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Crossing Boundaries: Legal Education and the Challenge of the “New Public Interest Law” Louise G. Trubek New Legal Realism Symposium Wisconsin Law Review 2005 Wis. L. R. No. 2 (forthcoming) December 2004

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Crossing Boundaries: Legal Education and the Challenge of the

“New Public Interest Law”

Louise G. Trubek

New Legal Realism SymposiumWisconsin Law Review

2005 Wis. L. R. No. 2 (forthcoming)

December 2004

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I. INTRODUCTION*

This paper discusses contemporary practice and how new understandings of law

can emerge from practice. While law taught in schools can inform practice, practice can

inform how law is taught in schools. As we evaluate and create empirical knowledge

about what is really going on in the world and in the practice of the law, we can create

new legal institutions that respond to contemporary needs to solve persistent problems.

The new institutions and legislation that were the concern of legal realists arose from

their understanding and knowledge about the existing problems in their social and

economic world. Legal realists sought to reform the inadequacies of the legal institutions

and legislation that were part of the existing structures.1

Lawyers who advocate for the disadvantaged and underrepresented and thus for a

more equal, sustainable, and participatory society are practicing in a new context today.

This includes gridlock in Washington, devolution to the states, restricted access to court

remedies, ascendance of privatization, and global economic pressures. The development

of new technologies, de-centering of administrative agencies, and growth of

nongovernmental organizations are also framing the new context for public interest

lawyers. In this new context, old approaches are less effective. New public interest

advocacy strategies are needed and advocacy must be embedded in new institutional

forms.2

Many law schools realize that they must reassess their curriculum and staffing in

order to respond to these changes. The schools are also examining how they fit into the

* Thanks to the participants of the New Legal Realism Symposium and especially to Beth Mertz for her insightful comments. Deep appreciation to Tom O’Day for his research, writing, and editorial assistance.1 Jerome Frank, Why Not a Clinical Lawyer-School? 81 U. PA. L. REV. 907, 921-22, (1933).2 Louise G. Trubek, Foreword, Lawyering in a New Democracy Symposium, 2002 WIS. L. REV. 575 (2002).

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university and relate to the rest of the world. Jerome Frank thought that clinical

education would be a way of learning about practice in the field.3 By placing law

students in practice settings, information could be gleaned about how practice took place

and that information would be used for scholarship and for teaching. There is a

longstanding connection between legal realists’ attempts to grasp the empirical and

encouraging law schools to provide more realistic law school training.4

This paper discusses how a new public interest law is effectively emerging to deal

with today’s problems in today’s context. This new framework is based on an empirical

understanding of both the changing socio-economic world and of the changing practices

of lawyers. Legal education is an integral part of constructing legal practice and is

confronted now with the challenge of changing its pedagogy to reflect the new practices.

The narrowness of contemporary legal education, however, can be a barrier to

reformulating its pedagogy. Reformers, including legal realists, thought clinical legal

education would be a solution to the overly formalistic curriculum of law schools. The

goal of clinical education was to provide empirical information about how legal

institutions really worked, useful skills for legal practice, and an understanding of the

inequities in society.

Paradoxically, the clinical legal education innovations in curriculum and teaching

methods developed in the 1960s as a challenge to the formalistic law school are now a

block to constructive rethinking. 5 There is now an embedded cadre of clinical teachers in

all law schools dedicated to a distinctive and separate approach to teaching and using law

3 Frank, supra note 1.4 Thanks to Beth Mertz for this insight.5 See Allen Redlich, Perceptions of a Clinical Program, 434 S. CAL. L. REV. 574 (1970 –71), for a cautionary story of how the original vision for clinical education contained the elements of the problems it is now confronting.

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to create social justice. As law schools rethink how they train students to be useful for

society, they must assess the relationship between public interest goals and mainstream

practice. That relationship is different than it was in the 1960s. As law schools then

examine how to train students to use law to solve social problems, they must also alter

the boundary between clinical teachers and traditional teachers.

This paper begins with a discussion of the classic public interest law firm, the

institutional and intellectual model for how law can achieve social justice. It discusses

how the essential pillars of that model are eroded. The second and third section describe

how a new framework for public interest law is emerging and how some law schools are

beginning to revise their curriculum to reflect this new framework. It closes with a

discussion of the barriers to embedding these innovative projects in law schools.

II. A SHORT HISTORY OF THE CLASSIC PUBLIC INTEREST LAW

The classic approach to public interest practice, and the model law firms that

embodied this idea, emerged in the 1960s and 1970s.6 Although there were precursors

such as the NAACP, ACLU, and Legal Aid, the idea of a broad “public interest” practice

really crystallized in this period. The new firms were founded by lawyers who were

mostly young graduates of elite law schools. Many were located in Washington; most

consisted almost exclusively of lawyers; were organized as independent nonprofit tax

deductible law firms; and advocated primarily in federal courts, federal agencies, and

before Congress. The clients included many groups that were deemed to be

Aunderrepresented@; i.e., they had interests that could not be funded by the market for

lawyers. Such groups included the poor represented by the Legal Services Corporation,

6 Louise G. Trubek, Symposium issue: Lawyering for a New Democracy: Public Interest Lawyers and New Governance: Advocating for Health Care, 2002 WIS. L. REV. 575, 576-77 (2002).

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consumers seeking fair terms and safe products represented by the Nader firms, and

environmentalists seeking a sustainable environment represented by the Natural

Resources Defense Council. These firms were organized on a charitable basis, with

primary funding coming from foundations and bar associations.7 Later, an effort, only

partially successful, was made to get government support as well.8

This version of public interest practice has to be seen in the post-New Deal

context of the rise of the federal government and the administrative state, the rights

revolution, and the expansion of the American welfare state. Public interest practice was

viewed as a supplement to administrative action, rights expansion, and enhanced social

protection. Paradoxically, this practice at once reinforced all three developments while

testifying to their limits by contending that they needed supplementation by public

interest law. Federal administrative action was good, but it had to be modified to ensure

that all interests were taken account of and capture by special interests avoided. Court

expansion of citizen rights was good as long as there were lawyers to turn them into

realities. Poverty and other welfare type programs were welcome but only as long as

there were public interest watchdogs to make sure the benefits went to the targeted

population. Through agency appearances, litigation, and lobbying, the public interest

lawyers would overcome the limits created by narrow participation in agency decision

making and the dangers of capture by the regulated industries and self-interested

bureaucracies. In these ways, public interest lawyers would realize the promise of a

strong, central, progressive state. All this, it was thought, required full-time lawyers with

high-level legal skills, knowledge, and status.

7 Id.8 Louise G. Trubek, Embedded Practices: Lawyers, Clients, and Social Change, 31 HARV. C. R.-C.L. L. REV., 415 (1996).

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This model of public interest law focused heavily on “impact litigation” and other

forms of group representation. But there was also a role for individual representation,

especially in the poverty field through offices supported by the Legal Services

Corporation and its predecessors. These offices, like the public interest law firms, were

lawyer-dominated and did some impact work but they also took individual cases.9

The original model rests on four pillars which have begun to erode: single agency

advocacy and activist judiciary; control of the market through control of the state;

exclusive focus on the United States; and professional expertise.

When state action was centralized in categorical federal bureaucracies, a small

cadre of highly skilled lawyers could bring about decisions affecting millions through

effective advocacy at the federal level. This included advocacy directly at federal

administrative agencies or through class action lawsuits brought before federal courts.

With devolution to the states and complexity of the problems, this approach becomes less

effective. Devolution and wicked problems are undercutting single agency advocacy.

Conservative appointments to courts and the prevalence of theories such as law and

economics and discrediting of class actions have led to a discouragement about change

through courts.

When regulation focused on government intervention to affect market outcomes,

classical advocacy could help shape market forces by changing bureaucratic regulation.

They believed that control of the market could come from control through the state. But

as we rely more on markets in general, and move to privatization, contracting out,

benchmarking, regulation by indicators, and quasi-markets as regulatory tools, the

9 Alan Housman, Political Lessons: Legal Services for the Poor, 83 GEO. L. J. 1669 (1995).

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challenge of affecting market outcomes becomes much greater. Move to privatization and

use of quasi-market tools are replacing command and control regulation.10

The emphasis in the classic public interest law firms was on social, economic and

environmental inequality exclusively within the United States. There was little interest or

awareness of the interdependence of policy within the United States and the rest of the

world. As globalization becomes an everyday reality, an international vision is essential

to address domestic problems.

The classic model relied heavily on the presumed professional expertise of the

lawyer, who understood the regulations and doctrines that controlled agency behavior. As

agencies are de-centered, the value of this classic expertise has declined. The knowledge

required to be effective in dealing with the problems the agencies are trying to solve

requires greater knowledge, understanding of the complexity of client needs, and

sensitivity to cultural, racial, and gender diversity. Derrick Bell and Gerry Lopez led an

academic critique that emerged in the 1970s. It questioned the effectiveness of the

classic public interest model expressing a fear that the public interest lawyer undermined

collective action of social movements through legalizing the authentic popular voice.

These critics viewed the public interest lawyers as ineffective in achieving social change.

The public interest lawyers were using exclusively lawyer tools and came from outside

the underrepresented community. Their strategies would not work especially for

minority communities. 11

10 The University of Wisconsin Law School offered a seminar and a workshop in Fall 2004, which discussed the transition from the traditional forms of regulation to alternative approaches. A workshop called “The Approaches to Environmental Regulation in Wisconsin” discussed the origins and impact of regulatory innovation in the field of environmental protection in Wisconsin. Speakers included the Secretary of Department of Natural Resources. 11 GERRY LOPEZ, REBELLIOUS LAWYERING: ONE CHICANO’S VISION OF PROGRESSIVE LAW PRACTICE (1994); Derrick A. Bell, Serving Two Masters: Integration Ideals and Client Interests in School Desegregation Litigation, 85 YALE L. J. 470 (1976). Since the early days of public interest lawyering in

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The public interest law firm model dominated by legal expertise does not

encourage easy access to the required information about the client communities and

expertise from other disciplines. Expertise of other fields such as engineering, medicine,

and business are now essential to begin to solve the complex social problems.

Professional legal expertise is no longer sufficient. Public interest lawyers started

practices in local firms or within community organizations such as domestic violence

shelters or in community economic development agencies. These practices are labeled as

“grassroots.” They could be seen as a rejection of the more ambitious vision of the

public interest lawyers and undermined the unitary classic model.

III. A NEW FRAMEWORK FOR PUBLIC INTEREST LAW

The eroding of the classic pillars is now evident. A new framework for new

public interest law is now emerging. As the bureaucracies lose their strength and new

technology emerges, new strategic understandings and organizational structures are being

developed. Lawyers, often in concert with law schools and law students, are helping to

solve problems within economically deprived neighborhoods, discriminatory workplaces,

and health care institutions. They signal a new approach to the strategies lawyers use to

work for a more just society and highlight how lawyers connect their representation to

policy processes. This vision of public interest lawyering signals a resurgence of the

heady “impact” work in both the courts and agencies of the 1960s and 1970s. Lawyers

today, however, use different techniques and play different roles than those of the neo-

Progressive agency reformers or litigation impact lawyers of the 1960s or 1970s. The

the 1960s, there has been a critique of public interest lawyering as elitist. The Lopez/Bell critique concentrated on the ineffectiveness of the classic model for minority populations. See also SIMON LAZARUS, THE GENTEEL POPULISTS (1974). See also, William P. Quigley, Reflections of Community Organizers: Lawyering for Empowerment of Community Organizations, 21 OHIO N.U.L. REV. 455 (1994).

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new public interest approach uses different tools to deal with perplexing policy

conundrums.12

Policy conundrums are apparent in many sectors: fear that the environment is

continuing to erode, inability to deal with culturally diverse at-risk families, and lack of

affordable, quality health care. Contemporary society has difficulty grappling with these

issues. As advocates, the question public interest lawyers will have to address is: can

new institutions and styles of dialogue assist in figuring out how to solve these policy

issues? A further challenge is to identify, analyze, and theorize about how the actual

practices of lawyers are changing to reflect their search to create a more equal,

sustainable, and participatory society. This requires the study of how lawyers are

practicing, the relationship with their clients, and their relationship with their

communities. As part of this reassessment, access to empirical information about what is

happening at the ground level as well as evaluating the effectiveness of existing

institutions and processes is essential.

There are five parts to the new framework. There are new public-private

collaborations that allow new roles for the state; the establishment of multilevel networks

and new advocacy arenas; reliance on flexible and dynamic tools; new professionalism;

and international awareness.

a. Public-Private Collaborations and the New Roles for the State

The increasing complexity of the issues, devolution, and use of private groups has

realigned the relationships between actors. Advocates are joining with business,

government, and nonprofits in problem-solving collaboratives. As more “public”

12 For an interesting discussion on this topic, see Helen Hershkoff & Benedict Kingsbury, Crisis, Community, and Courts in Network Governance: A Response to Liebman and Sabel’s Approach to Reform of Public Education, 28 N.Y.U. REVIEW OF LAW & SOCIAL CHANGE 319, 326 (2003).

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functions are provided by for-profit and nonprofit agencies, they become actors in the

governance process.13 And in the uncertainties of the current regulatory climate where

solutions are sought to new and very complex problems, collaboration among previously

antagonistic actors is essential. Collaboration tends to emerge when there is a serious

desire for change and no one has a clear idea of how to proceed. Collaborations among

stakeholders and experts serve two purposes: to exchange information and expert

knowledge and to pool ideas to create new techniques and systems. These collaborations

often negotiate with the agencies and legislators to implement their proposals. In contrast

to classic public interest lawyers who took adversarial stances towards all interests other

than the “group” they claimed to represent, the new advocates have become collaborators

engaged in a series of alliances designed both to develop and implement policy.

These collaboratives decenter the state role. But although the state is decentered,

it must retain its essential role as the ultimate and accountable authority. In their role as

collaborators, public interest lawyers must be conscious of the continuing importance of

the state role. One recent example shows the challenge for the state in effectively

transitioning from a command and control, central authority to a more flexible manager.

This challenge emerged from the privatization of traditionally government-provided

health care prevention and outreach services to low-income people. The state now

contracts with health care organizations to provide these services. Increasingly, the

contracting organizations are using small, community-based organizations to reach

minority patients. These nonprofits are undertaking a substantial responsibility for

raising funds and providing services for the underserved and underrepresented. This

13 Martha Minow, Public and Private Partnerships: Accounting for the New Religion, 116 HARV. L. REV. 1229 (2003).

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privatization has risks for low-income people who rely on these services, as well as for

the credibility of the entire health care system. If the fiscal constraints that state

governments are facing are combined with increased pressure to demonstrate quality

care, the state will abdicate its responsibility and quality of care will be further reduced.14

The new advocates in their collaborative roles need to insist that the state continue in its

crucial twin roles of providing adequate funding and requiring benchmarks for the

nonprofits delivery organizations in order to ensure that equity is achieved.15

b. Multilevel Networks and New Advocacy Arenas

In response to the devolution of funding and regulation to states and local

agencies, public interest lawyers are moving the locus of their advocacy to state and local

government levels. This dispersal of advocacy efforts can create problems of

effectiveness unless ways are found to link state and local groups nationally. As a result,

leaders in new advocacy approaches are seeking horizontal forms of collaboration across

state boundaries. Horizontal networks are necessary to spread information among actors

across states and create the scale needed to bring about change throughout the nation.

Local experiments that are successful can be communicated to other actors in other states,

replicated, and linked. Conversely, unsuccessful projects can be jettisoned. The

relationship between state, local and Washington agencies is readjusting so there is a

more interactive, bottom-up, approach. A recent example is President Bush’s proposal

for embedding health care technology through national standards that allow for medical

information to be stored and shared electronically while ensuring privacy and security.16

14 Rick Lyman, Once a Model, A Health Plan is Endangered, NY TIMES, November 20, 2004, A1, A11.15 See Louise G. Trubek & Maya Das, Achieving Equality: Health Care Governance in Transition, 29 AM. J. L. & MED. 395, 411 (2003). The experience described was the author’s observation at a May 10, 2004 conference on improving low birth weights and infant mortality in Wisconsin. 16 Department of Health and Human Services, Transforming Health Care: The President’s Health Information Technology Plan, available at

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The implementation of the standards would be done through local and regional projects

that link communities, physicians, and hospitals.

Advocates are also supporting systems to implement social values within private

organizations, rather than being focused solely on the regulatory agency. This move

requires transparency of organizational action. Public interest lawyers can monitor the

information, demand accountability, and train consumers on how to work within the

organizations. They are also looking to revive traditional institutions. Public law

litigation, a mainstay of 1970s public interest advocacy, is being revived but in very

different forms by using new management techniques such as benchmarking and local

networks.17 Public interest lawyers have shown an ability to adapt to contexts and

practices. Recent commentators noted, “Public law, however, is in itself a network of

Dewyesque ‘social interactive learners,’ in which lawyers learn from each other, from

communities, and from shared experience. . . .”18 Other commentators have similarly

noted the resilience and adaptability of public interest lawyers to respond to changing

conditions.19

c. Flexible and Dynamic Tools

Traditional regulation relies on measurement before and after implementation of a

regulation.20 Classic public interest law relied on general principles, but has no way of

assessing whether it met societal expectations. New public interest law recognizes that

effective governance requires adequate and continuous information to enable

http://www.whitehouse.gov/infocus/technology/economicpolicy200404/chap3.html.17 Charles F. Sabel & William H. Simon, Destabilization Rights: How Public Law Litigation Succeeds, 117 HARV. L. REV. 1015 (2004).18 Hershkoff and Kingsbury, supra note 12 at 326.19 See generally STUART A. SCHEINGOLD & AUSTIN SARAT, SOMETHING TO BELIEVE IN (2004).20 Orly Lobel, The Renew Deal: The Fall of Regulation and the Rise of Governance in Contemporary Legal Thought, MINN. L. REV., Table One (forthcoming 2004).

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stakeholders to make effective decisions.21 A critique of the traditional regulatory model

is that it is not flexible or open to change or innovation.22 New public interest theory

recognizes that governance must be adaptable to change.

One use of the data collected is in the process called benchmarking.

Benchmarking requires indicators, which are the measurable goals of the program.

Benchmarking uses the indicators to provide an ongoing glimpse at the success of their

actions and allows for greater program flexibility, as programs can be adapted, depending

upon whether it meets benchmarking goals along the way. Benchmarking has become

especially crucial because programs are increasingly privatized and devolved and it

provides a method of accountability to local, public, and private stakeholders.23 In the era

of devolution, benchmarking remains an important role for the federal government to

ensure that state and local entities are meeting goals.24

New public interest law also relies on continual data collection to see that goals

are met on an ongoing basis.25 Advocates need to be willing to be involved in the messy

evaluation of the studies as well as assisting data collection design. This requires

working with empirical data. One example is in overcoming racial and ethnic disparities

in health care. Designing data collection systems that reflect the complexity of racial and

ethnic identities and then analyzing the results requires a very sophisticated

understanding of data collection and systems. This requires the ability to work in

21 Lester M. Salamon, The New Governance and the Tools of Public Action: An Introduction, 28 FORDHAM URB. L. J. 1611, 1641 (2001). 22 See Lobel, supra note 20. 23 Louise G. Trubek, Old Wine in New Bottles: Public Interest Lawyering in an Era of Privatization, 28 FORDHAM URB. L. J. 1739 (2001).24 See Trubek & Das, supra note 15.25 See Lobel, supra note 20.

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collaborative teams with people from other disciplines and sharing expertise among the

participants.

d. New Professionalism

Lawyers must develop more knowledge of other disciplines and perfect the skill

of working in multidisciplinary teams. Public interest lawyers involved in

multidisciplinary practice are located in many different practice sites. Whereas the

traditional public interest lawyer operated primarily in an independent nonprofit law firm,

the new public interest advocate has a greater variety of bases of operation. Advocates

today can also choose to work within non-governmental organizations (NGOs), private

collaborations, or for business organizations. As problems expand beyond traditional

boundaries, these lawyers must learn about multiple policy areas and master several

policy disciplines. This includes seeking social science studies that provide knowledge

about how different communities understand their problems and see the use of legal

institutions and practices. In multidisciplinary practice, law becomes part of a

comprehensive approach to solving client needs that requires the lawyer to take on a non-

traditional role (e.g., working as part of a team and potentially doing non-“legal” work).

Thus the position of the lawyer and the role of law are quite different from traditional

legal practice.26 Collaboration requires the lawyer to be better integrated with other

professionals, clients, the community, etc. so that each can do what they do best and there

is minimization of duplication of services. This requires lawyers to be trained in

understanding empirical data.

26 Louise G. Trubek & Jennifer J. Farnham, Social Justice Collaboratives: Multidisciplinary Practices for People, 7 CLINICAL L. REV. 201 (2000).

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These new collaborations demand a different role for public interest lawyers.

Whereas before there was great deference to the lawyer=s expertise, this confidence is

diminishing. No longer is the lawyer considered a social engineer with magical

knowledge who can redesign anything using her own expertise. This is related to the

general reduction in the power of expertise in society, but also reflects skepticism

regarding the exclusiveness of lawyer expertise and the public=s willingness to use other

non-traditional sources of authority. In this context, it becomes essential that lawyers

develop more knowledge of other disciplines and perfect the skill of working in multi-

disciplinary teams. As problems expand beyond traditional boundaries, these lawyers

must learn about multiple policy areas and master several policy disciplines.

e. International Awareness

Lawyers in developing countries are using community organizing and

nongovernmental organizations as well as litigation to deal with multinational companies.

They are also using international economic and social rights treaties to create poverty

alleviation strategies. U.S. public interest lawyers are beginning to see the potential for

both these strategies for their own domestic challenges. One example is the effort to have

accessible and affordable prescription drugs. There are creative strategies, in South

Africa for example, in challenging multi-national drug companies, using domestic and

international law and treaties. At the same time, U.S. lawyers are seeking to lower the

cost and availability of prescription drugs for seniors and low-income citizens, including

importation of drugs from Canada. Linking these strategies is essential to create effective

results in dealing with multinational companies. 27 27 In my health law course 2004, we discuss international perspectives on health care where we situate a public interest lawyer working on behalf of elderly people concerned about costs of prescription drugs. The students discuss how to strategize using transnational and international law that can be utilized by the local senior group. The course syllabus is available at http://www.law.wisc.edu/healthlaw/syllabus.htm.

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IV. TRAINING STUDENTS FOR NEW PUBLIC INTEREST PRACTICES

The new public interest practices are not completely replacing the older, more

classical approach, which retains its value in some areas. But they do account for much

of the growth in the field and thus many of the new jobs that will become available. Law

students continue to seek the knowledge and skills that they believe are necessary to

pursue public interest as part of their law school experience and their subsequent career.

They are offered new opportunities such as pro-bono work and service learning both

within their legal education and as part of legal practice.28

Students need to explore these new ways of affecting the problems that are

confronting society. They also need to understand the limits of law and legal institutions

as well as their potential to achieve social change. They should be exposed to a study of

the law from the bottom-up, through the exploration of empirical experiences and

knowledge. Students must also understand the limits of law so that they have a realistic

appreciation of the potential. Formal programs should reflect the messy reality of

practice as well as the lofty ideals.29

Law schools that seek to train students to work in public interest practice must

incorporate an understanding of these growth areas. To remain leaders in public interest

law education, law schools should expand their vision of legal process to encompass the

new contexts that affect lawyering roles and the new skills they demand. David Wilkins

in recent articles discusses the importance of the “business case” for affirmative action

within corporate law firms. He notes the importance of educating black law students in

social justice goals because it makes them more marketable to the large firms that

28 Scott L. Cummings, The Politics of Pro Bono, 52 UCLA. L. REV. 1 (2004). 29 See Cummings’ skeptical take on pro-bono advocacy, id.

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represent multi-national corporations. These firms are using their own commitment to

diversity as evidence that they can understand and assist corporate clients who are

seeking to succeed in a diverse world economy. He points out, therefore, the renewed

importance, in the contemporary context, of teaching the relevance of “doing well by

doing good.”30

Students need to understand new governance ideas as well as constitutional

theory; learn how to design new institutions as well as challenge, through traditional

advocacy, the operation of government agencies; work with other disciplines as well as

master legal technique; develop capacity to participate in collaborative teams as well as

hone individual advocacy skills; learn how to work with community groups as well as

with other professionals; appreciate the role of the market as well as that of the state;

cultivate creative thinking as well as rigorous case analysis; and become more aware of

international norms as well as mastering relevant domestic law. Examples of training for

law students in the new public interest law are evident today. These examples reflect

both the new framework for public interest law and the changing pedagogy within law

schools. Three such projects are international public interest lawyering, fighting

discrimination, and community economic development.

a. Linking Public Interest Lawyering Internationally

Law schools are now offering courses, clinics, and externships in international

human rights, transnational economic law, and comparative law and lawyering. These

new developments accompany a U.S. law and practice curriculum that already includes

courses such as poverty law and clinical and externships opportunities. Students 30 David B. Wilkins, Brown at Fifty: From ‘Separate is Inherently Unequal’ to ‘Diversity is Good for Business’: The Rise of Market-Based Diversity Arguments and the Fate of the Black Corporate Bar, 117 HARV. L. REV. 1548 (2004); David B. Wilkins, Doing Well by Doing Good? The Role of Public Service in the Careers of Black Corporate Lawyers, 41 HOUSTON L. REV. 1 (2004).

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pursuing the J.D., and often graduate degrees, throughout the university are interested in

the theory and practice of public interest law in other countries. These students are now

using the knowledge gained from these courses and externships, including an analysis of

changing trends in public interest law, to develop innovative approaches to the

relationship between development, poverty, and public interest law.31 They are figuring

out how human rights concepts might be used to modify the neo-liberal orientation that

marks much contemporary development strategy. Students, for example, in a Harvard

Law School course are developing innovative approaches to improving health care in

developing countries using advocacy and nonprofit institutions. These J.D. and graduate

students are working in Ghana in collaboration with Ghanese law students in a

community-based legal services clinic. Many of the U.S. students involved in this course

also share their knowledge and skills obtained through participating in poverty law and

clinics in the United States.32

A second development is the linking of lawyers, law students and law teachers

interested in public interest law and legal education through two new organizations. The

first is the Global Alliance for Justice Education (GAJE), a group that meets biannually

bringing together public interest lawyers and law teachers from throughout the world.

The second is the Open Society Institute Justice Initiative, a global network organized

regionally, linking and funding clinical education throughout the world. These two

organizations are now working collaboratively. This ambitious undertaking can facilitate

bilateral arrangements between law schools throughout the world as well as provide up-

to-date information about potential placements and research topics for students 31 The author has taught Lawyering in the Public Interest and Health Law at both Harvard and Wisconsin Law School. She has observed these phenomena first hand with her students.32 This project was described at the New Legal Realism Symposium at the University of Wisconsin-Madison in June, 2004.

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throughout the world. It will allow U.S. lawyers and students to access the knowledge

and practice that flow between North and South.33

b. New Approaches to Fighting Discrimination

New public interest lawyers and scholars are exploring alternative ways to combat

discrimination both through litigation and its alternatives as well as integrating this

rethinking into the law school curriculum. Students in Wisconsin are asked to contrast

litigation-based approaches to combating health disparities to one based on widespread

use of quality standards and evidence-based medicine. In interdisciplinary discussions

with medical professionals and law students, students see how new forms of management

and delivery of medical care may work better than civil rights litigation to reduce some

racial disparities in health. Students are asked what lawyers can do to foster such an

approach.34 Several scholars at Columbia Law School are exploring a similar approach.

They are looking at how public law litigation can be used, in tandem with new

management tools, to combat discrimination in areas that have proved impervious to

prior efforts.35 Another development is an interest in lawyering aimed at developing

cross-racial strategies and alliances. These developments are being led by law teachers,

members of ethnic minority groups themselves, who have been influenced by progressive

theories about race. They are developing new employment law practices, aimed at

achieving equity and fairer policies for communities marginalized by race, ethnicity, and

33 The Global Alliance for Justice Education can be found at www.gaje.org; The Open Society Justice Initiative can be found at www.justiceinitiative.org/activities/lcd.cle.34 This is an approach the author takes in her health law class in Wisconsin. See www.law.wisc.edu/healthlaw/index.htm. 35 See Sabel & Simon, supra note 16. See also James S. Liebman & Charles F. Sabel, The Federal No Child Left Behind Act and the Post-Desegregation Civil Rights Agenda, 81 N.C. L. REV. 1703, 1737-49 (2003).

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immigrant or citizenship status. These practices are supported by major foundations as

well as law schools.36

c. Advocating for Community Economic Development

There is a movement in public interest law from traditional court-based litigation

strategies to community economic development (CED). Because of recent American

policy shifts requiring low-income people to be more economically self-sufficient (e.g.,

welfare reform), public interest lawyers must consider the larger policy idea of CED to

improve the lives of their clients, in addition to traditional litigation. CED has always

included public-private collaboration between government and nonprofits funded by

philanthropic organizations, individuals, academic institutions, and corporations. 37 CED

practice also highlights the relationship between the mobilization and organizing

approach to social justice practice. CED has traditionally been associated with social

movements and provides an opportunity for linking the organization of communities and

disadvantaged populations with economic growth and participatory structures.

Recent devolution and increased privatization has changed CED practice. There

is a growth in the interest in entrepreneurship due to increased importance of economic

self-sufficiency. Small business clinics teach law students transactional skills in a social

justice atmosphere and provide services such as appropriate choice of legal entity and tax

consequences.38 There are also important potential empirical projects in researching the

36 See Sameer M. Ashar, Individual Rights, Collective Action and Immigrant Labor, Address at Law and Society Association (May 26, 2004); Muneer Ahmad, Cross-Racial Lawyering, Address at Law and Society Association (May 26, 2004).37 See Scott L. Cummings, Mobilization Lawyering, Address at Law and Society Association (May 26, 2004); See also William Simon, Symposium Issue: Lawyering in a New Democracy, 2002 WIS. L. REV. 575 (2002).38 Susan R. Jones, Promoting Social and Economic Justice Through Interdisciplinary Work in Transactional Law, 14 WASH. U. J.L & POL’Y 249 (2004); Susan R. Jones, Current Issues in the Changing Roles and Practices of Community Economic Development Lawyers, 2002 WIS. L. REV. 437 (2002).

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way CED practices are affecting the legal practices of minority attorneys. There is some

concern that with the increased interest in CED, some of the neighborhood-based

practices may be losing opportunities to large corporate law firms that are developing

CED practices. Bottom-up social science research into the development of these

practices is ongoing. Scott Cummings in his recent work has discussed the importance of

mobilizing communities and linking CED practices to organizing and mobilization. This

work is provided sometimes in connection with law school clinics where the opportunity

for empirical documentation in the real practices can be analyzed and described.39

Advocates in the criminal defense services are increasingly seeing neighborhood

and community approaches as an alternative to the traditional court-based arena. A

community development approach also reveals the relationship between criminal defense

services and economic development. Community-based initiatives can create positive

alternatives to alleviate public disorder and crime. Some clinics working on criminal

defense services are noting the relationship between preventing disorder and their use of

remedies that encourage multi-disciplinary, non-traditional collaborations.40 These

initiatives blur the distinction between civil and criminal remedies and require a bottom-

up understanding of the way communities view police and the legal system. These

projects reflect back at some of the early legal realist studies of criminal law in action

through observations of policing strategies.41

39 See Cummings, supra note 37; See also Ashar and Ahmad, supra note 36. Thanks also to Thomas Mitchell for his insight in current practices in CED.40 Herschella G. Conyers, Roots Recontextualized: The Fight for Social and Economic Justice, Address at AALS Conference on Clinical Legal Education (May, 2004).41 See Stewart Macaulay’s discussion in his article in this symposium of Frank Remington’s statement, “If you want to understand criminal law, you had to ride on the front seat of squad car in the inner city on a hot summer night.”

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V. CROSSING BOUNDARIES TO TRAIN STUDENTS FOR THE

NEW PUBLIC INTEREST LAW

There are two boundaries that must be crossed for law schools to be able to deal

effectively with the new public interest law. The first is the boundary between public

interest and mainstream practice. The second is the boundary between clinical and

traditional teaching. These boundaries are barriers to discussion of questions about

curriculum and the organization of law schools essential to assist in training students for

jobs and developing legal and policy tools.

The distinction between public interest and mainstream is blurring. The

description of the new public interest law emphasizes the linkages between disciplines,

the public and private, and the domestic and the international. The ability to share

information across these divides is essential for strategic development and for new

approaches to continuing policy conundrums. The economic development courses and

clinics emphasize the relationship between market and regulation, democracy and

economic justice. They also teach the skills of deal making and negotiation. The domestic

violence clinics and courses emphasize the relationship between theory and practice as

well as the links among women. The worker groups emphasize multiracial practice and

the importance of work in a context that is not tied to traditional labor law. In health care,

it is becoming clear that improvements in quality can result in additional access and

elimination of racial and ethnic disparities. Thus, a class in health law and related clinics

and externships serves to illuminate the entire field as well as serving a public interest

function.

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The United States Supreme Court case on affirmative action highlighted how the

discussion of racial equality has been transformed into a discussion of the importance of

diversity as a business and military requirement.42 Racial justice thus cannot be seen as a

marginalized subject taught in separate courses, but part of many traditional law school

subjects.43 Teaching law students to be effective in the world of practice as well as

leaders in society requires teaching values, skills and substance. The problem solving

approaches in the new public interest increase the knowledge and skills of both advocates

for the public interest and those primarily interested in mainstream practice.

Incorporating empirical, legislative, and other types of primary sources into the

classroom is also necessary. Teachers should incorporate a discussion of what works as

well as what does not work so that there is an understanding of the complexity of finding

solutions to problems.

A second boundary that must be crossed is the distinction between traditional and

clinical courses and traditional and clinical pedagogy. The development of clinical

education was in part an effort to bring an empirical understanding of practice right into

legal education. The bright line that exists between clinical and traditional parts of the

curriculum is now an obstacle to the creation of law schools that can train students in new

public interest law and practice. The history of clinical education within law schools was

linked to a vision of the lawyer as a professional who provides services to the

underrepresented. Clinical legal education traces its roots to the early 20th century where

law students worked with fledgling legal aids, usually as volunteers. When the classic

public interest firms were started in the late 1960s, they used law student interns from 42 Grutter v. Bollinger, 123 S. Ct. 2325 (2003).43 See Wilkins, supra note 30. See also Lani Guinier, The Supreme Court, 2003 Term - Comment: Admissions Rituals as Political Acts: Guardians at the Gates of Our Democratic Ideals, 117 HARV. L. REV. 113 (2003).

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nearby law schools or developed externship programs where students could work for a

semester at the firms. Most of the current clinical programs that maintain a social justice

vision are based on the classic public interest vision; the model of the reformist lawyer

was put into practice through the learning of skills in the clinical setting. It included

realistic information about how law was practiced in an empirical setting rather than only

exposing students to the appellate cases usually taught in traditional law school classes.44

Jerome Frank, an important legal realist, thought that clinical education would be

a way of learning about practice in the field. By placing law students in practice settings,

information could be gleaned about how practice took place and that information would

be used for scholarship and for teaching.45 Mark Tushnet also took this point of view and

stated that the only way that clinicians could be legitimated and integrated into the law

school would be by becoming empiricists and writing about what they found in the world

of practice.46

What actually happened however, is that clinicians were able to embed

themselves in law schools by providing skills training for students and by providing some

services to the communities. The clinicians achieved much of their goals. They are firmly

implanted in law schools in substantial numbers, their work is valued by the bar and by

the students, and they are often the major source of service by law schools in the

communities in which they are located.

Despite this success, clinicians are troubled. Many recognize that they are now

confronting three issues: continuing failure to improve the situation of their clients,

44 Margaret Martin Barry et al, Clinical Education for this Millennium: The Third Wave, 7 CLINICAL L. REV. 1 (2000). 45 Frank, supra note 1.46 Mark V. Tushnet, Perspectives on Critical Legal Studies: Scenes from the Metropolitcan Underground: A Critical Perspective on the Status of Clinical Education, 52 GEO. WASH. L. REV. 272 (1984).

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eroding of the classic public interest model, and an embedded but marginal position

within law schools. A recent article published in the Clinical Law Review and a pending

call for proposals by a leading clinical scholarship group asserted that clinical education

is ready for the next wave.47 This next wave could include an exploration of the new

public interest law, the exemplary projects that are appearing, and a new commitment to

empirical research as part of clinical practice. The line that needs to be blurred is

pedagogical, substantive, and status. We see examples where all three are happening

together. Clinicians can be part of the linkage between law schools and the new practice

and service. They have numbers, student support and links with the communities. Some

clinicians are beginning to engage in new practices in clinics: international, community

economic development and workers rights. Many are rethinking the old paradigms

through collaborative programs that link all the interested groups in the community. They

are also working with multi-racial and feminist advocacy. Clinicians are also seeking to

learn empirical tools and use them in their work.48 They are particularly interested in

using empirical tools to evaluate the effectiveness of their work.

But tenure-track teachers are also interested in looking at practice in the

contemporary contexts. These innovative new teachers are combining field experience,

traditional teaching, and clinics. They are hired to run clinics as part of their positions,

and often serve, as part of their teaching, as consultants and advisors to community

groups. The new context where there is a merging of public interest and mainstream law,

and the importance of sharing experiential knowledge and traditional courses, encourages

a move once again to look at the empirical and engage in collaborative projects between

47 Barry, supra note 44. See e.g., brochure, Enriching Clinical Education, describing UCLA clinical conference, October 2005 (brochure on file with author).48 See e.g., brochure, id.

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students and law teachers. Two recent articles describe innovative teaching and research

between law students and teachers. One involves a course on the legal profession where

students interview lawyers in practice and share that information with professors and

fellow students.49 The second is a research course caused “New Forms of Public Interest

Advocacy” at Columbia Law School, which combines an advanced seminar in the theory

and practice of law reform with intensive research and writing projects.50

Thus the divide between traditional and clinical teachers is eroding. This erosion

of the divide between the clinical and “stand-up” teachers is essential if legal education is

to meet the challenge of the new public interest law. The professors who are teaching the

subject matter from different perspectives can utilize the knowledge that clinicians have

gained from practice. The sharing of these varying practices is essential in training law

students to practice with relevant knowledge and to enable the type of research that a law

school should develop and utilize.

VI. CONCLUSION

Law schools might consider the following challenges as they look ahead to

reasserting the connection between what they teach in law school, what the actual

practice of law will be, and assisting in the resolution of confounding social and policy

conundrums. How do they best integrate practice experience into a broader theoretical

framework? How do law schools develop effective multidisciplinary collaborations,

among faculty as well as with practitioners and scholars outside of the law school, which

can serve as learning communities for students and faculty alike? How can law schools

combine new forms of learning with service to local, national, and international 49 John M. Conley, How Bad Is It Out There? Teaching and Learning about the State of the Legal Profession in North Carolina, 82 N.C. L. REV. 1943 (2004).50 James S. Liebman, Towards a New Scholarship for Equal Justice, 30 WILLIAM MITCHELL L. REV. 273 (2003).

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communities? What are the range of options undertaken that introduce and train students

to explore public sector problems and undertake policy diagnosis, analysis and

implementation including pro bono opportunities? What are the implications for teaching

loads, course offerings, fellowship programs, and faculty expansion? What is the

potential of dual-degree programs and problem-oriented certificate programs? What

additional funding and staffing will be needed? What changes in existing clinical staffing

and status should be made?

Legal education should reflect the realities of the social and economic context in

which practice is occurring. This requires data collection with reliance on empirical

research on both the bottom-up way the law effects individuals in communities and top-

down evaluating the effectiveness of legal institutions and enactments. Clinical teaching

and techniques are important elements in allowing students and faculty to engage

effectively in the practice of law at the community, individual and policy level. These

techniques should be incorporated in all classes and should be part of the broad

curriculum. The challenge is to once again rethink the traditional law school as did the

old legal realists. This challenge to legal education can be addressed through what could

be termed new legal realism.

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