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GIGS MUSIC

A Study about Gigs Music at Cafe and Bar in Urban Settings

Nike Shabrina, Shuri M. Gietty Tambunan

Urban Studies Development Program, Faculty of Multi-disciplinary Postgraduate, University of Indonesia, Salemba 10430, IndonesiaEnglish Program, Faculty of Humanities, University of Indonesia, Depok 16424, IndonesiaE-mail: nikeshabrina@gmail.com; giettytambunan@gmail.com

Abstract

This article focuses on gigs music at cafes and bars in Jakarta and Bandung, Indonesia. The results of this study show a number of gigs which has declined due to the limitation of space, expensive rental price, and facing permit obstacles. Whereas, cafes and bars play an important role for gigs to support music development in urban areas, as a conduit between gigs players (performer, gigs organizer, community) with society to popularize their music scene. This decline is caused by contention that gigs are simply seen as an entertainment and a spectacle, not a cultural investment that could be used to please and entertain the people. We need a strategy to carry on renewal in every event activity, including improving the quality and gigs players performance in music scene. Then, the community or gigs organizer should explore new alternative places which can be used for gigs. Key words: Cafe and bar; city; gigs music; indie; lifestyle, youth

Introduction

This study is closely related to lifestyle as one of the characteristics of the modern world, or what we commonly referred as modernity. This modern life cannot be separated from social impacts of economic restructuring in city as a form of its landscape development, particularly in night lifestyle which is increasingly filled with entertainment and recreation venues, such as pubs/bar and cafes. Based on that, city is no longer intended for shelter and government functions only, but also a visual spectacle. Including music, it can be said that the massive change in Indonesian music scene also intersects with political forces prevails in each era. Since the era of Soekarno, the Indonesian government had maintained strict all contents and themes of media, with only allow reports that support the ideology of Pancasila (Heider 1991; Kitley 2000; Lockard 1998; Sen and Hill 2000 in Luvaas, 2009:250). Around 1990, media mainstream tended to present certain music genres, such as sentimental pop to audience. Obviously, this situation did not stand for middle class young people who felt trapped in the New Order regime and wanted to find another way to spread political messages. As Adorno stated in his pop music theory (Sunardi, in: Strinati, 2007: 73) culture industry is dominated by two processes: standardization and pseudo-individualism. Standardization refers to the fundamental similarities between pop songs; whereas the apparent individualism refers to accidental differences. Mostly, music being played at that time was likened to be too tame and acted as a part of the national agenda to be broadcasted to youths. In reality, from that discontent, some teenagers were trying to look up new kinds of music through various ways. Online order, zines and tapes from various famous bands were distributed among friends in their scene (Wallach 2003, in Luvaas, 2009:250). Back there, around 1990 to the 2000s in urban areas, digital era not evenly touched the public yet, scenester tended to get information from face-to-face contact with community, including mass media, for example zines. Through that way, the information about gigs dispersed widely and performing in gigs music could bring major impact because it is connecting the band with their fans, or even heterogeneous public. At that time, the amount of market interest in pop music or 'dangdut koplo' also brings antithesis out in the form of indie culture. The term indie is an abbreviation of the words 'independent' which means freedom or self-support. Davies (2006:6) explains, the term independent or indie is often used to refer to unsigned bands or bands that are on small independent record labels. Indie bands produce their own albums (production and distribution) and rely on touring, word-of-mouth, and airplay on independent or college radio stations for promotion. Indie could be regarded as an umbrella term composed of disparate music genres based on their own ideals and have complete freedom in the creative process which is often not in line with mainstream music (opposition with genres demanded in the market industry). While underground refers to the underground people who started their business or creativity in anything from scratch to popularize it to the audience. During the work, underground people have their own principle and do everything with the heart to be heard by their community, 'hopefully' people outside community will like their work. In terms of genre, difference between indie-underground lays in its music genres. Indie may cover any genre, but underground generally comes with musical intonation scale as rock, hardcore, metal or punk. What is interesting is the dominant use of term 'indie' rather than 'underground' to define a local non mainstream music scene.Despite the diverse type of music, indie bands are connected to an unique social network especially in music. Gigs music appears as a counterculture of regular music concerts or live music that is often seen on television or other commercial places such as cafes and bars. Judging the context of gigs located in urban areas, it is mostly held in enclosed spaces such as hall buildings, cafes, bars and arenas. However, around year 2000, 'street gigs' or 'guerrilla gigs' concept became popular. In Indonesia, it is better known as street gigs. Guerrilla gig is the type of musical performance filled by non-traditional music packed in unusual styles. This model is associated with punk rock, noise rock in Britain or America in the early to mid-2000. Its characteristics are similar to flash mob. An impromptu music event is held followed by unpredictable bands, sometimes not notified in advance, unusual places, generally took place in area that do not accommodate live music, such as bus or stations, parking lot or lobby building. The second characteristic, the event is usually prepared quickly, minimal publicity and without ticketing. It is just announced via Internet, SMS and flyer distribution at the last minute before the event starts. Third element that is also important for street gigs in Indonesia is regeneration, and approach to 'akamsi' (anak kampung sini or youth citizens) to help solving problems if the authorities comes. Street gigs in Jakarta have been held at Red Bridge Saharjo Market, beside Pasar Festival (now Plaza Festival), Jatinegara railroad suburb (lapak Lil), space in front of Regent (now Four Season Hotel) Setiabudi, Miracles places Ciledug, in front of Perbanas and across Pancasila University. Initially, those places are chosen as alternative gigs place other than buildings, cafes or bars with more expensive rent price. However, nowadays, street gigs are not held often as they were in the past time due to constraint of official permission considering its public spaces consumption for its each event. Thus, gigs went back to their old-conservative patterns and are held in more private places, namely buildings or cafes and bars to overcome the limitations of space in urban areas.

I saw cafes and bars in city plays important roles for gigs music to exchange information among players and other music lovers through a live musical performances. How do urban spaces physically play roles in forming social and cultural community space? In this research, I want to answer that question indirectly. The term culture here does not refer to the cultural traditions, values, social or religious norms, but refers to Strinatis statement (2007:12) that popular culture or pop culture are generated through mass industrial production and marketed to gain benefit from mass consumer. Gig indie music grows along with the emergence of indie music that wants to be different from masses. Along the journey, gig music often establishes cooperation with sponsor, whether in large or small scale, without changing or limiting any genre of indie music involved in it. Unfortunately, nowadays, potential that can be raised from gig is still less optimized, in fact, as one of urban culture, gig should get a space in the midst of society and be developed. According to interviews with gig organizers and players in Jakarta and Bandung, permission issue is one of the biggest obstacles when organizing gigs beside the lack of sponsorship in Bandung. Instead, gigs in Jakarta are hampered by the limitation of space and rental price. This phenomenon is rife because of the lack of attention to planning and design aspects from cafes or bar, the sound quality (which can accommodate different kinds of sound and visitors convenience) cannot be achieved optimally. In addition, there is still mistrust or suspicion from the place owner against some particular genre. The fact that gigs still can utilize their existing network in Indonesia despite with minimal support makes me more interested to discuss this issue in further study.The Development of Gig Music at Cafe and Bar

Early gigs development began in the 1970s when New Waves and Punk era in UK rising, as depicted in 24 Hour Party People movie which tells the story of music scene in UK. At first, the gig in UK was held in enclosed places such as hall buildings, cafes, and bars. It continued along with alternative music invasion and the release of Never Mind The Bollocks album by Sex Pistols on 1977.

In Indonesia, gig arrival cannot be separated from the rise of popular culture in the homeland. This popular culture refers to a variety of communicative action that widely circulated and presented for the majority of folk (mass people), by folk, or both combination. The first category (for people) refers to messages that are commodified and mass produced (including music, film and television). The second category (from people) includes non-industrial communicative action which is relatively independent, spread through many ways (public events, parades, festivals). This group is, often but not always mentioned, concluded or as an alternative for mass produced entertainment and lifestyle commodities. (Heryanto (ed.), 2012). Based on that statement, in this study, I categorize gig as a second form of popular culture by individuals/groups who agreed to hold the event because it has a common vision and mission and spread the gig through various communication tools (social media, mouth-to-mouth, flyer, etc). The beginning of popular culture is not only seen from music, but also through the art and culture consumption which is inseparable from political situation in Soekarnos Old Order and Suhartos New Order. Started from the 1960s political policies when Indonesia was led by Soekarno. During his reign, things that look like a form of Imperialism and Western culture, including Rock and Roll music which was considered as misleading music or "westernized" was prohibited consumed by people in Indonesia.

Along with the termination of Old Order and the beginning of New Order, art forms from the West went in and influenced the development of music in Indonesia. The development of gigs music at cafe and bar in some major cities both were started from the global music phenomenon, particularly metal and punk genres. But, how the music eventually entered and throve in Indonesia was affected by New Order which began to open access to all information from the outside world. Although, around the 1990s to 2000s was the era of indie and underground music in almost all major cities of Indonesia, the dynamics of each city were different from one to another and cannot be equated. However, these differences were all departed from the desire to express the music, because at that time, their artwork could not appear on the surface. The desire to perform differently from mass music, pushed certain groups in the realm of music to create their own subculture. The inclusion of information about music and its genres, made the first generations of indie underground scenester sharpening their music skills and developing a solid relationship with another community to bring up gig music together. Gig acts as channel of expression from their life or social problems. Gig used as medium of socialization, gathering event between communities and scenester, exchange information, have fun and see favorite band performances. It is clear, the main actor of this beginning scene is young generation.

The first musical initiative at that time was characterized by a cover band era, almost all performers begin their career by playing another musician/bands song. This research focuses on gigs at cafes and bar in urban settings, particularly in DKI Jakarta and Bandung, Indonesia. I have seen that the dynamics of gigs music in cafe and bar were at its peak around the year 1990-2008, especially in DKI Jakarta, it can be seen from the number of available places such as Pids Pub, Casa, Cafe Manari, Poster Cafe, Harley Davidson Cafe, Cafe Voila, Hotspot Pub & Cafe and more. While two things that distinguish between DKI Jakarta to Bandung originally depend on the place where gig developed their innovation in music. In Bandung, gigs syndrome begins with musical performance in school performing arts events, GOR (sports hall) because the trend of cafe and bar in Bandung has not grossly inflated unlike DKI Jakarta. Second, Bandung indie bands made a breakthrough by recording and producing their own songs and video clips. It was something that had not even been written in Jakarta indie bands minds. From that occurrence, not a few indie bands in Jakarta were learning from Bandung about how to make and produce their music independently. Networks that were widespread among musicians fostered the social capital values between those two cities, produced a strong kinship and player exchange in a sense, more open access for band to play in neighboring city.

The glory era of gig at that time was not missed from magnitude of interest and needs phenomenon of young aged people for musical event because there was a big lack of variants in subculture music. So that, its quality sometimes was not a problem, but the main thing is how it became a melting pot for people from different backgrounds to gather and socialize. Gigs in early aged was also synonymous with ngejebol habits (entering the show without paying the ticket), violence, stand-out-crazy performance styles, narcotic, alcohol. It does not mean that those things are not happened anymore today, but it is not as brave as in the 1990s and 2000s. Year to year, many cafes and bars which are commonly used for gigs are closed, re-opened and renamed. Some new venues were established but did not last long. Place and permission problem becomes new obstacle for gig, leaving only a few routine places that as they give confidence and convenience for gig organizer or indie community to keep holding gigs there. But the limitations of place does not deter gigs organizer to continue to seek new alternative venues across the city and cooperate with communities in other cities. Even cities such as Surabaya, Makassar, Bandung, Jakarta can learn about diversity of indie and underground scene music from Yogyakarta. Otherwise, they can see examples from other interesting gigs implementation by community in each city. Since the last few years in Yogyakarta, they put the music studio as an alternative place to hold gigs due to the limited funds. The similar models is also occurred in Jakarta, Bekasi, Depok and their surroundings. Unfortunately in Yogyakarta, due to certain reasons, some studio owners no longer rent their place, with the capacity of 30-50 people in a room, for gig. While if we rely on places like cafes and bars, the rent prices are around Rp 1.000.000,- or sharing system up to 60%, whereas, revenues from ticket sales on weekdays cannot be higher as it is on weekend. On the one hand, Yogyakarta has become one favorite tour destination for both local and foreign bands. It is also recognized by IM and IA as the informants, that Yogyakarta is one of cities in Indonesia with good music scene. Similar statement is also stressed by TE. According to him, scene music in Yogyakarta has a solid foundation and united. It is different compared to Jakarta which has more fragmented community by genre. However, it is not a few gigs organizer that fall due to higher production costs such as rent place and equipment. These constraints addressed by music community in Yogyakarta by initiating a crowdfunding to purchase equipment and getting benefits from merchandise and music compilations. The profits will be used to support this scene.

The good relationship between gigs and social spaces are rated by informant AR as a dialectical relationship that is mutually negated. That gigs are not designed to fight against the established cultural domination, but to create an oasis, so space creativity can be accommodated as much as possible. The existence of limitations give birth to spaces exploration possibilities and create new ideas.

Gigs Distribution in Cafes and Bars

The following is the map of cafes and bars that have become venue for gigs in Jakarta and Bandung since 2008 until now.

Image 1. The Spreading of Gigs Cafes and Bars in Central Jakarta, South Jakarta, East Jakarta, Bandung (from left to right)Source: Personal processedNot all the cafes and bars are listed in the map, but it can be seen that there are differences based on the place location in city. In Bandung, cafes and bars that accommodate gig are more sporadic than in DKI Jakarta which tends to be concentrated in commercial areas such as Kemang (South Jakarta) and downtown. These regional differences may have big implications on the easiness and difficulty obtaining gigs permission and visitor access to the venues. Based on the territory, cafes and bars in Kemang are dubbed as hang out places for the expatriates and upper middle class, so public transportation access through this area is very rare. The majority of transportation is in the form of Kopaja mini bus (for a particular route), bajaj, motorcycles ojek and taxi. It is different from the downtown area, like East Jakarta or Tebet (South Jakarta) which is more easily accessible by public transportation. Then, although both Tebet and Kemang are the same commercial areas, they have different characteristics. Most of stores in Tebet are aimed for youth and middle class segment; it can be seen from the row of distro outlet or impromptu night market compared with Kemang which is more regular and orderly. Whereas in Bandung, cafes and bars generally spread out and are not in an adjacent region, this is interesting because in some locations, cafes are located around education areas, while others are near recreational areas, even in areas that were formerly the main line before Jakarta-Bandung toll was built.

Gig appearance in both cities actually stimulates good economic growth, especially in tourism sector. The concentration areas of cafes and bars which are commonly used as gig venues in two regions, namely South Jakarta and Central Jakarta. These facts are followed by numbers of cafe/bar in the area which is the largest when compared with other regions. Central Jakarta has 483 class A restaurant and 410 class B, while South Jakarta has 676 A class restaurant and B around 846. Same goes for the bars, in Central Jakarta, there are 250 beer houses and in South Jakarta 506 in total. By 2011, the number of restaurants in Bandung is much more than bar. However, until 2014, there are no significant changes for restaurants, bars or cafes, especially their provision for gig arenas. The fact shows that event such gig get more difficult to have their interaction space in the city.

Gigs as a Lifestyle and Music Space in Urban Settings

Seeing the development, gig acts as a social arena, with everyone involved in it produces the music with DIY attitudes or cooperates with other parties to obtain resources or desirable social responses. Unfortunately, after 1998, the gigs development did not get better. After the 2000s, what was growing rapidly turned back downhill. This decline occurred again and again because gigs were only seen as entertainment and spectacle arena, even matters concerning musical performances in government regulations are categorized as entertainment or a part of tourism. So the band and gig organizing is mostly regarded as a hobby and cannot motivate its actor to see this as assets in music that needs to be accommodated or invested. This motivation changes are followed by the changing trends, which led to subculture music as indie-underground nowadays and could not too considered as a counterculture as it was in the early days. Interestingly, now presents a new concept of counterculture to the era of digitalization by indie-underground scenester, through physical distribution of music that re-bloom using cassette tapes CD and vinyl. This means the focus that needs to be strengthened is no longer limited to gigs and its scene as counterculture music, but how subculture in it can continue to develop new strategies in order to maintain their scene.

Image 2. The Brandals in Thursday Noise Gig at 365 Eco Bar Kemang.Source: irockumentary.com

Furthermore, gigs music is part of lifestyle that grows out of the young people creativity in each era. This argument is stated because in my opinion, gigs were born from the spirit of subculture music community to overcome their limitations and outsmart it a way by holding small gigs that is simple yet consistent in their implementation. From this principle, gigs can continue to issue new ideas, make a continuous improvement based on previous events, and establish new networking or forms of business. However, gigs also have regeneration problems among the organizer and visitors, especially in terms of motivation in music due to the impact of assuming gigs as entertainment or a hobby, not as social capital or urban culture assets. The commercialization in places or venues cannot be excluded from gigs, but this is triggered by crisis of interaction space so scenesters do not have many alternatives of available places in city.

In terms of visitors, based on interviews with 7 informants, there are nine motivation make someone comes to gigs, the difference is due to the concept of gigs motivation as an interaction spectacle vehicle for the audience, so the main goal to came/or be involved in gigs is not merely to listen music or socialize, but gigs also became places to exchange information for bands from various areas regarding music scene in each city. Motivation 1. To watch favorite bands that are popular at that time Motivation 2. To have fun Motivation 3. Do not know the band that played but interested to knowing Motivation 4. Accompany a friend Motivation 5. Nostalgia

Motivation 6. Socialize and expand relationship between audience, bands, community (including get the latest information/news) Motivation 7. Do not know the band that played but love the genres

Motivation 8. Do not know the band that played, only take a look; and Motivation 9. As a support for music scene.

Image 3. Motivation to Come to the GigsSource: Personal Processed.

For gigs music in cafes and bars, the number of participants who are directly or indirectly involved on the ongoing process of gigs and have a role in determining gigs are: Performer (band); Audience (gigs visitor, cafes/bar visitor); the Committee (documentation, sound man/technicians/engineer, MC, ticketing, etc); owner/management (cafes/bar); Licensing and Safety (police, army, civil society organizations, local residents, government, etc); Sponsor and media partnership (sponsor, digital media, printing services, merchandiser, music community, radio, record label). Gigs organizing begin with offering proposals to sponsors about 2 weeks until 1-2 months before gigs was going to held. During that time, the committee must consider all possibilities that could turn out to be an obstacle, because at the event, may occur several major obstacles like sound system interference, schedule changes and unexpected costs of security. One of solutions is by make an interesting gig and put on some line up band to draw the attention of audience.

The rent system and price are different in each place, from the results based on the conducted interview, here is the prices range of gigs venues:No.Gigs ModelTypePrice

1Commercial3 4 5 hours3.000.000 - 4.000.000 - 5.000.000 (Example: Beer House Lucky Square Bandung)

Rent Place5.000.000 (Example: Roger Cafe, Rossi Fatmawati) & s/d 13.000.000 for Dago Tea House

Rent Place5.000.000-7.500.000 (can be negotiated depend on the purpose of events and personal ties between two sides). (Example: Borneo Beer House & Beer House Bandung)

Profit Sharing/FreeNo need to rent a place and focus on profit sharing also drinks. The consequences, (1) sometimes gigs organizer must provide their own sound system/equipment. There is no rental fee but gigs organizer must habe spend extra for production costs. (2) Gigs have to adjust their genre of music played by the capacity of cafes/bars space. (3) Extra charge for branding. (Example: Mondo House, Tokove, 365 Eco Bar)

Press conference, band performancesMinimum Spending (one type of rent place; example gigs organizer giving 10 million to buy foods and drinks).Rp.5-20 million depends on concept and purpose of the event. Usually organized by brand and handle with Event Organizer. (Example: 365 Eco Bar)

2In House Gigs/Gigs which is more privateRoutinely held by cafes and bars, not anyone can rent the place (Example: Jaya Pub, Coffee War, Vanilla Witching Hours & Maja House)

Table 1. Gigs Cooperation Model with Cafes and Bars

The government itself does not know anything about gigs in cafes and bars. They usually only deal with the owner relating to show times regulations. However, sometimes gigs face difficulty in permit because the licensing models for each place are different. I classify the license based on place and region. A license based on place is intended as any permissions that need to be prepared between gigs organizer and place owner; All permit and license that must be done by the management of place with officials or from gigs organizer to officials based on the spot. License based on area is the gigs permit from owner/gigs organizer to the concerned area. This permit depends on the complexity of the area around the venue, whether it is only necessary to have RT/RWs permit (government official in village/district), or to the police. In addition, this permits type issued most cost compared to building/police permits because there are some unexpected parties involved. Gigs in various places sometimes have to pay extra for the civil society organization that dominating the region. Based on interviews with the Head staff of Tourism and Culture Department DKI Jakarta, DW, for security ration with the police is cafes owner responsibility with gigs organizer, because for micro gig, the organizer did not need to have permit from the Department of Tourism unless relating show times schedule. From interviews with RG, UW and TE, range of unexpected costs that need to be prepared by gigs organizer for security teams:Number of OfficerNominal PriceInformation

1-2 person200.000-500.000 (mostly in Bandung)

700.000-1.000.000 (mostly in DKI Jakarta)Seen from the event took place, whether it should be added by extra security or not

10 person/more10.000.000-12.000.000Depend on who will play and how many police officer/other parties that come

Table 2. Unexpected Costs for Gigs

Phenomenon of unexpected costs in DKI Jakarta and Bandung were different, but the effect from community organizations was stronger in Jakarta, maybe even the cafes and bars do not know anything because the party that was burdened is the gigs organizer. The location of community organizations base is also different depending on their territory. For Kemang-Ampera-Fatmawati areas are dominated by FBR, then FPI, and there is also Forkabi and Pemuda Pancasila in another areas. This culture has been around since New Order aged and hardly annihilated. This unexpected expense is recognized by informant IA (scenester/gigs organizer) as the most expensive because it is not transparent and did not have legal standard operation. Not a few gigs are held in military based area. Gigs organizing in military area also seem easier in terms of permit because it only needs one single door permit. In fact, this military involvement has started from the New Order. The Armed Forces (ABRI) plays a lot in reviving music activity by holding musical performance on stage with Golkar. The period was the inverse of Old Order, the government supports performance which is held by young people. The Army formed Badan Koordinasi Seni Komando Cadangan Strategis Angkatan Darat (BKS-Kostrad) orchestra who traveled to several major cities in Indonesia. This infiltration especially after year 1965 performed music that was banned when Old Order ruled with two purposes, first, show of force to opponent political power and attract the citizen. Conclusion

In every culture, there is always a time in a day which people dont spend it at home or formal place, they use it to get involved in various activities which may be deemed unnecessary, or the loss of activity will not be considered important by policy makers but it is important for young people or music community in it, such as coming to gigs music. All forms of activity in gigs music as well as the utilization of leisure time are clearly important for describing the lifestyle not only because the existence of gigs can fill most of visitors leisure time, but also because this fields employs a large number of people in production and performances, it needs some capital investment and a strong motivation to maintain its sustainability. Cooperation between cafes and bars with actors in gigs is an example of how two different interest can combine and reinforce each other.

Cafes and bars play important role for gigs, mainly in supporting urban music development. Although it has both advantages and disadvantages, the existence of both places is very good to accommodate performers and audience in a spacecraft interaction due to the small scale. Second, cafes and bars as representations of space and representational spaces for gigs music. From that private sector has been made liaison between the gigs scenesters (performer, gigs organizer, community) with public to popularize their music scene supported by the role of social media and networks that have been strongly built among communities. By that, cafes and bars play an important role for gigs as a place that provides a third space for visitor to socialize, listen to music, search for information, expand networking and also a way to express freedom of creativity that can not be obtained in other urban spaces. We can learn lots of things from gigs, which is facilitated by cafes and bars. By this facility, its social space function gets wider with responsive and democratic values owned by gigs.

Based on research conduct, I believe that this phenomenon is one of urban culture characteristic. At the one hand, gig is an alternative event that people enjoy to escape from the stress of city life business. This also underlies why gigs are identical with urban areas not rural or more isolated areas due to the hectic lifestyle that city has. The hectic lifestyle makes every individual needs or should have leisure time, and therefore gigs could be an alternative urban playscapes in the afternoon until night. There are various kinds of interest or motivation in a gig, mainly have fun, expand networking and up to listen to music that essentially creates a large interaction space also third space arena for the visitors. The third space is not seen from the concept of home, place of work, or more formal space, but tends to the use of space which is not limited to location and time. In fact the two of them can cross and create a cross-widely border interaction that could be an alternative solution to fulfill musical spaces in urban settings. In this space, individuals construct their each other identities through numbers of opportunity provided. I interpret gigs as a third space unlimitedly formed by their performers who present in the form of networkings as the result of many actors strength that influence each other and never stop. As a source of knowledge and culture, gigs means to establish the offline experiences for scenester, ranging from the actors, observers, visitors, media partnership and the providers. The importance of socialization and education about this gigs culture can help the distribution and better knowledge about music and their DIY event.

Therefore, gigs can be regarded as a profession and its loss will cause chaos or city disorder in providing alternative spaces for its citizen. It is regarded as a profession because gig is needed by scenesters to maintain their network among actors and to become media dissemination for musical movement in each scene. If it is no longer exist, psychologically, there will emerge feeling of lonely, silence/absence because of the limited options that can be witnessed. It is reasonable if the gigs give different meaning for each person. As for the gigs organizer, gig has become an integral part of life and acts as representation of the band or artists work to expand their networks and strengthening relations among regions. While for the place owner, in this cases cafes and bars, gig could be an attraction of entertainment in city, and at the same time, form an urban lifestyle of young people. In gigs, actors meet, gather, create ideas and build new networks. For the visitors, some of them a look at gigs as a form of entertainment, but others consider gigs as no more than just a lifestyle, and also a means of gathering with other scenesters as a medium to spread a particular message through music.

The committee structure or gigs organizer is more likely dynamic or non-formal by nature. Since gigs only appear if they have performance, the band should keep playing music, recording it, then promoting through digital media and performing in several gigs organized by community or other collective groups. To create a live atmosphere, gigs organizer also collaborates with printing vendor or another party to create some merchandise for gigs. The band that performed sometimes also sells their merchandise during the event. There are also lapakers which are generally derived from distro or indie label which open booth in gigs. Gigs organizer also needs to fit the schedule together with cafe owner, take care of the security or permit permission to the local or regional officials. While cooperate and spread the information through digital media such as website, social networking, blog, zines, distro, radio and others, gigs organizer must think about the stage concept and decoration, also design for poster/flyer or ticketing. At the event, several gigs also use MC (master of ceremony) to keep visitor interest to the event until it is over. The committee and media partner document the event and write a review after the gigs end. This process will be repeated, such review will make new fans, new merchandise, new demand or even new gigs.

Although facing limitation, it makes them utilize their existing or leisure time. The main strategy gigs organizer can do to maintain gigs in cities is by creating a breakthrough in all side of activities on the event, including improving performance quality and the active organizer in music scene.

This research has seen how enormous the network can be raised from gigs. From this study at least we know that gig as a lifestyle is always moving and dynamic, changing of city policies results the meaning reproduction of gigs for young people and community strategy in defending their gigs. These findings may encourage further research, especially in the role of musical performances. Along the research conducted, based on the data found in the field and the results of its analysis, it has always been a shift in musical space in city, ranging from a public place to more private area, even to an open space in more rural area. In the end I come to a conclusion, that place is not a standard thing for gigs, so there are no boundaries for gigs music in one area or city. This shift model to outer areas or place becomes a weapon that gigs organizer must overcoming the limitations of musical space in city. It is seen as a strategy because what the matter is the sustainability of the event, not the place. Recommendation

City has a lot of potential functions for its people to continue developing relationship, diversity, social, culture and economy. Same goes to music as a part of community, its nature cannot be seen as just a mere entertainment for the audience, but the music also contains a political-economy message and gives a picture of daily cultural life. According to the research, there are some suggestions for the gigs activists (community, gigs organizer), visitors, performances, place owners or policy makers (government). First of all, the rapid growth of urban population makes the supply of urban space more limited and causes a friction of space usage. This different interest makes urban space only seen as consumer goods needed by community, something that is sold or developed into an entertainment for citizen in city to gain greater profits. As for subculture music community, the limitation of space becomes a problem for music scene movement because the majority of gigs organizers have to spend some money to enjoy the presence of urban space, not to mention when the costs incurred must be accompanied by other unexpected permit costs as a result of the emergence of particular interest for space. It is the problem that will makes the city space degraded spatially.

These barriers coupled with the wrong paradigm about gigs and music from the government side, which sees music as part of entertainment and spectacle. Moreover, the government as policy makers cannot help much, primarily because from the regulations terms, there are no special rules for standard operation of gigs, or even a provision stating support to musical performance activities, without limiting it to certain genres by providing an easier licensing permit. In my opinion, it would be better if this subculture music gigs keep to their track without too much government intervention. So they can maintain their characteristics and strengthen their network in the scene. However, the advice that I can point out to the government regarding the city and subculture music is the city could and must provide an accessible space for all citizen.

This space provision does not mean that we expand the space, but utilize it efficiently to improve or enhance the functions of the space itself (reinvestment space), such as adding value to the city park function by building musical stage that could be used by community of all musical genres. Its example is Centrum Musical Park Bandung, although the impact has not been able seeing yet, at least it shows the governments effort to promote sustainable development and improve urban living quality.

Second, activities that might be made by this study is to do coaching clinic. From that point, each party can learn how to improve the performance and event quality also increase the benefits that all parties can achieve. The main actor for gigs is performers; because there were always audiences at any event, whatever their motivations are. On the contrary, the musicians and bands are those who should be maintained carefully for their actual motives or objectives in music. So if performers stop playing due to the limited space, or the increase of production cost, then the gigs will remain stagnant.

From coaching clinic it is hoped to improve consistence of gigs organizer to keep holding the performance. Those reasons make gigs important due to its nature as a social space and the means of non-formal education. Gigs provide educational choice and taste. When people come to gigs, they can listen to different music alternative, which is not as same as the mainstream/mass music.

Another suggestion is expanding the research focus, by not only focusing on indie-underground music, but also on what can be produced in scene, what networks can be developed to build musical events performance, and how is the system of cooperation and performance. It is because the cooperation values, independence, and freedom access, can encourage the emergence of innovation or new opportunities in city. ReferencesI. BOOK:

Chaney, David (1996). Lifestyles: Sebuah Pengantar Komprehensif. Terjemahan oleh Nuraeni. Yogjakarta: Jalasutra. LeGates, Richard T, Frederic Stout. 2007. The City Reader. New York: Routledge.

Pickering, Michael (ed.). 2008. Research Methods for Cultural Studies. Edinburgh: Edinburgh University Press.

Strinati, Dominic. 2007. Popular Culture: Pengantar Menuju Teori Budaya Populer. Yogyakarta: JEJAK.

II. MOVIEWinterbottom, Eaton, dir and prod. 24 Hour Party People. Film4, Revolution Films, Baby Cow Productions and UK Film Council. 2002.

III. ELECTRONIC PUBLICATIONSCarmona.M, T. Heath, T. Oc, S. Tiesdell. 2003. Public Spaces Urban Spaces: The Dimensions of Urban Design. Oxford. Architectural Press An imprint of Elsevier.Carr S., M. Francis, L. Rivlin, & A. Stone. 1992. Public Space, Cambridge University Press, Cambridge.

Creswell. 2007. Qualitative Inquiry and Research Design: Choosing among Five Approaches.(https://is.vsfs.cz:Creswell_2007_Qualitative_Inquiry_and_Research_Design_Choosing_among_Five_Approaches_2nd_edition. pdf)

Damayanti, Riantika Sari. Produksi Kultural dan Implikasi Sejarah dalam Musik Metal. Accesed 02 Mei 2014; tersedia di http://ciptacitakarsakarya.blogspot.com/2012/05/produksi-kultural-dan-implikasi sejarah.html; Internet.Kellner, Douglas. Cultural Studies and Social Theory: A Critical Intervention (http://www.gseis.ucla.edu/faculty/kellner/kellner.html).Latour, Bruno. 2005. Reassembling the Social: An Introduction to Actor-Network-Theory. New York: Oxford University Press Inc.

Luvaas, Brent Adam. 2009. Generation DIY: Youth, Class and the Culture of Indie Production in Digital-Age Indonesia. Disertasi doktoral University of California.Martin, Paul. R, Fanny M. Cheung, Michael C. Knowles, Michael Kyrios, Lyn Littlefield, J. Bruce Overmier, Jos M. Prieto. 2011. The IAAP Handbook of Applied Psychology, First Edition. UK: Blackwell Publishing Ltd. Triandis, Harry C, Robert Bontempo, Marcelo J. Villareal, Masaaki Asai, Nydia Lucca. 1988. Individualism and Collectivism: Cross-Cultural Perspectives on Self-Ingroup Relationships. Journal of Personality and Social Psychology Vol.54. American Psychological Association, Inc.Yin, Robert K. 2003. Case Study Research: Design and Methods. Thousand Oaks London New Deihl: SAGE Publications.

Attachment 1. Gigs Poster in Cafes and Bars

Attachment 2. Zine Examples Genres: A category that identifies or grouping pieces of music according to its resemblance to one another as belonging to a shared traditions or musical style.

Zine: Known as short for magazine or fanzine, which are self-published, small circulation, motivated by a desire to express oneself rather than making money, most of the topic is outside the mainstream or too niche for mainstream media, low budget, often nonprofit papers, books, or websites, presented in unusual design or layout.

Dangdut koplo: A certain music genre that play by a modern dangdut music group or OM (Melayu orchestra) on a stage with singer who dressed in sexy and sensual sway.

Perbanas Institute: (previously was Perbanas Economics School or STIE Perbanas) is one of higher institutes of education which firstly holds education in banking and finance in Jakarta.

Subculture: A group of people within a culture that have it's own unique style, values and norms that are distinct from those held by the majority and differentiates itself from the larger culture to which it belongs, though often maintaining some of its founding principles. Although, as more and more people do it, some pieces of subcultures form could become mainstream.

Scenester: Individual/group who drives a scene and play important role in music scene, may include community, fans, music lovers or activist music.

Informant IM: Cafe Manager Bee House Bandung.

Informant IA: Program Coordinator Ruang Rupa Community, photographer, concert organizer, band

manager of White Shoes and The Couple Company, from Jakarta Institute of Arts (IKJ).

Informant AR: Contributor Jakartabeat.net, Founder Sonic Funeral Records, Majoring in English Literatur, University of Sanata Dharma, Yogyakarta (now lives in Jakarta).

http://www.jakartabeat.net/kolom/konten/krisis-ruang-interaksi-sebuah-masalah, excerpted on December 10th, 2014.

Based on interviews with YS, staff at the Division of Industrial Business

Tourism, part of the Business Sector Services Provision of Food & Beverage DKI Jakarta, cafes and restaurant used in the same category. According to him, the difference is only in name alone.

Recapitulation Business Type in DKI Jakarta, source: Department of Tourism and Culture Jakarta

DIY: (Do It Yourself) is a term applied to the creation of production and distribution networks within the community and outside the influence of major labels and distributors. It is used by various communities of practice that focus on people creating things for themselves without the aid of a paid professional.

Informant RG: Managing Chinook Cafe & Bar Bandung, majoring in Musical Art Program, University of Pasundan.

Informant UW: Works in event organizer; a DJ, previously worked in Fast Forward Records.

Informant TE: Founder of Sailboat Records and We.HumCollective community from IKJ (Jakarta Institute of Arts).

FBR: Forum Betawi Rempug, a betawi organisation. Betawi is the indigenous people of Jakarta, a community of mixed descent, a mixture of different races and ethnic groups, who for generations have made Jakarta their home. Betawi have assimilated different cultures in their daily life, arts, music and traditions. Staunch Muslims, the Betawi blends the original Malay language with neighbouring Sundanese words, mixed with Javanese, Chinese, Indian, Arab and Dutch words.

FPI: (Front Pembela Islam) or The Islamic Defenders Front is a radical-religious organization group in Indonesia, notorious for hate crimes and violences in the defense of Islam.

Forkabi: (Forum Komunikasi Anak Betawi) is the Betawi communication forum organisation.

Pemuda Pancasila: (The Pancasila Youth/PP) is an Indonesian paramilitary organization established by General Abdul Haris Nasution on 28 October 1959, headed since 1981 by Yapto Soerjosoemarno. It was formed from the semi-official political gangsters (preman) that supported the New Order military dictatorship of Suharto. Pancasila Youth played important role in supporting Suharto's military coup in 1965: they ran death squads for the Indonesian army, killing a million or more alleged communists and Chinese Indonesians across the province of North Sumatra, as described in the 2012 documentary The Act of Killing.

Golkar: (The Party of the Functional Groups; Indonesian: Partai Golongan Karya) is a political party in Indonesia. Golkar was the ruling party from 1973 to 1999, under Suharto's New Order regime (1966-98) and the brief presidency of B. J. Habibie (1998-99).

Distro: Acronym of the distribution, stores that sell teenager's clothing and accessories.

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