Assessment and Project Appraisal March 2003 © IAIA 2003 5

Impact Assessment and Project Appraisal, volume 21, number 1, March 2003, pages 5–11, Beech Tree Publishing, 10 Watford Close, Guildford, Surrey GU1 2EP, UK

SIA principles

International Principles For Social Impact Assessment

Frank Vanclay

The "International Principles for Social ImpactAssessment" is a statement of the core values ofthe SIA community together with a set of princi-ples to guide SIA practice and the consideration of'the social' in environmental impact assessmentgenerally. It is a discussion document for the im-pact assessment community to be used as the basisfor developing sector and national guidelines. Inthe process of being developed explicitly for an in-ternational context, increasing pressure wasplaced on the conventional understanding of SIAand a new definition, with official imprimatur ofan international professional body, has been for-malised. "Social Impact Assessment includes theprocesses of analysing, monitoring and managingthe intended and unintended social consequences,both positive and negative, of planned interven-tions (policies, programs, plans, projects) and anysocial change processes invoked by thoseinterventions. Its primary purpose is to bringabout a more sustainable and equitable biophysi-cal and human environment."

Keywords: social impact assessment; human rights; core values;principles; guidelines; international conventions; de-velopment; environmental impact assessment

This document was prepared over a five-year period for the IAIA by Frank Vanclay to whom feedback should be provided. Workshops were held at several IAIA and other conferences across six continents. Several hundred people were consulted and some 50 made substantial contributions. Rabel Burdge initi-ated the project, and James Baines and Richard Morgan sup-ported it along the way. The International Principles is a living document that will continue to be modified. Revised versions will be available on the IAIA website (www.iaia.org).

Prof Frank Vanclay is at the Tasmanian Institute of Agricul-tural Research, University of Tasmania, Private Bag 98, Hobart, Tasmania 7001, Australia; Tel: +61 3 6226 2618; Fax: +61 3 6226 7450; E-mail: [email protected].

Why have Principles for SIA?

There has been considerable interest in producing “International Guidelines and Principles for Social Impact Assessment”. An international document produced under the auspices of a major organisation such as the International Association for Impact As-sessment (IAIA) could:

• Assist in the development of legislation and pol-icy at the national level;

• Provide standards for SIA practice in international contexts (transboundary projects, development cooperation, foreign investments, international banking);

• Increase the appeal of SIA to a wider range of audiences, through increasing its legitimacy/ standing;

• Establish minimum standards for SIA practice; • Provide an articulation of best practice in SIA as a

model to aspire to; • Remove confusion over terminology by establish-

ing a definitive glossary; • Establish the appropriate scope of the social com-

ponent of impact assessments; • Promote the integration of SIA in all impact

assessments (especially environmental impact assessment and strategic environmental assessment).

The process of developing international guidelines and principles however has been difficult. In a truly international context, there are many issues to con-sider and little can be taken for granted. The regula-tory context varies, the cultural/religious context varies, and social and economic priorities for devel-opment vary. As the process of developing inter-national guidelines and principles progressed, increasing pressure was placed on the conventional

International Principles for Social Impact Assessment

6 Impact Assessment and Project Appraisal March 2003

understanding of SIA, and a new concept of what SIA was about emerged. This resulted in a revised definition of SIA.

It also became apparent that a definitive document containing the “International Guidelines and Princi-ples” was a flawed concept. Firstly, because most such documents tend to emphasise guidelines rather than principles. They fail to realise that guidelines need to be deduced from principles, and principles need to be derived from core values. Only by first establishing the core values of the community of practice, then deriving the principles, and only then developing guidelines, can truly appropriate guide-lines emerge. The second flaw is that guidelines and principles are often developed in non-participatory processes. Even where participatory processes are involved, too often they do not include the people to whom the guidelines are directed. These are the people who ultimately need to develop ‘ownership’ of the guidelines if they are to be adopted and be utilised.

This document serves as a discussion document for the impact assessment community. It promul-gates a new understanding of SIA. It is intended that this be available to practitioners around the world. It can provide them with the basis for developing national guidelines in consultation with a range of stakeholders and users in their own countries.

Defining and describing SIA

In general terms, SIA is analysing, monitoring and managing the social consequences of development. However, there are different levels by which to un-derstand the term ‘SIA’. SIA is a field of research and practice, or a paradigm consisting of a body of knowledge, techniques, and values. Various indi-viduals identify themselves as SIA professionals, or list SIA as one of their disciplines or specialty areas. There is a community of individuals engaged in re-search and practice of SIA. These people practice the methodology of SIA and undertake associated social and environmental research to inform the practice of SIA. As a methodology or instrument, SIA is the process that SIA professionals follow in order to assess the social impacts of planned inter-ventions or events, and to develop strategies for the ongoing monitoring and management of those im-pacts. SIA should not be understood only as the task

of predicting social impacts in an impact assessment process.

Social Impact Assessment includes the processes of analysing, monitoring and managing the intended and unintended social consequences, both positive and negative, of planned interventions (policies, programs, plans, projects) and any social change processes invoked by those interventions. Its pri-mary purpose is to bring about a more sustainable and equitable biophysical and human environment.

The important features of this understanding of SIA are that:

1. The goal of impact assessment is to bring about a more ecologically, socio-culturally and economi-cally sustainable and equitable environment. Im-pact assessment, therefore, promotes community development and empowerment, builds capacity, and develops social capital (social networks and trust).

2. The focus of concern of SIA is a proactive stance to development and better development outcomes, not just the identification or amelioration of nega-tive or unintended outcomes. Assisting commu-nities and other stakeholders to identify development goals, and ensuring that positive outcomes are maximised, can be more important than minimising harm from negative impacts.

3. The methodology of SIA can be applied to a wide range of planned interventions, and can be under-taken on behalf of a wide range of actors, and not just within a regulatory framework.

4. SIA contributes to the process of adaptive man-agement of policies, programs, plans and projects, and therefore needs to inform the design and operation of the planned intervention.

5. SIA builds on local knowledge and utilises par-ticipatory processes to analyse the concerns of interested and affected parties. It involves stake-holders in the assessment of social impacts, the analysis of alternatives, and monitoring of the planned intervention.

6. The good practice of SIA accepts that social, eco-nomic and biophysical impacts are inherently and inextricably interconnected. Change in any of these domains will lead to changes in the other domains. SIA must, therefore, develop an under-standing of the impact pathways that are created when change in one domain triggers impacts across other domains, as well as the iterative or flow-on consequences within each domain. In other words, there must be consideration of the second and higher order impacts and of cumula-tive impacts.

7. In order for the discipline of SIA to learn and grow, there must be analysis of the impacts that occurred as a result of past activities. SIA must be reflexive and evaluative of its theoretical bases and of its practice.

8. While SIA is typically applied to planned inter-ventions, the techniques of SIA can also be used

Social Impact Assessment is analysing, monitoring and managing the social consequences of development


Impact Assessment and Project Appraisal March 2003 7

to consider the social impacts that derive from other types of events, such as disasters, demo-graphic change and epidemics.

SIA is best understood as an umbrella or overarchingframework that embodies the evaluation of all im-pacts on humans and on all the ways in which peopleand communities interact with their socio-cultural,economic and biophysical surroundings. SIA thus hasstrong links with a wide range of specialist sub-fieldsinvolved in the assessment of areas such as: aestheticimpacts (landscape analysis); archaeological and cul-tural heritage impacts (both tangible and non-tangible); community impacts; cultural impacts;demographic impacts; development impacts; eco-nomic and fiscal impacts; gender impacts; health andmental health impacts; impacts on indigenous rights;infrastructural impacts, institutional impacts; leisureand tourism impacts; political impacts (human rights,governance, democratisation etc); poverty; psycho-logical impacts; resource issues (access and owner-ship of resources); impacts on social and humancapital; and other impacts on societies. As such, com-prehensive SIA cannot normally be undertaken by asingle person, but requires a team approach.

The nature of SIA in an international context

The objective of SIA is to ensure that development maximises its benefits and minimises its costs, espe-cially those costs borne by people (including those in other places and in the future). Costs and benefits may not be measurable or quantifiable and are often not adequately taken into account by decision-makers, regulatory authorities and developers. By identifying impacts in advance: (1) better decisions can be made about which interventions should pro-ceed and how they should proceed; and (2) mitiga-tion measures can be implemented to minimise the harm and maximise the benefits from a specific planned intervention or related activity.

An important feature of SIA is the professional value system held by its practitioners. In addition to a commitment to sustainability and to scientific in-tegrity, such a value system includes an ethic that advocates openness and accountability, fairness and equity, and defends human rights. The role of SIA goes far beyond the ex-ante (in advance) prediction of adverse impacts and the determination of who wins and who loses. SIA also encompasses: empow-erment of local people; enhancement of the position of women, minority groups and other disadvantaged or marginalised members of society; development of capacity building; alleviation of all forms of depend-ency; increase in equity; and a focus on poverty re-duction. SIA complements the economic and technical models that characterise the thinking of many development professionals and agencies.

SIA can be undertaken in different contexts and for different purposes. This creates difficulties in

defining or evaluating it. The nature of an SIA done on behalf of a multinational corporation as part of that company’s internal procedures may be very dif-ferent to an SIA undertaken by a consultant in com-pliance with regulatory or funding agency requirements, or an SIA undertaken by a develop-ment agency interested in ensuring best value for their country’s development assistance. These, in turn, may be very different to an SIA undertaken by staff or students at a local university on behalf of the local community, or an SIA undertaken by the local community itself. Each of these applications of SIA is worthwhile, and none should pretend to be the de-finitive statement. Evaluation of an SIA needs to consider its intended purpose.

Some conceptualisations of SIA are related to protecting individual property rights, with clear statements of adverse impacts required to ensure that individual rights are not transgressed. Where these rights are violated, SIA could be seen as contributing to mitigation and compensation mechanisms. In these situations, SIA tends to concentrate on the negative impacts. In other contexts, however, par-ticularly in developing countries, there should be less emphasis on the negative impacts on small groups of individuals or on individual property rights. Rather, there should be greater concern with maximising social utility and development potential, while ensuring that such development is generally acceptable to the community, equitable and sustain-able. SIA should also focus on reconstruction of livelihoods. The improvement of social wellbeing of the wider community should be explicitly recog-nised as an objective of planned interventions, and as such should be an indicator considered by any form of assessment. However, awareness of the dif-ferential distribution of impacts among different groups in society, and particularly the impact burden experienced by vulnerable groups in the community should always be of prime concern.

What are social impacts?

SIA is much more than the prediction step within an environmental assessment framework. Social im-pacts are much broader than the limited issues often

Awareness of the differential distribution of impacts among different groups in society, and particularly the impact burden experienced by vulnerable groups in the community should always be of prime concern



considered in EIAs (such as demographic changes, job issues, financial security, and impacts on family life). A limited view of SIA creates demarcation problems about what are the social impacts to be identified by SIA, versus what is considered by re-lated fields such as health impact assessment, cul-tural impact assessment, heritage impact assessment, aesthetic impact assessment, or gender impact assessment. The SIA community of practitioners considers that all issues that affect people, directly or indirectly, are pertinent to social impact assessment.

A convenient way of conceptualising social im-pacts is as changes to one or more of the following:

• people’s way of life – that is, how they live, work, play and interact with one another on a day-to-day basis;

• their culture – that is, their shared beliefs, cus-toms, values and language or dialect;

• their community – its cohesion, stability, charac-ter, services and facilities;

• their political systems – the extent to which peopleare able to participate in decisions that affect theirlives, the level of democratisation that is takingplace, and the resources provided for this purpose;

• their environment – the quality of the air and wa-ter people use; the availability and quality of the food they eat; the level of hazard or risk, dust and noise they are exposed to; the adequacy of sanita-tion, their physical safety, and their access to and control over resources;

• their health and wellbeing – health is a state of complete physical, mental, social and spiritual wellbeing and not merely the absence of disease or infirmity;

• their personal and property rights – particularly whether people are economically affected, or ex-perience personal disadvantage which may in-clude a violation of their civil liberties;

• their fears and aspirations – their perceptions about their safety, their fears about the future of their community, and their aspirations for their fu-ture and the future of their children.

Activities comprising SIA

SIA comprises most of the following activities. It:

• participates in the environmental design of the planned intervention;

• identifies interested and affected peoples; • facilitates and coordinates the participation of

stakeholders; • documents and analyses the local historical setting

of the planned intervention so as to be able to interpret responses to the intervention, and to assess cumulative impacts;

• collects baseline data (social profiling) to allow evaluation and audit of the impact assessment process and the planned intervention itself;

• gives a rich picture of the local cultural context, and develops an understanding of local commu-nity values, particularly how they relate to the planned intervention;

• identifies and describes the activities which are likely to cause impacts (scoping);

• predicts (or analyses) likely impacts and how dif-ferent stakeholders are likely to respond;

• assists evaluating and selecting alternatives (in-cluding a no development option);

• assists in site selection; • recommends mitigation measures; • assists in the valuation process and provides sug-

gestions about compensation (non-financial as well as financial);

• describes potential conflicts between stakeholders and advises on resolution processes;

• develops coping strategies for dealing with resid-ual or non-mitigatable impacts;

• contributes to skill development and capacity building in the community;

• advises on appropriate institutional and coordina-tion arrangements for all parties;

• assists in devising and implementing monitoring and management programs.

Guidelines, Principles and Core Values

Core Values are fundamental, ideal-typical, endur-ing, statements of belief that are strongly held and accepted as premises (is-statements).

Principles are general statements of either a common understanding or an indication as to a course of ac-tion about what ought to be done (ought-statements).

Guidelines are statements by which to plan a spe-cific course of action and which clarify how it should done (action-statements).

Guidelines can be described as statements which provide advice or direction by which to plan a spe-cific course of action. They are written as specific statements of instruction about what to do and/or how to do it. Typically they are “action-statements”. A principle is a macro statement that provides a gen-eral guide to a course of action about what ought to be done. They are written as “ought-statements”. Core values are statements about fundamental be-liefs that are deeply held. They are typically “is-statements”. Values determine principles, from which guidelines can be written.

All issues that affect people, directly or indirectly, are pertinent to SIA



Core Values

The core values of SIA are:

The SIA community of practice believes that:

1. There are fundamental human rights that are shared equally across cultures, and by males and females alike.

2. There is a right to have those fundamental human rights protected by the rule of law, with justice applied equally and fairly to all, and available to all.

3. People have a right to live and work in an envi-ronment which is conducive to good health and to a good quality of life and which enables the development of human and social potential.

4. Social dimensions of the environment – specifi-cally but not exclusively peace, the quality of social relationships, freedom from fear, and belongingness – are important aspects of people’s health and quality of life.

5. People have a right to be involved in the decision making about the planned interventions that will affect their lives.

6. Local knowledge and experience are valuable andcan be used to enhance planned interventions.

Fundamental principles for development:

The SIA community of practice considers that:

1. Respect for human rights should underpin all actions.

2. Promoting equity and democratisation shouldbe the major driver of development planning,and impacts on the worst-off members of society should be a major consideration in allassessment.

3. The existence of diversity between cultures, within cultures, and the diversity of stakeholder interests need to be recognised and valued.

4. Decision making should be just, fair and transparent, and decision makers should be ac-countable for their decisions.

5. Development projects should be broadly accept-able to the members of those communities likely to benefit from, or be affected by, the planned intervention.

6. The opinions and views of experts should not be the sole consideration in decisions about planned interventions.

7. The primary focus of all development should be positive outcomes, such as capacity building, empowerment, and the realisation of human and social potential.

8. The term, ‘the environment’, should be defined broadly to include social and human dimensions, and in such inclusion, care must be taken to en-sure that adequate attention is given to the realm of the social.

Principles specific to SIA practice

1. Equity considerations should be a fundamental element of impact assessment and of develop-ment planning.

2. Many of the social impacts of planned interven-tions can be predicted.

3. Planned interventions can be modified to reduce their negative social impacts and enhance their positive impacts.

4. SIA should be an integral part of the devel-opment process, involved in all stages from inception to follow-up audit.

5. There should be a focus on socially sustainabledevelopment, with SIA contributing to the deter-mination of best development alternative(s) – SIA(and EIA) have more to offer than just being anarbiter between economic benefit and social cost.

6. In all planned interventions and their assess-ments, avenues should be developed to build the social and human capital of local communities and to strengthen democratic processes.

7. In all planned interventions, but especially where there are unavoidable impacts, ways to turn im-pacted peoples into beneficiaries should be investigated.

8. The SIA must give due consideration to the alternatives of any planned intervention, but especially in cases when there are likely to be unavoidable impacts.

9. Full consideration should be given to the potentialmitigation measures of social and environmentalimpacts, even where impacted communities mayapprove the planned intervention and where theymay be regarded as beneficiaries.

10. Local knowledge and experience and acknowl-edgment of different local cultural values should be incorporated in any assessment.

11. There should be no use of violence, harassment, intimidation or undue force in connection with the assessment or implementation of a planned intervention.

12. Developmental processes that infringe the human rights of any section of society should not be accepted.

Other guiding principles

There are many International Agreements and Dec-larations that contain notable statements. Principle 1 of the 1992 Rio Declaration on Environment and Development, for example, states that “Human be-ings are at the centre of concerns for sustainable de-velopment. They are entitled to a healthy and productive life in harmony with nature.” Principle 17 calls for impact assessment to be undertaken. Ar-ticle 1 of the 1986 Declaration on the Right to Development states that “The right to development is an inalienable human right by virtue of which every human person and all peoples are entitled to participate in, contribute to, and enjoy economic,



social, cultural and political development, in which all human rights and fundamental freedoms can be fully realised. The human right to development also implies the full realization of the right of peoples to self-determination, which includes, subject to the relevant provisions of both International Covenants on Human Rights, the exercise of their inalienable right to full sovereignty over all their natural wealth and resources.”

In international agreements and declarations, social issues are often implied but rarely given adequate emphasis. Nevertheless, the statements that are given in those declarations can be rewritten to refer to social issues more specifically. The following is a list of international principles in common usage re-written to apply more directly to social issues.

Precautionary Principle: In order to protect the envi-ronment, a concept which includes peoples’ ways of life and the integrity of their communities, the pre-cautionary approach shall be applied. Where there are threats or potential threats of serious social im-pact, lack of full certainty about those threats should not be used as a reason for approving the planned intervention or not requiring the implementation of mitigation measures and stringent monitoring.

Uncertainty Principle: It must be recognised that ourknowledge of the social world and of social processesis incomplete and that social knowledge can never befully complete because the social environment and theprocesses affecting it are changing constantly, andvary from place to place and over time.

Intragenerational Equity: The benefits from the range of planned interventions should address the needs of all, and the social impacts should not fall disproportionately on certain groups of the popula-tion, in particular children and women, the disabled and the socially excluded, certain generations or cer-tain regions.

Intergenerational Equity: Development activities or planned interventions should be managed so that the needs of the present generation are met without compromising the ability of future generations to meet their own needs.

Recognition and Preservation of Diversity: Commu-nities and societies are not homogenous. They are

demographically structured (age and gender), andthey comprise different groups with various valuesystems and different skills. Special attention isneeded to appreciate the existence of the social diver-sity that exists within communities and to understandwhat the unique requirements of special groups maybe. Care must be taken to ensure that planned inter-ventions do not lead to a loss of social diversity in acommunity or a diminishing of social cohesion.

Internalisation of Costs. The full social and ecologicalcosts of a planned intervention should be internalisedthrough the use of economic and other instruments,that is, these costs should be considered as part of thecosts of the intervention, and no intervention shouldbe approved or regarded as cost-effective if itachieves this by the creation of hidden costs to currentor future generations or the environment.

The Polluter Pays Principle. The full costs of avoid-ing or compensating for social impacts should be borne by the proponent of the planned intervention.

The Prevention Principle. It is generally preferable and cheaper in the long run to prevent negative so-cial impacts and ecological damage from happening than having to restore or rectify damage after the event.

The Protection and Promotion of Health and Safety. Health and safety are paramount. All planned inter-ventions should be assessed for their health impacts and their accident risks, especially in terms of as-sessing and managing the risks from hazardous sub-stances, technologies or processes, so that their harmful effects are minimised, including not bring-ing them into use or phasing them out as soon as possible. Health impacts cover the physical, mental and social wellbeing and safety of all people, paying particular attention to those groups of the population who are more vulnerable and more likely to be harmed, such as the economically deprived, indige-nous groups, children and women, the elderly, the disabled, as well as to the population most exposed to risks arising from the planned intervention.

The Principle of Multisectoral Integration. Social development requirements and the need to consider social issues should be properly integrated into all projects, policies, infrastructure programs and other planning activities.

The Principle of Subsidiarity. Decision making power should be decentralised, with accountable decisions being made as close to an individual citizen as possible. In the context of SIA, this means decisions about the approval of planned interven-tions, or conditions under which they might operate, should be taken as close to the affected people as possible, with local people having an input into the approval and management processes.

Human beings are at the centre of concerns for sustainable development (Principle 1 of the Rio Declaration)



Developing Guidelines

Because guidelines are specific recommendations for action, they need to be developed in the context in which they are to be applied and they need to be addressed to a specific audience. Therefore, they need to be developed in conjunction with the rele-vant parties. They need to become accepted as the guidelines of that group rather than being imposed.

There are many different groups who are poten-tially interested in guidelines for SIA. They include:

• SIA practitioners – require guidelines to improve their practice;

• Regulatory agencies – require guidelines in order to specify or audit the scope of SIA activities they commission as well as the quality of SIA reports they receive;

• Policy and program developers – require guidelines to ensure that policy and program dev-elopment considers social impacts;

• Affected peoples and NGOs – require guidelines to be able to participate effectively in SIA pro-cesses. Local action groups (resident action groups) and NGOs often act like a regulatory agency in checking the appropriateness of SIA processes.

• Developers (proponents) and Financiers – require guidelines to be committed to good practice in environmental and social impact assessment, to adequately resource such practice, to liaise effectively with practitioners and interested and affected parties, and with regulatory agencies.

• Development agencies (multilateral and bilateral aid organisations) – require guidelines to ensure that the most benefit is obtained from their aid projects, that SIA components are adequately re-sourced, and that the aid projects themselves do not have unintended environmental or social consequences.

In addition, various sectors of the community may have special interests, and it may be appropriate for guidelines to be developed to address those special interests, such as Indigenous Peoples.

IAIA seeks to liaise with the groups listed above to develop SIA Guidelines applicable to their practice.

Project Team

The Project Team has at various times included the following: Frank Vanclay (chair), James Baines, Hobson Bryan, Di Buchan, Rabel Burdge, Gary Cox, Allan Dale, Amber Frugte, Stewart Lockie, Abdoulaye Sene, Pierre Senecal, Roel Slootweg and Nick Taylor. Many other people participated in workshops and gave comments.

IAIA seeks to liaise with sector groups to develop SIA Guidelines applicable to their practice


International Association for Impact AssessmentValues, vision and mission

Values

IAIA promotes the application of integrated and participatory approaches to impact assessment, conducted to the highest professional standards.

IAIA believes the assessment of the environmental, social, economic, cultural and health implications for proposals to be a critical contribution to sound decision-making processes, and to equitable and sustainable development.

Vision

IAIA is the leading global authority on the best practice in the use of impact assessment for informed decision making regarding policies, programmes, plans, and projects.

Mission

IAIA provides an international forum for advancing innovation and communication of best practice in all forms of impact assessment to further the development of local, regional and global capacity in impact assessment.

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1293

381

912

Dow

nloa

ded

from

http

s://w

ww

.nom

isw

eb.c

o.uk

ON

S C

row

n C

opyr

ight

Res

erve

d [fr

om N

omis

on

3 A

pril

2009

]

mid

-yea

r p

op

ula

tio

n e

stim

ates

2007

pre-

2009

loca

l aut

horit

y: d

istr

ict /

uni

tary

Mal

eF

emal

eT

ota

l

Hal

ton

5800

061

500

1195

00

clai

man

t co

un

t d

eno

min

ato

rs -

cu

rren

t re

sid

ents

/ w

ork

forc

e se

ries

- R

esid

ent

wo

rkin

g a

ge

po

pu

lati

on

Hal

ton

3826

237

029

7529

1

Hal

ton

Hal

ton

No

rth

Wes

tG

reat

Bri

tain

No

rth

Wes

tG

reat

Bri

tain

(nu

mb

ers)

(%)

(%)

(%)

(nu

mb

ers)

(nu

mb

ers)

RE

SID

EN

T P

OP

UL

AT

ION

Note

s:%

is

a pro

port

ion o

f to

tal popula

tion

All

peo

ple

119,5

00

6,8

64,3

00

59,2

16,2

00

Work

ing a

ge

incl

udes

mal

es a

ged

16-6

4 a

nd fem

ales

aged

16-5

9

Mal

es58,0

00

3,3

66,3

00

29,0

54,1

00

Fem

ales

61,5

00

3,4

97,9

00

30,1

62,1

00

All

peo

ple

- w

ork

ing a

ge

75,3

00

63

61.8

62.2

Mal

es -

work

ing a

ge

38,3

00

66

65.8

66.2

Fem

ales

- w

ork

ing a

ge

37,0

00

60.2

57.9

58.3

LA

BO

UR

SU

PP

LY

#S

ampl

e si

ze to

o sm

all f

or r

elia

ble

estim

ate

(see

def

initi

ons)

All

peo

ple

†num

ber

s ar

e fo

r th

ose

aged

16 a

nd o

ver,

% a

re for

those

of w

ork

ing a

ge

(16-5

9/6

4)

Eco

nom

ical

ly a

ctiv

e†

59,1

00

75.6

76.7

78.8

§num

ber

s an

d %

are

for

those

aged

16 a

nd o

ver.

% is

a pro

port

ion o

f ec

onom

ical

ly a

ctiv

e

In e

mplo

ymen

t†55,1

00

70.4

72.1

74.5

Em

plo

yees

†50,4

00

64.6

63.8

64.7

Sel

f em

plo

yed

†4,6

00

5.7

7.8

9.4

Unem

plo

yed (

model

-bas

ed)§

4,0

00

6.7

5.8

5.2

Mal

es

Eco

nom

ical

ly a

ctiv

e†

31,0

00

79

80.6

83.2

In e

mplo

ymen

t†28,6

00

72.8

75.4

78.7

Em

plo

yees

†24,7

00

63.2

63.6

65

Sel

f em

plo

yed

†3,9

00

9.6

11.3

13.3

Unem

plo

yed

§2,4

00

7.9

6.4

5.4

Fem

ales

Eco

nom

ical

ly a

ctiv

e†

28,1

00

72

72.5

73.9

In e

mplo

ymen

t†26,5

00

67.9

68.5

70.1

Em

plo

yees

†25,7

00

66

64

64.5

Sel

f em

plo

yed

†700

#4.1

5.2

Unem

plo

yed

§1,6

00

5.6

5.2

5

All p

eo

ple

Note

s:N

um

ber

s an

d %

are

for

those

of w

ork

ing a

ge

Eco

nom

ical

ly inac

tive

18,4

00

24.4

23.3

21.2

% is

a pro

port

ion o

f to

tal w

ork

ing a

ge

popula

tion

Wan

ting a

job

3,9

00

5.1

5.7

5.5

Not

wan

ting a

job

14,6

00

19.3

17.6

15.8

Male

s

Eco

nom

ical

ly inac

tive

8,1

00

21

19.4

16.8

Wan

ting a

job

2,2

00

5.8

5.2

4.6

Not

wan

ting a

job

5,9

00

15.2

14.2

12.2

Fem

ale

s

Eco

nom

ical

ly inac

tive

10,4

00

28

27.5

26.1

Wan

ting a

job

1,6

00

4.4

6.3

6.5

Not

wan

ting a

job

8,7

00

23.6

21.3

19.7

Soc

2000 m

ajor

gro

up 1

-318,2

00

33.1

40.2

43.1

Note

s:N

um

ber

s an

d %

are

for

those

of 16+

1 M

anag

ers

and s

enio

r offic

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0

APPENDIX 14

SolutionsLessons for policy and practice

Local initiatives to help workless people find and keep paid work

www.jrf.org.uk

AuthorPamela Meadows, drawing on a wide range of research by JRF and others.

June 2008

What’s the issue?

With concentrations of people disadvantaged in the labour market, disadvantaged areas tend to have high rates of worklessness. But both the kinds of work available and the kinds of people without work vary between areas.

Solutions need to be local, reflecting the kind of jobs people are likely to be able to get, and the individuals living in the area and their individual problems.

Ways forward

The available evidence points to some lessons for policy and practice, particularly within the Government’s new Working Neighbourhoods Fund:

of long-term sick and disabled people, is essential.

some initial training, but this is much more expensive and delays the start of employment.

engaged with the needs of local employers.

being in the right job, with suitable hours, skills and location.

people’s ability to get and keep jobs.

childcare and substance use issues as well as labour market needs, are more effective than those which address work in isolation.

wide range of support.

encouragement to engage with the help and support available.

What are the challenges?

place to place. In some areas, capacity will need to be developed before effective delivery can take place.

resources, and may slow down delivery.

recent migrants face both the disadvantages of deprived areas and additional barriers. But minority communities are also becoming increasingly diverse in their labour market experience.

the system.

2

The case for changeDisadvantaged areas tend to have high rates of worklessness, but the nature of the jobs available to people in these areas, and the composition of the workless population, vary between areas – therefore local solutions are needed.

The evidence shows that:

Work and Opportunity research programme) are:– bridges into work and barriers to entry; – the distribution of work between different groups in the population; – the need for evidence from real initiatives

to improve local job prospects; – employers’ policies and behaviour.

One common issue was the importance of local labour markets and local delivery systems. Most people in Britain look for work within a limited geographical area.

levels for whom there is a national labour market. Nationally, those in elementary and personal service occupations have the lowest median travel to work distance (less than three kilometres) while those in professional occupations have the highest (around seven kilometres).

Distances are generally higher in London for all groups, but particularly for those with higher-level skills. Travel distances tend to be lower in the inner parts of cities, which is often where workless people with low skill levels are concentrated (Green and Owen 2006; Green and White 2007).

What constitutes the local labour market varies by skill level, but most people’s jobs, even at intermediate and higher skill levels,

workless people into work need to recognise this (DCLG 2006).

Possible ways forwardThis study draws on the evidence on interventions to help workless people into paid employment and pulls out key messages for the Working Neighbourhoods Fund (WNF), which is intended to support councils and communities in getting people in the most deprived areas of England back to work.

The evidence is derived from JRF’s Work and Opportunity and Area Regeneration programmes previously described in What Works Locally? (Campbell and Meadows 2001) and updated in the light of more recent research and evaluation evidence, including the evidence derived from the JRF Neighbourhood programme (Taylor et al 2007).

The evidence related to local interventions is only derived from the UK. Although there is a great deal of international evidence available on the impact of interventions to tackle worklessness (Meadows 2006), the focus of this review on the importance of place means that international evidence may not reflect the particular circumstances of communities in Britain.

The review is based around six key themes:

Traditionally there has been a separation between interventions aimed at helping disadvantaged people and interventions aimed at helping disadvantaged places. More recently there has been a recognition that places may be disadvantaged because they contain concentrations of disadvantaged individuals, and that interventions to deal with both the consequences of the concentration and meeting the needs of individuals need to work more closely together (Taylor et al 2007; North et al 2007). It is in recognition of the evidence supporting more localised approaches that the Department for Work and Pensions has recently changed the emphasis of national welfare to work programmes in the direction of greater local flexibility (DWP 2007, 2006).

Worklessness lies at the root of area deprivation (Forrest and Kearns 1999; McGregor et al 2003;

Sanderson 2006; North et al 2007). This is the principle underlying the Working Neighbourhoods Fund (DCLG 2007a). This review therefore includes evidence derived from research and evaluation studies where the main focus is on individuals as well as those where the main focus is on places. The unifying issue is that of worklessness: both unemployment as traditionally measured – that is based on those who are actively seeking work – and other forms of worklessness, including people who are not working through sickness or disability and lone parenthood.

One important relationship between place and worklessness lies in the fact that disadvantaged areas may lack some of the social and economic infrastructure that supports people in work. The most important of these are education (particularly further and adult provision, but also the quality of the schools attended by the young people living in the area), public transport and childcare. With regard to transport, an issue commonly raised is the pattern of bus routes, which increasingly operate on a hub and spoke pattern, which means that even where transport is available, people have to change buses in the town centre in order to get to work (DCLG 2006; Griggs et al 2008; Atkinson and Williams 2003; Sanderson 2006; Green and White 2007).

More recent research into the geographical pattern of worklessness has reinforced the conclusions that areas differ. Each area has different economic and social circumstances. Successful projects are both developed and delivered at a local level. What works in one area might not work in another with different labour market circumstances and different population characteristics. The overriding need is for projects to be firmly rooted in the circumstances of their localities. Local data, knowledge and experience are important in meeting local needs. The evidence suggests that bottom-up approaches rooted in the community encourage commitment and generate clearer understanding of the needs of potential programme participants and local employers. Multi-agency partnership working appears to be more effective where it is based on established relationships, which are more likely to be found at a local level (Sanderson 2006; Campbell et al 1998; DTLGR 2001; DCLG

Ritchie et al 2005; North et al 2007; Taylor et al 2007).

4

Scotland, Wales and Northern Ireland the devolved administrations have central roles to play (Campbell et al 1998; Fletcher et al 1998; Green and Owen 2006;

Russell 1998; Simons 1998; Taner et al 1997; DCLG

More generally, the evidence does not suggest that the record of different types of organisation (whether voluntary, statutory, or private, national or local) differs markedly. What does matter is an understanding of both client needs and employer needs.

The move towards more localised approaches needs to take account of the fact that areas differ in their capacity to deliver effective interventions, in terms of the skills of those directly involved in delivery, in terms of the experience and capacity within local communities to take part in the range of activities involved in partnership working, and in the relationships between collaborating organisations and with local employers (Taylor et al 2007; Campbell et

McGregor et al 1997; Robinson et al 1998; Russell 1998; Sanderson et al 1999; Simons 1998; McGregor et al 2003; Regional Co-ordination Unit 2002; Audit

Green 2007).

Research has suggested that successful delivery of interventions to help workless people involves:

and good communication skills;

to reach;

cause confusion among clients;

different agencies;

to provide them with services and support.

In addition to personal adviser skills, management skills (and increasingly partnership skills) are vital to the effective delivery of labour market interventions (Campbell et al 1998; Fletcher et al 1998; Priority Estates Project 1997; Russell 1998; DTLGR 2001; Sutton et al 2004; Taylor et al 2007; North et al 2007).

It is also important to recognise that effective community engagement may require the development and enhancement of the capacity of the community and local organisations to take part in partnership working and provide effective representation (Taylor et al 2007; DCLG 2008; Judge et al 1999).

The earlier review (Meadows and Campbell 2001) found that people living in deprived communities often feel that too many initiatives are being directed to them, for them or at them. Many communities had been subject to a number of initiatives since the launch of the Urban Programme in the late 1960s. This issue remains live. The Department for Communities and Local Government, reflecting in 2008 on the lessons to be learned from the New Deal for Communities (NDC), recognised that:

“These areas have been subject to a range of previous government interventions; there can be little doubt that there is a widespread perception that such initiatives have generally proved of limited value; whether justified or not, there is a strong sense of resentment towards the ‘council’ based on its apparent failure to deliver services or to reverse the engines of decline; ... and there is an almost universal view that most previous regeneration initiatives within NDC areas have failed”.(DCLG 2008: p6)

Evaluation studies consistently show that a sense of ownership and influence by the local community is consistently associated with more successful projects. A positive sense of ownership is likely to encourage more people to take part in the project and to generate greater enthusiasm and commitment among participants. The importance of word of mouth as a recruitment method means that the reputation of a project can make or break it, and that reputation is likely to be affected by the relationship between the project and the local community (Meadows and Campbell 2001; North et al 2007).

Delivery capacity and institutions

A key driver of the move towards more localised service delivery is the recognition that the needs of individuals served by national programmes vary. The drive towards greater localisation of programme delivery is in part based on a desire to move delivery decisions closer to the individual, based on the evidence that provision which is more closely tailored

Activities that aim to help workless people find and keep paid work come in a variety of forms, with a number of possible sponsors, with different roles and interests. In a typical area, the local authority, Jobcentre Plus, the Regional Development Agency, Business Link, further education colleges, voluntary and private sector providers of employment and training support, and housing associations may have an interest at either a local strategy level or in respect of particular policies or programmes. In

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Some examples of good practice in partnership working

North et al’s review of case studies of partnership working found:

“Brent in 2 Work has also deliberately encouraged an open and co-operativeculture between partners. With regard to major agencies, there are strong working relationships with the principal partners – London Borough of Brent, Jobcentre Plus, College of North West London and the London Development Agency – that have developed over time and generated a degree of trust. Importantly, these organisations were involved in the original strategy formulation, which has ensured a degree of genuine partnership commitment.

CPR Works provides an example of the way an organisation can add value to and complement the work of an existing partnership, in this case the Local Strategic Partnership, West Cornwall Together (WCT). WCT sees CPR Works as offering an extra level of focus and support in the most deprived neighbourhoods, providing a more in-depth and flexible approach to engaging with individual workless people than that of mainstream agencies. Joint working between WCT and CPR Works has also been made easier by the co-location of the two organisations in the same building.”

Source: North et al (2007) p87

The Audit Commission’s review of inspection evidence related to economic regeneration activities

“Inspectors assessed the service as excellent. Users are very satisfied with the service they receive – unemployment levels have reduced and investment in the area has increased. Inspectors concluded that the service has many positive features, including:

which businesses appreciate; and

employers.”

In the case of Amber Valley the Commission concluded:

“Inspectors felt that the services provided were good for the following reasons:

organisations in the District. There has been a real shift from Council service-led strategies to community-based strategies.

businesses.

... Amber Valley District Council’s approach to economic regeneration is inclusive and imaginative in the way that it involves communities and users. Again, key to successful economic regeneration, Amber Valley District Council has demonstrated strong partnership skills.”

Source: Audit Commission (2003)

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Nevertheless, particularly where initiatives to tackle worklessness have disadvantaged groups as a key part of their potential clientele, successful projects are likely to ensure that their partnership arrangements include organisations or individuals that are both well established in and well respected by local communities. Such organisations will vary from area to area. They may include tenants’ associations, parent-teacher organisations and faith groups, as well as those whose interests more directly relate to the world of work, particularly local employers. In areas of diversity it is important to ensure that all parts of the community are represented, and are encouraged to work together (Taylor et al 2007; Meadows 2006).

involved in tackling worklessness, and they can be valuable partners as they already have relationships with potential clients and can provide premises for

It is important that issues of conflicting accountability are resolved and that management structures for joint working are clear. Furthermore, it is not uncommon for there to be multiple partnerships operating within an area, and this can pose resource difficulties for employers, for members of the community and for

2007b; North et al 2007). McDonald (2003) found that

each had over 300 partnerships working in their areas.

More generally, there is a limited supply of the skills and resources required to bring together successful partnerships and this needs to be recognised. It is therefore important that all members of partnerships, including people from voluntary and community organisations, have access to training in partnership skills (Taylor et al 2007; McDonald 2003). The Employers’ Organisation for Local Government has identified these skills under four headings:

partnerships;

partnerships;

learning and improvement in partnerships;

for managing effective partnerships.(Local Government National Training Organisation (n.d.))

Partnership issues

Few organisations can themselves provide individualised solutions to the wide range of problems workless people have, but by working effectively in partnership with other organisations they can ensure that individual needs are met. Many workless people face multiple barriers to work, including housing problems, poor health, issues related to alcohol or drugs or a history of offending. People from minority ethnic groups may face discrimination and some people will have limited English. Parents have childcare needs. No one organisation can provide solutions to all of these issues, so effective partnership working is essential (Sanderson 2006; Marshall and Macfarlane 2000; Randall and Brown 1999; Lakey et al 2001;

2007).

A review of a wide range of evidence related to partnership working, commissioned by the Treasury as part of its strategy to improve productivity in the public sector, concluded that the key features of a successful partnership are:

both leadership and innovation skills;

resource costs on participating organisations and individuals. Building relationships and mutual knowledge bases takes time if it is to be done effectively. Taken with the number of formal and informal meetings, there may be disproportionate burdens on small voluntary and community organisations (McGregor et al 2003; Taylor et al 2007). Moreover, partnerships have to change their focus from strategy to delivery, members move on and relationships need to be built anew. This can be something of a “treadmill” (DCLG 2008).

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Engaging communitiesThe evidence suggests that working with and through trusted and credible organisations based in the community is one of the more effective ways of promoting employment and enterprise within deprived areas (DCLG 2006).

involved. A recent review of New Deal for Communities projects has identified problems with:

and local authorities, and also amongst different communities or constituencies;

by racial tensions;

resources. (DCLG 2008).

These issues are also relevant to the discussions of delivery capacity and institutions and partnership discussed above.

The review recognised that there is a case for arguing that whatever the challenges of community engagement, the alternative approach, not engaging the community, may be worse.

Outreach with individualsDisadvantaged areas often contain concentrations of people with poor information networks, low self-esteem and negative attitudes towards paid work (Meadows and Campbell 2001; Sanderson 2006; DCLG 2008). Outreach work is an important way of overcoming some of the reluctance to engage with organisations and interventions that might be able to help. It can also help to ensure that the most disadvantaged groups in the population are able to take advantage of the support available. This both advances social equity and helps to minimise deadweight, which occurs when projects and programmes help those who would have been able to help themselves (Sanderson 2006). The evidence suggests that outreach working collaboratively with mainstream provision has the best chance of success (DGLG 2006).

Engagement and outreach

There are two dimensions to engagement and outreach, although they are inter-related. The first relates to engagement with the local community, local organisations and local employers and the second relates to engagement with individual potential programme clients. The first requires an element of neighbourhood delivery and ownership and is often regarded as a prerequisite for the second, but engagement with organisations in a disadvantaged area is not necessarily sufficient to ensure the active engagement of individuals. Social networks play an important part in influencing attitudes towards jobs and training. Understanding that these differ between areas can contribute to the effectiveness of policies and programmes at a local level (Sanderson 2006; Green and White 2007; North et al 2007).

There are also tensions around the most appropriate level for interventions to take place. Although neighbourhood level might maximise community engagement, the involvement of employers and Jobcentre Plus might be more likely if an initiative covers a local authority area, or even part of a region (as the City Partnerships do). The risk to disadvantaged neighbourhoods is that their voices will not be heard within a broader area, where people from neighbourhoods with stronger social capital will be more readily available to represent the wider community. Black and minority ethnic communities may find themselves particularly marginalised in gaining access to decision-making structures. There are also issues around economies of scale: smaller-scale, more localised interventions tend to be more expensive because they are less able to share their overhead costs. Local authorities can, in principle, minimise overheads by including employment and training initiatives as part of their regeneration activities, yet for many authorities this is not a key area of activity (Taylor et al 2007; North et al 2007; Meadows 2006; Campbell and Meadows 2001). It is helpful if these tensions can be recognised and considered explicitly when local interventions are being developed.

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and Greenberg 2005; Sutton et al 2004; Marshall and

2006; O’Connor et al 2001; Meadows 2006).

Recent migrants may face language and cultural barriers and lack understanding as to how employers recruit, even though they may be well qualified. They may also have qualifications which are not recognised

Black and minority ethnic communities may also find it difficult to access the social networks which are an important part of finding jobs, and this may be due in part to residential segregation. There may be high levels of trust in networks within the community, but less trust in external networks (Taner et al 1997; Barnes et al 2005; Sanderson 2006; Tackey et al 2006; Dewson et al 2006). Some community members may have language difficulties, but many also face employer discrimination. It is also important to recognise that minority communities are becoming increasingly diverse in their experience in the labour market, both in terms of their qualifications and experience, and in terms of employer attitudes towards them. While being a member of a minority ethnic community may make labour market disadvantage more likely, it is not an automatic

Atkinson et al 2006).

An essential part of successfully tailoring support to individual needs is an initial assessment which establishes what skills, capabilities and experience someone has as well as the gaps that need to

assessment allows advisers to ensure that the kind of work or training provided helps to build on and develop existing capabilities. This has been shown in specialist projects for projects for groups such as ex-offenders and disabled people, as well as in large-scale mainstream provision such as the New Deal for Young People (Barnes et al 1998; Fletcher et al 1998; Russell 1998; O’Connor et al 2001).

The consensus of a wide range of evidence reviewed by Meadows (2006) and Greenberg et al (2005) is that for those who are close to the labour market – who have personal or work-related skills and only minor problems – the most effective form of support is help with job finding, presentation and interview skills. Advice about the availability of financial support in paid work also has a key role to play. Work experience placements (essentially a form of extended interview)

further away from the labour market, particularly those whose personal and work-related skills are such that they would find it difficult to hold down a job if placed

People who can be helped by outreach rather than mainstream provision are:

mainstream provision, particularly Jobcentre Plus;

provision because of disability, cost, transport difficulties or childcare;

who may be unfamiliar with employers’ recruitment practices and the services that are available;

find it difficult to engage with official bodies and prefer to trust members of their own community;

that do not take place in a local (particularly familiar) environment where they feel comfortable;

record) which may put them at a disadvantage in dealing with mainstream providers.

(Dewson et al 2006; Campbell 2000; Sanderson 2006; McGivney 2000; Champney et al 2005; Taylor and O’Connor 2005; Griggs et al 2008; Lakey et al 2001; Griffiths et al 2006; North et al 2007; Meadows 2006;

al 2006).

Successful outreach can also generate a snowball effect, with newly engaged clients generating word-of-

Given the nature of the clientele for outreach work, it is important that the premises used are local, “non-official” and comfortable (Dewson et al 2006; Sanderson 2006; McGivney 2000). Libraries, schools, football clubs and pubs have all been successfully used for outreach to engage people reluctant to engage in learning and skills activities (Champney et al 2005).

Meeting individual needs

There is no single intervention that is likely to be suitable for all workless people. Their individual backgrounds and needs vary. Interventions are more effective if they take into account the starting point of the individual. This requires personalised assessments prior to the start of an intervention, and an appropriately tailored package of help thereafter.

Workless people range from the well qualified with recent work experience to those with poor basic skills, physical or mental health problems, substance usage, homelessness, childcare needs and a history of offending. The most effective interventions are those which address the needs of the individual in an integrated way. Sometimes this will take place within a single organisation, but it can also involve referrals

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adviser discretion over how they spend the resources available to them. What works well with one client group may not work at all for another, and this is recognised in that there is no standardised package of support.

a clear incentive to ensure that the job fits the client, as additional funding is available for jobs that are retained for a longer period. These are all likely to contribute to the positive perceptions of clients, which in turn are also likely to improve

Griggs et al 2008).

Many European Social Fund projects are holistic schemes, which aim to help people with a range of problems, such as housing and health problems as well as worklessness. There is some limited evidence in this study that projects which focus on specific core client groups or geographic areas do appear to perform better in engaging, and then helping, their

dealing with disadvantaged young people (Pitcher 2002) or young homeless people (Randall and Brown 1999) support the view that helping young people to develop a work-focused lifestyle, as well as actually finding a job, can help them to tackle some of their other problems.

Specialist projects dealing with particular groups also need to recognise that even though participants have been selected because they are, say, ex-offenders, they may have other disadvantages. For instance, literacy problems are common among offenders. But they may have problems, which may be unrelated to their offending, for example accommodation or health problems, or they may be a member of a minority ethnic group (Meadows 2006; DCLG 2006).

Intermediate labour markets (ILMs) are social enterprise organisations producing socially useful goods and services employing disadvantaged groups facing multiple barriers to work. Their main focus is on getting experience in a real work environment and developing work habits, although they also provide support with job search and some basic training. There is a strong emphasis on helping participants deal with all their problems, not just that are directly relevant to their working lives, and there is a high staff-client ratio. Their outcomes (especially subsequent job retention and earnings) and cost-effectiveness compare favourably with other initiatives for the same target groups, although their costs per client are relatively high compared with provision for some other target groups. The evidence suggests that it is important to focus on the need to prepare to move into the wider labour market and to maintain links

immediately into work, an initial period of training is

expensive compared with job placement help and work experience, and it also postpones the point at which an individual takes up employment. Given that employer-based training generally leads to better outcomes than classroom-based training, the key message for projects is to ensure that participants are equipped to take advantage of on-the-job training with employers. Even if they lack qualifications initially, acquiring qualifications in work generates better returns than acquiring them through college provision.

The evidence suggests that even the most disadvantaged can be helped into work if support is sufficiently tailored to their needs and circumstances. Reviewing a range of research on local schemes involving job brokerage schemes, adult learning and young people with multiple disadvantages, the Department for Communities and Local Government concluded that there were clear advantages in providing holistic, client-centred support including both outreach and inter-agency collaboration (DCLG 2006). Evidence from Action Teams for Jobs (Ecotec 2002);

and O’Connor 2005), Employment Zones (Griffiths et

projects for substance users (Sutton et al 2004) have all highlighted the importance of flexibility in responding to the needs of clients and delivering an individually-focused service.

Holistic provision

of needs, and that their worklessness may be closely related to their money difficulties, childcare needs, housing problems or drug use. Often addressing their lack of work helps them to tackle these other issues, but also support such as drug counselling or help in finding accommodation can give people the stability they need to sustain the disciplines needed to maintain employment. This provision can be integrated – that is provided within a single organisation – or involve inter-agency collaboration (Sutton et al 2004; Fletcher et al 1998; Robinson et al 1998; Sanderson et al 1999; Simons 1998).

Employment Zones have been more intensively studied than many of the other more individualised interventions. The three key elements they offer clients are:

supportive personal advisers whose only task is to help in finding work. Unlike Jobcentre Plus advisers they do not have other roles or tasks. They have more time to spend getting to know the client and assessing their needs and capabilities. They are not bound by a timetable of regularly scheduled meetings but can vary the number and timing of meetings with clients.

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Long-term illness and disability The relationship between labour market disadvantage and long-term illness and disability is complex. Those who are disabled as children or young people frequently have lower educational attainments than otherwise similar non-disabled young people (Ritchie et al 2005). Those who become disabled as adults face limits on their ability to do some types of work, which reduces their job prospects. But there is also a group of people who might have some health problems, but as long as they are in paid work, they have no need or desire to classify themselves as disabled. When they are no longer working, particularly if their job loss was involuntary, this health condition does become a barrier to at least some types of work, and therefore the health problem, either physical or mental, becomes

Green 2007). Finally there is a subset of this group who have responded to the incentive structure the benefit system has confronted them with, at least in the past. For those whose job prospects are poor, a move from Jobseeker’s Allowance to Incapacity Benefit has both given a higher level of income and provided a means of avoiding the obligation to look for work or take part in related activities. It has provided a valid reason for being workless. This can lead to a geographical concentration of economically inactive people of working age, so that some projects will find that a large proportion of their clients are Incapacity Benefit claimants (Ritchie et al 2005; DCLG 2006; Sanderson 2006).

Berthoud (2006) estimated that the employment penalty associated with disability (after adjusting for qualifications and other demographic characteristics) is around 40 per cent. This outcome reflects the combination of genuine inability to do some jobs, employer discrimination and individual motivation. Interventions to help disabled people need to recognise all three issues.

The impact of mainstream interventions on participants with health problems or impairments has not generally

what works for participants as a whole appears to work equally well for disabled people, with the exception of young people with mental health problems, for whom generating improved employment

Green 2007). One explanation for the difficulty might be that these young people have other disadvantages as well (for example poor educational experiences) and it is these other disadvantages that are driving their labour market difficulties.

on intensive personalised support appears to be helpful for the most disadvantaged groups (Marshall and Macfarlane 2000; DCLG 2006). It is important to guard against the risk that provision which is essentially direct job creation, and which does not have the intensive personal support available in “true” ILMs, might be presented as being intermediate labour market provision in order to secure funding for an organisation’s own objectives. Funders need to scrutinise ILM projects carefully to ensure that they include the full range of services (Meadows 2006).

Measuring outcomesThere is a certain amount of ambiguity over what constitutes good practice. Often it is defined in terms of performance in placing clients into work. It would be more appropriate to define good practice as what works for a client with a specific set of disadvantages. Good project performance arises when the package of support addresses the range of needs of all clients and moves them towards paid employment. The advantage of employment as an outcome is that it is easy to measure, and is determined independently

the needs of the most disadvantaged groups rather than concentrate on those who are closest to the labour market, it is important that funding regimes are not simply based on job outcomes. Otherwise, there is a risk that the focus of the project and the delivery mechanisms will be directed at those easiest to help, and will neglect those with more challenging needs. Conversely, there is a risk that projects that are working effectively to address the needs of the most disadvantaged will appear to perform poorly on job outcomes and may receive less funding (Lewis et al

A number of studies have produced suggestions for intermediate indicators of distance travelled (for

Lloyd and O’Sullivan (2003), rather than putting forward a list of specific indicators, suggested a set of principles on which funders and project managers should base their indicators. These were:

behaviour;

produced in similar situations;

information to get an even balance of indicators;

on existing assessments and information and contributing to existing plans;

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This evidence of limited success makes the results emerging from the Pathways to Work programme for people on incapacity benefit all the more impressive. The programme comprises:

return to work;

programmes developed jointly with local National

The initial evaluation suggests that the package has increased flows out of incapacity benefit by around 8 per cent (Blyth 2006). The programme has been extended nationally since spring 2008.

The qualitative evaluation suggested that long-term sick and disabled people returning to work need a variety of additional support in the workplace. This includes help in coping socially at work, adaptations to the workplace, and help negotiating with employers. The availability of this kind of in-work support under the Pathways scheme seems to have smoothed the transition for both new employees and their employers (Dixon and Warrener 2008).

The Access to Work programme helps disabled people with the costs of support workers, travel to work, alterations to workplace premises and aids and equipment. The evaluation evidence suggests that help with travel to work is the part of the package that most helps people obtain and retain jobs when they would not do so otherwise (Thornton and Corden 2002).

The key messages arising from all the evaluations concerning long-term illness and disability are:

perception of themselves and to shift their focus from what they cannot do to what they can.

with travel arrangements can have a marked impact for those with physical disabilities.

expertise in the needs of particular types of client and the requirements of particular employers are more effective for long-term sick and disabled people than generalists are.

need help in adapting to the workplace.

Corden and Thornton (2002), reviewing a range of interventions for disabled people, found only six evaluations that considered both outcomes and process issues. They found that:

or not targeting works, but in any case the provision of support at the point of initial claim for disability-related benefits is not effective, since at this point health conditions are often unstable;

caseworkers are critical to success but often fragile;

disabled workers into the workplace and equipping them with skills for advancement, but this is not widely available;

types of service are most effective.

More recent evaluations confirm these general conclusions. The New Deal for Disabled People (NDDP) evaluation has found relatively high placement rates into employment (over 50 per cent), but participants are only a small percentage of the eligible population (3 per cent, rising to 5 per cent in Pathways to Work pilot areas) and they have personal characteristics which make them more likely to be employed than the typical Incapacity Benefit claimant. Twelve months after starting the programme, NDDP clients had employment rates 9 per cent higher than a comparison group. After 24 months, the rates were 11 per cent higher (Stafford et al 2007).

The outcomes were better for those with physical disabilities rather than mental health problems, and for those living in areas with relatively high concentrations of Incapacity Benefit claimants. Those with public or private-sector providers were also more likely to move into employment than those with charitable or other voluntary-sector providers. This may reflect the fact that previously the only specialist providers were drawn from the voluntary sector, whereas now there is increasing expertise within the statutory and private sectors in dealing with clients with long-term illness and disability. There is evidence that over time, as providers have become more expert, the services delivered to clients have become more personalised (Stafford et al 2007).

The Job Retention and Rehabilitation Pilot offered support to people who had been ill for between six and 22 weeks because of either workplace problems, health problems (for example physiotherapy or

were almost identical for the three intervention groups and the control group (Purdon et al 2006).

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Nevertheless, even where people will be better off in paid work there are practical challenges to be overcome, not least the administrative delays in reassessments and processing payments. It is the risk of being stranded with debts and no cash which often deters people as much as their lack of understanding of the system (Sanderson 2006). Some of the interventions discussed below around financial support to aid retention have a role to play in helping to reduce the risks.

Retention and progression

The Department for Work and Pensions now has job retention and progression at the heart of its policies (DWP 2007). The Department for Innovation, Universities and Skills reiterated its importance in the Government’s response to the Leitch Review of Skills (DIUS 2007). This reflects concerns about the extent to which workless individuals return to claiming out-of-work benefits within a relatively short space of time. More than half the long-term unemployed people who leave Jobseeker’s Allowance for work return within 13 weeks – most quit voluntarily, as opposed to being dismissed or coming to the end of temporary jobs. Most returners say that the job did not suit them (Kellard et al 2002).

People who have come into paid work through a labour market intervention (or a long period on state benefits) often bring with them a range of problems which affect their ability to keep their jobs. Studies in both the US and Britain have found that people subsequently leave their jobs because of problems both inside and outside the workplace. These include childcare or transport difficulties, substance abuse, physical or mental health problems or a history of incarceration. Work-related problems include temporary jobs, unrealistic expectations of what the job involves, disagreements over hours of work and shift patterns, and problems in relationships with colleagues and supervisors (Stafford et al 2007; Lewis et al 2005; Dixon and Warrener 2008; Johnson 2002; Walker and Kellard 2001).

Making work payPeople’s motivation to look for and find paid work (and to stay in their jobs once they have started work) is influenced by the extent to which they think they will be better off working than not working. This in turn is influenced by the incomes that are available to them when they are out of work and those which are available in work. The latter is a mixture of earnings, non-income-related benefits such as child benefit, and income-related benefits such as tax credits and housing benefit.

In addition, many people taking jobs are confronted with immediate cash flow problems which can be difficult to manage when budgeting from week to week. Wages may be paid monthly, but if paid more frequently might be paid a week or more in arrears.

process. In the meantime, working clothes and equipment and travel to work costs have to be paid for up front. Easing these problems makes taking a job less risky, and staying in it a more attractive proposition (Bivand et al 2003).

The evidence suggests that workless people are not well informed about the availability of working tax credit, childcare tax credit, housing benefit and other forms of in-work support. Even where they have some knowledge, the calculations of the net income available at particular wage rates are complex and depend on family circumstances. The three key factors are the number of children (which influences both benefit levels out of work and potential childcare costs when in work), the level of rent (which influences the level of housing benefit, and is in turn a function of both location and family size) and potential earnings. While Jobcentre Plus advisers have access to software that enables them to make calculations on behalf of workless people, other advisers and job brokers may not. Some are unfamiliar with the details, and are reluctant to provide financial advice

Green 2007; Stafford et al 2007; Dixon et al 2008; Sanderson 2006). Better information and more routine provision of illustrative income calculations by advisers has an immediate role to play in dispelling some misconceptions. The very complexity of the system means that the role it can play in encouraging workless people to move into paid work is limited.

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The kinds of services that support job placements are useful in job retention and advancement (and could in principle be provided by the same organisations). These include training in soft skills and job search techniques and help in developing a work-focused

and Kellard 2001; Dixon and Warrener 2008). Such support is particularly important for people who have little or no recent experience of paid work. Some Employment Zones that were concerned about how many people who were placed into work returned to unemployment within 13 weeks have restructured their services to provide greater in-work support (Griffiths et al 2006). The payment structure has also been changed so that a higher proportion of the payment to providers is triggered by job retention rather than initial placement (Griffiths and Durkin 2007).

overcoming the reluctance on the part of people who have moved into work to engage with the help that is available to them. Often they do not see it as relevant to their needs in their new situation, and may regard it as a threat to their new-found sense of independence, even when they are struggling (Dixon and Warrener

This reinforces the need for staff to be well trained, both in understanding labour market needs and in providing personal support.

Often people moving from benefits to work are unaware of the kind of help and support they can get in terms of childcare or in-work income support. Providing ready access to advice on these issues and help in claiming may increase retention. For those with more complex needs, case managers need to have access to range of more specialist support services, for example to deal with health, housing or substance misuse issues (Walker and Kellard 2001; Dixon and Warrener 2008).

Sometimes an employer will find it difficult to cope with a disadvantaged new employee, but rather than dismiss the employee, would prefer to have access to

other people discussing them with their employer, so it is not clear that engagement of advisers with employers is necessarily helpful (Dixon and Warrener 2008).

Specific interventions targeted at retention and advancementUntil recently, relatively few interventions have had retention and advancement (as opposed to placement into employment) as their objective.

The Employment Retention and Advancement Demonstration (ERAD) is under way in six Jobcentre Plus districts. The programme offers ongoing support for up to two years from a personal adviser once the client has entered work. Clients may also receive a retention bonus if they remain in work beyond 13 weeks, and they have access to financial help to cover emergencies which might threaten job retention and for training. The evaluation found that lone parents receiving ERAD support earned considerably more than control group parents, mainly because they were much more likely to be working full-time rather than part-time. Although there was no difference in the overall employment rate of the two groups at the 12-month point, lone parents who had received ERAD support had spent a higher proportion of the year in paid work. The impact on the other two client groups (New Deal 25+ clients and employed lone parents receiving Working Tax Credits) was small (Dorsett et al 2007).

The In-Work Support element of Pathways to Work offers support to former Incapacity Benefit claimants returning to work. Funding arrangements differ between areas, and not all offer retention payments. In some cases the funding helps clients over the transition into work only (Dixon and Warrener 2008). It is therefore difficult to draw general conclusions about the impact on retention and progression.

StepUP was a form of work experience placement available to people who became eligible for New Deal 25+ for a second or subsequent time. Support during the placement included a support worker and a workplace mentor. The evaluation of StepUP concluded that the role of the independent support worker was critical in maximising retention within StepUP jobs (Bivand et al 2006).

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Factors known to influence retention and advancementStart with the right jobIf someone is placed in a job which is unsuited to their capabilities and personal circumstances they will not remain in it. Either the employer will be dissatisfied with their performance, or the employee will feel unable to continue. Either way, entry into the wrong job risks putting someone in a revolving door between worklessness

Employees are more likely to make the effort to keep a job if:

In Britain, providers of Employment Zones services receive large bonuses if participants retain a job for at least

pilots (Atkinson et al 2007). These payments are intended to encourage job brokers to find the most suitable job for a client.

Financial incentivesDorsett et al (2007) attribute the impact of the Employment Retention and Advancement Demonstration project

when clients were in full-time employment. Clients had a high level of awareness about the availability of the bonus.

The Employment Zones evaluation in Britain also stressed the importance of financial support once in work as a means of aiding job retention, both in terms of generally available support, such as the Working Tax Credit, and in terms of providing direct incentives, such as providing driving lessons or even cash payments for those who stay in their jobs for 13 weeks or more (Griffiths and Durkin 2007; Griffiths et al 2006).

The pilot In-Work Emergency Fund operated by Jobcentre Plus addresses the issue of the need for a financial cushion for emergencies, and qualitative evaluation suggests it has been useful in a small number of cases,

supposed to promote its availability. They could only offer help from the fund to those who faced a financial bridging problem which risked them returning to Income Support. It was also only supposed to be available for one-off, individual financial emergencies, and not for relatively common problems, such as a delay in receiving tax credit payments or the need to pay for initial travel to work costs (Thomas and Jones 2006).

Generally available measures to improve incomes while in paid employment (such as the Working Tax Credit) have the effect of improving job retention, even though they are generally regarded as anti-poverty measures

likely to be ineffective unless people are aware of their availability and understand what impact a successful claim is likely to have on their income.

Reliable and affordable childcareChildcare problems (availability, flexibility and cost) are one of the most important reasons why parents (more particularly mothers, whether or not they live with a partner) leave their jobs. The evidence suggests that informal

less (and is often free). Thus, parents have a strong incentive to use informal arrangements if they are available to them. Moreover, parents tend to place a high level of trust in informal arrangements (Dixon and Warrener 2008; Knight and Thomas 2006; Johnston 2002; Bell et al 2005; Walker and Kellard 2001).

15

The evidence consistently suggests that interventions with employer-placements and work-based training are more successful in leading to employment. These interventions put participants in contact with employers and help develop more general employability skills, as well as enabling the individuals concerned to demonstrate work experience to potential employers. The outcomes from classroom-based training programmes are better if they include an element of work experience and are focused on the needs of the local labour market (Dench et al 2007;

Many small and medium-sized organisations find recruitment expensive, and projects can exploit this by offering a job matching service and by ensuring that follow-up support is available to employers who run into difficulties. One possible approach is to offer employers the possibility of free or low-cost trials

et al 2005).

The Fair Cities pilots evaluation found that the key attractions to engagement by employers are:

recruitment solution;

users;

(Atkinson et al 2007).

Engagement with employers

The closer measures are to the open labour market the more likely they are to be successful. It is not enough to concentrate on the needs of individuals. Unless projects address local labour market circumstances, they will not successfully secure employment for programme participants.

Engaging employers is not necessarily straightforward, and they are likely to be resistant to anything that is time consuming and does not have clear outcomes. Essentially, bringing employers in is a form of outreach work: it is intensive and requires high levels of inter-personal skills as well as a good organisation to back it up. They must be involved as early as possible, and the process must be simple and streamlined. It can be useful to make use of existing employer networks and build on existing corporate responsibility activity. The key lesson is that it is better to have strong links with a few genuinely committed employers than weak links with many.

Unless work with clients focuses on the kind of jobs that are likely to be available locally, resources are likely to be wasted and outcomes are likely to be poor. Good relationships with employers not only help with immediate placement into jobs, but also with post-employment support and the potential to influence recruitment practices in the longer term (Sanderson 2006; DCLG 2006; McGregor et al 1997; Sanderson et al 1999). The development of these relationships may require cold calling as well as contacts with

Opportunities to develop skills while workingOpportunities to take part in employer-supported training and to engage in independent study are an important

and responsible for families have limited time to undertake developmental training beyond that provided by their employers (Walker and Kellard 2001).

Mentoring and peer supportDifficulties in relationships with colleagues are one of the most common sources of job breakdown (Lewis et al 2005). Workplace mentors can help new employees develop a sense of belonging to their employing organisation, and the mentor can help them to negotiate problems in the workplace, including relationships with colleagues and supervisors. Peer support groups can provide social support and reinforce the transition in

may not be appropriate. Often people are reluctant to be referred to a mentor, and those who are referred may

TravelDifficulties in travelling to work can make a job difficult to sustain, particularly for disabled people and those with health problems. Conversely, help with travel is something that can aid retention (Stafford et al 2007). More generally, travel problems often lead people to give up their jobs, so thought needs to be given to ensuring that jobs entail travel patterns that are sustainable (Stafford et al 2007; Lewis et al 2005; Dixon and Warrener 2008; Johnson 2002; Walker and Kellard 2001).

16

Conclusion

The main conclusion to be drawn from the evidence is the need to build on local knowledge and relationships. The most successful interventions know their clients, know their local employers, and have good relationships with other relevant agencies who can meet the needs they are unable to address directly. Most positive outcomes flow from following these principles.

Not every area will have this knowledge and these relationships in place, and it may be necessary to put resources into developing them. Although this may delay service delivery, without the knowledge base the services will not be very effective. In some areas, trust will be difficult to develop, especially where communities have previously received other interventions.

About the project

This study was commissioned by the Joseph Rowntree Foundation with the aim of informing and influencing practice within the Government’s new Working Neighbourhoods Fund (WNF). Pamela Meadows summarises and updates work carried out earlier for JRF in its Work and Opportunities programme that drew to a close in 2001. That programme pulled together the results of some 25 research projects which, over the previous four years or so, had researched local solutions to the problems of worklessness. JRF believes that many of these messages are still very relevant to the current WNF programme.

Projects working with specific disadvantaged client groups have found that they can do more for their clients if they can also provide a service for employers in terms of helping them to find staff. This has been found to be true for substance users (Sutton et al

2005; Simons 1998).

Employment Zones have built effective relationships with employers. EZ providers are more attuned to the concerns of employers than Jobcentre Plus is. Many have established specialist employer liaison staff whose job is to build relationships with employers, learn about their recruitment needs and get an inside track on forthcoming vacancies. Such methods enabled providers to source additional job vacancies and to match customers to jobs not otherwise available to them (perhaps because the employer concerned did not normally recruit people from disadvantaged groups), nor generally accessible via Jobcentre Plus. Further vacancies were often identified using advisers’ personal contacts and informal networks of friends and former colleagues. Those working with clients try and prepare them for specific local vacancies. This can take the form of approaching an employer about a particular client or running short work-preparation courses to train clients for entry-level jobs in local areas lacking specific skills (Griffiths et al 2006; Griffiths and Durkin 2007). In this way they help both clients and local employers.

17

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APPENDIX 15

From 3MG website

3MG also offers high quality road access. The site benefits from direct access to the A562 dual carriageway. This provides direct routes to Liverpool, Runcorn, the M56 and the A5300 Knowsley Expressway (which connects with the M62). 3MG is therefore well located to serve the distribution market in the North West of England, lying in to the east of Liverpool and with good quality road links to Warrington, Greater Manchester, Preston and onto Lancaster and Cumbria.

Listed below are distances and average HGV driving times from 3MG to a selected number of destinations in the North West.

• Liverpool: 20km and 30 minutes • Manchester: 45km and 50 minutes • Warrington: 14km and 20 minutes • Preston: 62km and 60 minutes • Chester: 32km and 40 minutes • Wrexham: 62 km and 65 minutes

Most parts of the North West can therefore be reached in under 1 hours driving time.

3MG also benefits from a ‘private’ internal road network, which permits the low cost transfer of goods between warehousing and between warehousing and the intermodal terminal. As the internal road network is not adopted, vehicles operating on cheaper rebated diesel can be used to undertake such transfers.

Longer term, 3MG will benefit from direct access to the new Mersey Gateway bridge. This is a £431million project that would provide a landmark new bridge over the River Mersey between the towns of Runcorn and Widnes. The project includes modifications to the existing Silver Jubilee Bridge that would improve facilities for public transport, walking and cycling across the river. The new Mersey Gateway Bridge will:

� Cross the river around 1.5 kilometres to the east of the Silver Jubilee Bridge � Be a tolled crossing � Have three lanes across the Mersey in each direction � Link the Central Expressway in Runcorn with the Eastern Bypass and Speke Road in Widnes. Three piers in the river will carry the two 300 metre long outer spans that will cross the naturally occurring deeper water channels of the river at either bank. These will be supported by cable stays attached to towers that rise to 135 metres above the river bed. The scheme has recently submitted detailed planning applications.

http://www.3-mg.co.uk/road.aspx

From Halton Council website

The Widnes Waterfront Economic Development Zone programme aims to transform over eighty hectares of low quality industrial land into a new, regionally significant, development site consisting of commercial office and light industrial developments in a dramatic waterfront setting.

A Masterplan, prepared in consultation with key stakeholders and the local business community, sets out the vision and outputs for the area. It is anticipated that the programme will create almost 2,700 new jobs. Commercial developments from the Easter Group, the Forward Partnersip, Priority Sites and Widnes Regeneration Ltd are planned for the area, which will collectively provide over 200,000 sq. ft. of distribution, office and industrial space.

A brand new B&Q retail warehouse is now open, while plans are well advanced for The Hive leisure development (see artist impression below), which includes a six-screen cinema, ice rink, bowling alley, quasar and Frankie and Benny’s restaurant.

Enhancements to the area's infrastructure and environment are also major priorities. Improvements to the Fiddlers Ferry Road/Ashley Way junction are complete and landscaping improvements have taken place on Ashley Way and Earle Road.

Further landscaping and a cycleway are planned for Tanhouse Lane along with the creation of a Linear Park on a section of the disused railway line running through the area.

Key Partners

• Halton Borough Council • Northwest Development Agency (NWDA)

• Government Office North West (GONW) • Halton Strategic Partnership • Widnes Regeneration Ltd (WRL) • Environment Agency.

Start Date:

January 2002

Completion Date:

March 2010

Cost

Public Funding in excess of £12m, drawing in Private Investment in excess of £62m.

Key Facts

So far, completed projects include:

• production and endorsement of the Widnes Waterfront Supplementary Planning Document;

• a programme of site investigations to clarify contamination and inform site remediation;

• the upgrade and adoption of Earle Road; • Widnes Regeneration Limited (WRL), Heron Business Park Phase I –

circa 50,000 sq. ft., of industrial units; • construction of a boardwalk at Widnes Warth; • three new signposted cycle routes into the Waterfront area.

Links

For further information please visit www.widneswaterfront.co.uk

In 2007, Halton Borough Council was runner up in the Best Local Authority Regeneration category, Regeneration and Renewal Magazine Awards. From Widnes waterfront website Progress towards the realisation of the overall objectives of the Widnes Waterfront programme has taken a number of huge strides in the last couple of months. For some time most of the hard work has been taking place behind the

scenes but now the fruits of all that hard work are manifest in perhaps the most visible way, contractors on site and steel coming out of the ground. The new B&Q store and associated speculative industrial units are well advanced, contractors for Priority Sites have begun the construction of 50,000 sq ft of office and hi-tech hybrid accommodation at their site off Earle Road and Langtree Group are about to start work on 30,000 sq ft of managed office space over three floors, again off Earle Road. Perhaps most significantly planning permission has been granted for a leisure complex featuring a five screen cinema, ice rink and associated attractions for the Council owned Venture Fields site. The Borough in general and Widnes in particular, have been lacking a high quality leisure attraction for many years. The creation of such a facility at the Waterfront once again emphasises the pivotal role that the scheme will play, not only in the commercial regeneration of the Borough, but also the cultural renaissance of Halton. (from “News”, Widnes Waterfront website tony mcdermott, 2008 http://www.widneswaterfront.co.uk/news/shownews.aspx?id=176

APPENDIX 16

Halton Borough Council (2005) Urban Renewal Baseline Extract from Pages 40 – 41 1. Skills and Employment 50.4 Although considered in more detail as part of the ‘Life Chances and Employment’ baseline report, there are issues which need to be considered as part of the urban renewal agenda. Halton performs poorly in terms of

skills and qualification levels, ranking 342nd

out of 408 districts. The 19+ age group within Halton has a particular lack of employment skills and qualifications. This is leading to new businesses recruiting from outside of the Borough and therefore the Borough not fully benefiting from the inward investment. (Areas such as Daresbury Park are often recruiting from outside the Borough.) This needs to be addressed by both priorities and there needs to be better links made between the two. Intelligence needs to be provided to schools and colleges to support curriculum development and provide more informed careers advice. There is a question whether colleges are providing what businesses want in terms of flexibility and vocational training opportunities. 50.5 Education in Halton and the UK is currently very focussed on academic qualifications and this perhaps doesn’t suit a number of students, who would learn more valuable skills and perhaps greater employment opportunities through a more structured approach to vocational learning. 50.6 Whilst we need to focus on the knowledge economy, the current skills mismatch is unlikely to be able to support a growth in this sector. We are also losing population in the 10-19 age group predicted at 20% loss over the next ten years, and 6% in the 20-30 age group. It is likely that these losses are due to families moving to Cheshire and surrounding areas, and students moving to university. This presents Halton with a challenge to make Halton more attractive and viable, in terms of being able to meet the needs and quality of life issues, to keep families here and attract new graduates back to the area. Businesses need to be encouraged to employ local graduates. These issues need to be addressed, if we are to have a young local skilled workforce in place, to underpin economic growth.

APPENDIX 17

The Economic DownturnDecember 2008

Focus On:

Welcome to “Focus” a new publication from the Research & Intelligence unit that gives a brief “data” overview of a topic that is currently of interest.

Focus will be produced on an adhoc basis when a topic (or the data) becomes available. If you have a topic to suggest please email: [email protected]

This FOCUS takes a “data” look at the economic downturn in Halton.

Key Messages

Halton is currently identified as one of the least vulnerable areas in the North West (Oxford Economics – July 2008).

The latest unemployment rate (claimant count1) for Halton, 4.1% (Nov 08), remains above the North West rate (3.2%). Windmill ward has the highest unemployment rate within Halton (6.5%).

Within the Liverpool City Region, Halton has had the largest increase in unemployment rates from Nov 07 to Nov 08; 2.8% to 4.1%.

Sales in houses have fallen within Halton from around 700 (Jul-Sep 07) to around 300 (Jul-Sep 08).

1The claimant count rate differs from the Annual Population Survey (Labour Force Survey) definition which is a modelled unemployment rate based on the sample from the Annual Population Survey. Unlike the claimant count rate, it is not available monthly and tends to be higher than the claimant count rate.

Focus On Dec 2008 www.halton.gov.uk/research

Vulnerability Index Nationally, or even globally, the economy is facing ‘credit crunch’ pressures which is restricting the supply of finance (particularly for large purchases such as houses) and is also putting a squeeze on disposable incomes.

Industries most likely to be affected are financial services, real estate, other business services, construction and retail and other consumer related industries (although this may change in the future as the wider economy begins to slow).

Oxford economics have produced a vulnerability index to identify which Local Authorities are most vulnerable to the credit crunch. Table 1 shows that Halton is one of the least vulnerable Local Authorities in the North West and England.

Table 1: Oxford Economics Vulnerability Index (July 2008)

Local Authority

North West Vulnerability Rank Local Authority

North West Vulnerability Rank

Chester 1 Oldham 23Macclesfield 2 Preston 24South Lakeland 3 Wirral 25Trafford 4 Hyndburn 26Sefton 5 Tameside 27Stockport 6 Rossendale 28Vale Royal 7 St Helens 29Bolton 8 Bury 30Manchester 9 South Ribble 31Warrington 10 Rochdale 32Eden 11 Lancaster 33Carlisle 12 Halton 34Congleton 13 Barrow-in-Furness 35Allerdale 14 Burnley 36Blackpool 15 Crewe and Nantwich 37Wigan 16 Ribble Valley 38Ellesmere Port and Neston 17 Knowsley 39West Lancashire 18 Pendle 40Salford 19 Fylde 41Liverpool 20 Blackburn with Darwen 42Chorley 21 Copeland 43Wyre 22

The vulnerability index shows that areas identified as the most vulnerable tend to be relatively prosperous areas, such as Chester, which has a high concentration of jobs in banking and auxiliary services. Early figures affected finance, construction and retail sectors first. Other sectors will be affected later; therefore, Halton’s vulnerability could change significantly.


Unemployment (Claimant count) Unemployment data (claimant count) is the most up to date information available. Data is available monthly and at ward level. Figure 1 shows the unemployment rates for Halton compared to the Local Authorities in the Liverpool City Region.

Figure 1: Local Authority unemployment rates, Nov 07 – Nov 08

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HaltonKnowsleyLiverpoolSeftonSt HelensWirralNorth West

In Halton the unemployment rate has remained higher than the North West and is currently the third highest in the City Region (with Liverpool and Knowsley having higher rates). Halton has also seen the highest increase in unemployment rates over the period Nov 07 to Nov 08. Figure 2 shows the November 2008 unemployment rates at ward level.

Figure 2: Ward unemployment rates, November 2008

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The ward with the largest increase of unemployment, when compared to November 2007 is Mersey ward which has seen an increase of 2.9% (Halton saw a 1.3% increase).

House prices Average house prices within Halton haven’t changed significantly over the past year likely to be because there have been fewer sales. The number of sales has decreased, from over 700 (Jul-Sep 07) to under 300 (Jul-Sep 08).Halton Housing Trust’s waiting list currently stands at 2,104 households. This is set to increase after the Courts covering Widnes, Runcorn and St Helen’s issued 854 repossession orders between January and September 2008.

Other information The real impact of the economic downturn may not be visible in “official statistics” for a year or so although we are already seeing an impact in the unemployment rates. As identified by the Oxford Economics team the sectoral and geographic pattern of impact will change as the wider economy begins to slow.

More information Below are some websites that may provide more information related to this “Focus on”.

Topic Website Halton economic statistics

http://www2.halton.gov.uk/content/councilanddemocracy/council/research/haltoneconomicprofile/

DWP statistics http://www.dwp.gov.uk/asd/

Ward Profiles http://www2.halton.gov.uk/yourcouncil/uklocation/regionalmap/haltonmap/

HaltonObservatory http://halton.localknowledege.co.uk

Halton Research http://www.halton.gov.uk/research

BBC House prices http://news.bbc.co.uk/1/shared/spl/hi/in_depth/uk_house_prices/html/houses.stm


new clare twigger-ross - social impact - appendices · 2014. 3. 22. · 7 appendix 3 list of social...

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