1

Proceedings of the 10th International Congress of Thracology.

Athens 2006 (forthcoming)

The Lantern-Roofed Tombs in Thrace and Anatolia:

Some Evidence about Cultural Relations and Interaction

in the East Mediterranean *

Nikola Theodossiev

The lantern (or diagonal) roofing is specific technique applied in the

ancient architecture, well attested in a number of rectangular chambers of

tumular tombs in Thrace and Anatolia. Several scholarly works deal in

details with this particular technique,1 which is perhaps best described in

English by Janos Fedak: ‘This type of roof is made up of long flat slabs

forming a series of superimposed ‘frames’ of more or less square shape; the

slabs of each ‘frame’ were laid diagonally across the corners of the ‘frame’

below. The squares gradually decreased in size from one course to the next,

until the remaining opening was small enough to be closed without

difficulty.’2

However, the different publications related to such monuments usually

give various accounts of the lantern roofing and very often, those

descriptions do not provide clear idea on the architectural features of the

constructions. In fact, this specific technique became widely known to the

scholars with the excavation of tumulus C near Karalar in Galatia, where a

Late Hellenistic lantern-roofed tomb presumably built for a burial of some

Gaulish chieftain was discovered in 1933.3 Shortly after, the lantern-roofed

tomb at Karalar was designated as ‘Galatisches Kuppelgrab’4 and later, the

2

diagonal roofing was even described as ‘a “Galatian” corbeled roof system’5

or ‘voûte «galate»’6. Actually, the lantern roofing was applied in the

Anatolian funerary architecture much earlier than the Karalar example and

was first attested in the Archaic tumular tomb at Belevi7, while many

scholars consider that this type of stone roof originated in timber

construction of Anatolian houses contemporary to the earliest monumental

tombs8. Therefore, any terminology bearing particular ethnic or strict

regional implications, such as ‘a “Galatian” corbel’, may not be correct

when referring to this technique.

Three approximately synchronous tombs with lantern roofing are known

in ancient Thrace so far. The first one was discovered in 1931 in Kurtkale

locality near Mezek.9 The funerary monument is situated on the ground level

in the eastern part of a big tumulus and consists of façade, rectangular

lantern-roofed antechamber and beehive tholos burial chamber. The

Kurtkale tomb dates to the last decades of the 4th or first decades of the 3rd

century B.C. Another similar tomb was excavated in 1976 in Zhaba Mogila

tumulus, which is about 20 m in height and 80-90 m in diameter, and is

located near Strelcha.10 The monument is situated in the southeastern

periphery of the mound on the ground level and consists of façade,

rectangular lantern-roofed antechamber and beehive tholos burial chamber.

It is dated to the last decades of the 4th century B.C. The third Thracian

tomb with lantern roofing was excavated in 1952 in a tumulus in Golemiya

Aigar locality near Plovdiv (ancient Philippopolis).11 The monument is

situated on the level of the ancient terrain in the central part of the mound

and displays a ground-plan different from the previous funerary

constructions, consisting of façade, rectangular antechamber and rectangular

3

lantern-roofed burial chamber. The Plovdiv tomb comes from the end of the

4th or first decade of the 3rd century B.C.

However, while in Thrace only three monuments displaying such

technique are known, this kind of roofing seems to be widely used in

Anatolia. The tumular tomb at Belevi near Ephesos, first noted in 1827,

dates to the 6th century B.C. and provides the earliest example of lantern

roofing in the ancient world known so far.12 The funerary monument is

situated in the southern half of a big tumulus surrounded with krepis and

consists of long dromos, rectangular antechamber, a second rectangular

lantern-roofed antechamber and rectangular burial chamber. The finds from

the mound clearly indicate that the Archaic monumental tomb was

presumably a heroon and was used for secondary ritual activities during

extended period – until the Early Hellenistic Age. Actually, in Anatolia, the

lantern-roofed tombs became widespread only during the Late Classical and

Hellenistic Age and the architects who built these funerary monuments were

presumably inspired from some early remarkable constructions, such as the

tumular tomb at Belevi.

Hellenistic lantern-roofed tombs were discovered in several parts of

Anatolia. The closest region to Thrace appears to be Bithynia where four

funerary monuments of this type are known, thus forming the most

significant regional group of lantern-roofed tombs in Anatolia. Two of them

are located on the southern shore of Propontis. The tomb at Mudanya

(ancient Myrleia) was unearthed in 1926 during digging of Alçakbayir

tumulus, about 30 m in height.13 The monument consists of long dromos and

rectangular lantern-roofed burial chamber. It dates to the second half of the

4th century B.C. Another tomb was accidentally uncovered in Küçük Çukur

locality near Gemlik (ancient Kios) in a tumulus, which was destroyed

4

during construction works in the middle of 1960s.14 The funerary monument

consists of short dromos and rectangular lantern-roofed burial chamber, and

comes from the second half of the 4th century B.C. Two other tombs were

discovered in the inland of Bithynia – towards the border with Phrygia and

Galatia. The first one was investigated in 1974 in a tumulus close to Iğdir

Köyü.15 The monument consists of short dromos and rectangular lantern-

roofed burial chamber. It dates to the 4th century B.C. and most probably to

the second half of the century. The other tomb was excavated in 1989 in

Yalacik tumulus close to Yukari Bağdere.16 The monument consists of long

dromos, rectangular antechamber and rectangular lantern-roofed burial

chamber. It is dated to the 2nd – 1st century B.C., but an earlier date in the

Hellenistic Age could be also considered.

Close to the West of Mudanya and Gemlik, in Propontic Mysia, another

tomb of this type was excavated in Közemtüg tumulus at Daskyleion during

the 1990 campaign.17 The monument consists of long dromos, rectangular

antechamber and rectangular lantern-roofed burial chamber. It is proposed

that the tomb comes from the first half of the 4th century B.C., but a

presumable later date to c. 330 B.C. should not be excluded, too. Another

tomb with lantern-roofed burial chamber was unearthed in the middle of

1950s near Kepsut, located in the inland of Mysia.18 The brief information

on this discovery allows supposing that the monument could be dated to the

Late Classical or Hellenistic Age. A third similar tomb was excavated in the

beginning of 1960s at Musahocaköy in the southern part of Mysia – close to

the border with Lydia.19 It is situated in a tumulus and consists of long

dromos, rectangular antechamber and rectangular lantern-roofed burial

chamber. The tomb most probably comes from the Late Classical or

Hellenistic Age. In fact, among all other Anatolian tombs of this type, the

5

monument at Musahocaköy is located closest to the Archaic Belevi chamber

tomb, which presumably was one of the significant funerary constructions

that exercised impact on architects to begin widely applying the lantern

roofing during the Late Classical and Hellenistic Age.

Close to the East of Mysia, in Phrygia, three lantern-roofed tombs are

known. The first one was discovered in 1954 under tumulus O at Gordion.20

It consists of rectangular lantern-roofed antechamber and rectangular

lantern-roofed burial chamber. The funerary monument dates to the 2nd –

1st century B.C. Two other tombs are situated at Hierapolis.21 Unless almost

all lantern-roofed funerary monuments known in Anatolia and Thrace, the

Hierapolis tombs are constructed in rectangular pits under the ground level –

not within tumuli. The monuments consist of rectangular lantern-roofed

burial chambers and are approximately dated to the 1st century BC, although

an earlier dating may be considered, too.

As mentioned above, in 1933, a lantern-roofed tomb was excavated at

Karalar in Galatia, to the East of Phrygia.22 The monument is situated under

tumulus C and consists of rectangular lantern-roofed antechamber and

rectangular lantern-roofed burial chamber. The tomb comes from the 1st

century B.C.

Finally, quite unusual example of lantern roofing is attested in

Paphlagonia, to the East of Bithynia and to the North of Galatia. This is the

rock-cut tomb in Gerdek Boğazi locality near Karakoyunlu.23 The monument

consists of impressive façade, rectangular antechamber, two rectangular side

chambers – one of them with lantern-roofed ceiling, and rectangular burial

chamber. The rock-cut tomb is approximately dated to the second half of the

4th century B.C.

6

Obviously, the lantern-roofed tombs in Thrace and Anatolia provide a

welcome opportunity of studying the exchange of ideas and the various

interrelations in the tomb architecture between these parts of the ancient

world. Moreover, the monuments allow exploring the level of multilateral

interaction between different ethnic groups who inhabited both areas.

The limit of the present article does not allow studying in details all these

important topics. However, it is clear that while during the Late Classical

and Hellenistic Age the barrel-vaulted rectangular tombs became most

spread in Macedonia24 and the beehive tholos tombs became widespread in

Thrace25, the lantern-roofed tombs appeared in Anatolia already in the 6th

century B.C. and were typical of this particular area. Therefore, the

appearance of the lantern roofing in Thrace during the end of the Late

Classical and Early Hellenistic Age was a result of Anatolian influence on

the Thracian funerary architecture. In this particular case, the process of

cultural interaction and adaptation of new architectural design happened

most probably in the region of Propontis inhabited by neighbouring Thracian

and Bithynian tribes, besides other ethnic groups. In fact, a number of

ancient records reveal well the close ethnic relationship between Thracians

and Bithynians, and give information on multifarious contacts between both

ethnic communities.26 Undoubtedly, these circumstances resulted in

similarity of the funerary constructions and mortuary practices in Thrace and

Bithynia.

Just on the contrary, some scholars believe that the lantern roofing may

have been an original Thracian design, which was introduced to Anatolia by

the Galatians on their military routes in early 3rd century B.C.27 However,

considering the fact that the lantern-roofed tombs appeared in Anatolia and

are much earlier than the Celtic settlement in the region, such hypothesis

7

may not be accepted. Moreover, having only a single 1st century B.C.

lantern-roofed tomb in Galatia is not enough to suppose that the Galatians

borrowed the lantern-roofing from the Thracians on their military passage

trough the East Balkans in the 270s B.C. Actually, the Galatians became

influenced from the native Hellenistic civilizations and adopted some

complex architectural traditions from the local ethnic groups in a later

period, only after their settlement in Anatolia.28

Although the lantern roofing seems to be confined to Anatolia and Thrace,

several monuments may reveal more contacts and interaction further to the

West. On the first place, one should consider the late 4th century B.C.

mosaic in room A of ‘The House of Dionysos’ in Pella, whose design

resembles a lantern roof.29 While the Pella mosaic may indeed reflect

Anatolian or Thracian influence, no any lantern-roofed tombs are currently

known in Macedonia.30

In Italia, several Etruscan tombs at Chiusi, dated to the 5th century B.C.,

have ceilings that resemble the lantern roofs known in the East: Tomba della

Scimmia,31 Tomba del Colle Casuccini,32 Tomba del Pozzo a Poggio

Renzo,33 and Tomba del Leone a Poggio Renzo34. A later variant of such

roofing is attested in two chambers of Ipogeo dei Volumni in Perugia, which

was built in the end of the 3rd century B.C. but was used up to the 1st

century A.D.35 However, there is a clear structural difference in the Etruscan

pattern – the visible sides of superimposed rectangular ‘frames’ were laid

perpendicular to the visible sides of the rectangular ‘frames’ below (not

diagonally across the corners like in the Thracian and Anatolian examples),

while the rectangles alternate in width as they go up into the roof.36 In this

particular case, one may only speculate about possible relations and

interaction that reflected in resemblance of the tomb designs.

8

However, when discussing the lantern roofing, two tombs in Thrace and

Etruria may indeed provide better possibility to consider any presumable

interrelations. The Thracian example is the monumental heroon in Ostrusha

tumulus near Shipka, which dates to c. 330-320 B.C.37 The ceiling of the

sarcophagus-like burial chamber consists of coffers with painted decoration,

while the central part imitates a lantern roof. Almost identical imitation of

diagonal roofing is attested on the ceiling of one of the side chambers of the

already mentioned Ipogeo dei Volumni in Perugia, dated to the end of the

3rd century B.C.38 Although a significant chronological gap of more than

hundred years divides the two monuments, such resemblance may indeed

testify to exchange of ideas and interaction in the tomb architecture between

Thrace and Italia during the Hellenistic Age.39 Further archaeological

discoveries may provide us with more options to consider the various topics

discussed in the present article.

Department of Archaeology Sofia University St. Kliment Ohridski bul. Tsar Osvoboditel 15 Sofia 1504 Bulgaria E-mail: nikolatc@poshta.net

9

Footnotes

* I am deeply grateful to the Andrew W. Mellon Foundation and the Council

of American Overseas Research Centers for continuosly supporting my

studies as well as the various fellowships, which have enabled me to do

research on Thracian tomb architecture and art at the American School of

Classical Studies at Athens, the American Academy in Rome, the Institute

for Advanced Studies in the Humanities at the University of Edinburgh and

the Netherlands Institute for Advanced Study in the Humanities and Social

Sciences in Wassenaar. I am also very grateful to the Center for Advanced

Study in the Visual Arts at the National Gallery of Art in Washington D.C.

where I was appointed Podhorsky Scholar to work on my projects. I would

like to thank warmly the staff of these institutions for their responsiveness

and help and also to thank all colleagues who gave me advice and support.

1 Among earlier publications, commenting lantern-roofed monuments and

discussing this technique, one may refer to the works of Schachermeyr

(1929, 104-5), Mansel (1943, 47-8, 53; 1946; 1974), Lawrence (1996, 173),

and Orlandos (1968, 189-94). Recent comprehensive studies were provided

by Fedak (1990, 170-2), Ginouvès (1992, 148, 154-5), Ginouvès and

Guimier-Sorbets (1994), and Hellmann (2002, 268-9). Brief comments in:

Young (1956, 250-2), Demus-Quatember (1958, 68-71), von Gall (1966, 81-

2), Schneider Equini (1972, 132), Waelkens (1982, 431), Archibald (1998,

283-4) and Theodossiev (2004, 353-4).

2 Fedak 1990, 170-1.

3 Oğuz (1934, 134-46) provides a comprehensive publication of the

Karalar tombs; cf. also Oğuz and Coupry (1935, 136-40), and recently

Mitchell (1993, 55-7).

10

4 Bossert 1942, 86-7, 296, figs. 1123-6.

5 The designation was used by Mellink (1967, 173) in her report on

Gemlik tomb. However, in earlier publication Mellink (1963, 189) described

the Musahocaköy lantern-roofed tomb as having ‘a pseudo-vaulted roof of

the type also known in Phrygia and Galatia’, and more recently Mellink

(1992, 148) cited a report by Tomris Bakir where the tomb at Daskyleion is

described as ‘roofed in the manner of Thracian vaulted tombs’.

6 Used by Ginouvès and Guimier-Sorbets (1994), and Hellmann (2002,

268-9). In a similar way, the Late Classical and Hellenistic barrel-vaulted

tombs widespread in Macedonia and Thrace are often called ‘Macedonian

tombs’ and this terminology originates in some early scholarly publications,

such as Perdrizet (1898, 335-45) where the barrel-vaulted tomb at

Amphipolis is attributed to ‘type «macédonien»’. However, barrel vaulting

applied in the funerary architecture is attested in the Near East, Levant and

Egypt during the late 2nd and early 1st millennia B.C., and also, this

technique is well known in tombs of Archaic Lydia, Cyprus and Etruria –

many centuries before being applied in the chamber tombs of Macedonia

and Thrace. Cf. discussion on barrel vaulting technique in Fedak (1990, 166-

7 with op. cit.).

7 Kasper (1975; 1976-1977; 1978) and Vetters (1971-1972, 42-6; 1972, 3-

6) provide recent detailed studies on the tumular chamber tomb at Belevi.

8 Suggested by Mansel (1943, 53 with op. cit.; 1946, 8-9; 1950, 478;

1974, 189 with op. cit.), Young (1956, 252), von Gall (1966, 81-2), Fedak

(1990, 171 with op. cit.), and Ginouvès and Guimier-Sorbets (1994 with op.

cit.), who provide a number of mediaeval and modern examples of diagonal

roofing in stone or wood applied in cult and house architecture of East

Turkey, Armenia, Afghanistan, Turkmenistan and elsewhere in Asia.

11

9 The tomb was accidentally unearthed and first published by Filov (1937,

5-7, 79-83, 91). Cf. later discussions in Mansel (1943, 39-41; 1974, 188),

Orlandos (1968, 190, 210), Fedak (1990, 171), Ginouvès and Guimier-

Sorbets (1994, 316), Archibald (1998, 283, 339-40) and Rousseva (2002,

149-50, no. 47).

10 Excavated and published by Kitov (1977a; 1977b; 1979, 2-7; 1989).

Later comments are provided by Archibald (1998, 288-9, 343) and Rousseva

(2002, 147-8, no. 46).

11 Published in details by Botousharova and Kolarova (1961). Additional

comments by Mansel (1974, 188-9), Fedak (1990, 171), Ginouvès and

Guimier-Sorbets (1994, 316), Archibald (1998, 283, 296-8, 338), and

Rousseva (2002, 113-6, no. 25).

12 The tomb was first published by Weber (1878-1880, 91-2, 96-104), and

soon after discussed by Perrot and Chipiez (1890, 280-4). Later study was

provided by Keil (1935, 107-16). More recent explorations conducted by the

Austrian expedition were published by Vetters (1971-1972, 42-6; 1972, 3-6),

and by Praschniker and Theuer (1979, 170-2). Kasper (1975; 1976-1977;

1978) publishes the most detailed studies on the tumulus and the funerary

monument, and discusses the very complex question of the tomb

chronology. The Belevi chamber tomb is also commented by Schachermeyr

(1929, 104-5), Mansel (1943, 46, 48; 1946, 7; 1974, 186), Demus-

Quatember (1958, 68-71), Orlandos (1968, 190, 206), Kurtz and Boardman

(1971, 282), Fedak (1990, 81, 171), Ginouvès and Guimier-Sorbets (1994,

316), and Archibald (1998, 284), among others.

13 Published in details by Mansel (1946; 1950). The tomb is commented in

Mansel (1943, 47-8; 1974, 185), Fedak (1990, 171), Ginouvès and Guimier-

Sorbets (1994, 312), and Archibald (1998, 283-4).

12

14 The tomb is published in details by Mansel (1974). Cf. brief reports in

Firatli (1966-1967, 229) and Mellink (1967, 173). Later comments are

provided by Fedak (1990, 171), Ginouvès and Guimier-Sorbets (1994, 312),

and Archibald (1998, 283-4).

15 Published in details by Tokgöz (1975-1976). Commented by Waelkens

(1982, 431), Fedak (1990, 171), and Ginouvès and Guimier-Sorbets (1994,

312).

16 Detailed publication by Mermerci, Yağci and Güleç (1990). Brief report

in Mellink (1992, 148).

17 Brief publication of the tomb in Bakir and Gusmani (1991, 157, 159).

Reported by Mellink (1992, 148).

18 Mentioned by Mansel (1974, 187) who provides a photograph.

Discussed in Fedak (1990, 171).

19 Brief report by Mellink (1963, 189). Comments in Mansel (1974, 186-

7), Fedak (1990, 171), and Ginouvès and Guimier-Sorbets (1994, 312).

20 Detailed publication by Young (1956, 250-2). Later, the tomb is

discussed by Schneider Equini (1972, 132), Winter (1988, 64), Fedak (1990,

171-2), Ginouvès and Guimier-Sorbets (1994, 312), and Sams and Temizsoy

(n.d., 90-1).

21 Published by Schneider Equini (1972, 132). Commented by Fedak

(1990, 171), and Ginouvès and Guimier-Sorbets (1994, 312).

22 Detailed publication by Oğuz (1934, 134-46), and Oğuz and Coupry

(1935, 136-40). The tomb is widely commented in later studies, e.g. in

Bossert (1942, 86-7), Mansel (1943, 48; 1946, 8; 1974, 187), Young (1956,

252), Lawrence (1996, 173), Orlandos (1968, 193-4), Schneider Equini

(1972, 132), Fedak (1990, 171-2), Mitchell (1993, 55-7), and Ginouvès and

Guimier-Sorbets (1994, 312).

13

23 Detailed publication and study is provided by von Gall (1966, 73-82).

Some earlier publications also give information on this tomb: Leonhard

1915, 269-77; Bossert 1942, 85; Gökoğlu 1952, 110-3. Recent comments in

Fedak (1990, 171).

24 Pandermalis 1972; Gossel 1980, passim; Miller 1993, passim.

25 Archibald 1998, 282-303; Rousseva 2002, passim; Theodossiev 2002;

2004.

26 The written sources are collected in Detschew (1976, 63-65), who

specifies Bithynoi as a Thracian tribe who immigrated in Anatolia. Cf. the

main records: Herodotus I 28, 1 et VII 75, 1-2 (eds. Stein-Hude),

Thucydides IV 75, 2 (ed. Smith), Xenophon, Anab. VI 3, 1-9 et 4, 1-2, et

Hell. III 2, 2-5 (ed. Marchant), Strabo VII 3, 2 et XII 3, 3 (ed. Meineke),

Diodorus XIV 38, 3, 6-7 (ed. Vogel), Plinius Secundus, Nat. hist. V 32, 145

(ed. Mayhoff), Arrianus, Bith. frg. 20 (ed. Roos). The Thraco-Bithynian

relationship is discussed in details by Fol (1972). A recent study on the

history and culture of Bithynia is provided by Hannestad (1996). The most

detailed study on Propontic Thrace is provided by Loukopoulou (1989,

passim), cf. also Archibald (1998, passim).

27 Such speculation is proposed by Young (1956, 252), Schneider Equini

(1972, 132) and Fedak (1990, 171).

28 Cf. Winter 1988, 64; Cunliffe 1992, 83-5, 176-80; Mitchell 1993, 51-8.

Cf. a recent study on Celts who settled in the Balkans: Megaw 2004.

29 Ginouvès and Guimier-Sorbets 1994, 319-21 with op. cit.

30 Cf. Pandermalis 1972; Gossel 1980, passim; Miller 1993, passim.

31 Steingräber, Ridgway, and Serra Ridgway (1986, 273-4, no. 25);

Steingräber (1993).

14

32 Steingräber, Ridgway, and Serra Ridgway (1986, 266-8, no. 15);

Steingräber (1993).

33 Steingräber, Ridgway, and Serra Ridgway (1986, 272, no. 24);

Steingräber (1993).

34 Colonna (1986, 494, fig. 351); Steingräber (1993).

35 Presented and discussed in various publications: Durm (1905, 133-4),

Gurrieri (1963, 13-9), Boëthius and Ward-Perkins (1970, 66-7, 81), Boitani,

Cataldi, and Pasquinucci (1975, 68-9), Steingräber (1993), and Nielsen

(2002, 100-1).

36 Professor Nancy de Grummond kindly drew my attention to the

Etruscan examples.

37 Kitov (1994); Barbet, Kitov, and Valeva (1995); Kitov, Barbet, and

Valeva (1997); Valeva (2002).

38 Cf. various publications by Durm (1905, 133-4), Gurrieri (1963, 13-9),

Boëthius and Ward-Perkins (1970, 66-7, 81), Boitani, Cataldi, and

Pasquinucci (1975, 68-9), Steingräber (1993), and Nielsen (2002, 100-1).

39 The interrelation and interaction in the funerary architecture between

the Balkans and Italia during the Late Classical and Hellenistic Age are

discussed in details by Oleson (1982, passim), Steingräber (1999; 2000,

passim; 2001). Cf. Fedak (1990, passim).

15

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