Notes

Introduction

1. Disagreement: Politics and Philosophy (Minneapolis and London: University of Minnesota Press, 1999).

1 Interrogating Democracy: From Political Regimes to Politics

1. Göran Therborn, From Marxism to Post-Marxism (London and New York: Verso, 2008): 79.

2. Chamsy el-Ojeili, “Two Post-Marxisms: Beyond Post-Socialism?,” in Globalisation and Utopia: Critical Essays, ed. Patrick Hayden and Chamsy El-Ojeili (Chippenham and Eastbourne: Palgrave Macmillan, 2009): 40.

3. James Madison, ‘Federalist 10’: 81, in Bernard Manin, The Principles of Representative Government (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1997): 2

4. Manin, Bernard, “Metamorfosis de la representación,” In ¿Qué queda de la representación?, Mario Dos Santos (coord.), Editorial Nueva Sociedad, Caracas (1993)

5. Robert Dahl, Polyarchy Participation and Opposition (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1971); Dilemmas of Pluralist Democracy: Autonomy vs. Control (New Haven and London: Yale University Press, 1982); On Democracy (New Haven and London: Yale University Press, 2000).

6. Philippe Schmitter “Still the Century of Corporatism?,” The Review of Politics 36, no. 1 (1974); P. C. Schmitter and Gerhard Lehmbruch, eds., Trends towards Corporatist Intermediation (London: Sage, 1979).

7. Robert Dahl On Democracy.8. Ibid.: 35.9. Ibid.: 38.

10. Mancur Olson, The Logic of Collective Action: Public Goods and the Theory of Groups (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1965); James M. Buchanan and Gordon Tullock, The Calculus of Consent: Logical Foundations of Constitutional Democracy (Ann Arbor: University of Michigan, 1962).

11. G. Sartori, Teoría De La Democracia. El Debate Contemporáneo (Madrid: Alianza, 2005): 264.

12. Douglass North Institutions, Institutional Change and Economic Performance (New York: Cambridge University Press, 1990).

212 NOTES

13. Ibid.: 1–5.14. Ibid.15. Ibid.: 7.16. Ibid.: 40.17. Schmitter and Lehmbruch, Trends towards Corporatist Intermediation.18. Schmitter, “Still the Century of Corporatism?”: 86 and 87.19. Ibid.: 93 and 94.20. Ruth Berins Collier, Paths towards Democracy: The Working Class and Elites

in Western Europe and South America (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1999); Rut Berins Collier and David Collier, Shaping the Political Arena: Critical Junctures, the Labor Movement and Regime Dynamics in Latin America(Notre Dame, IN: University of Notre Dame Press, 2002).

21. Shaping the Political Arena: Critical Junctures, the Labor Movement and Regime Dynamics in Latin America.

22. Juan Linz and Alfred Stepan, Problems of Democratic Transition and Consolidation: Southern Europe, South America, and Post-Communist Europe (Baltimore and London: The Johns Hopkins University Press, 1996): 11.

23. Adam Przeworski, Democracy and the Limits of Self-Government (New York: Cambridge University Press, 2010): xii.

24. Democracia, ¿Gobierno Del Pueblo O Gobierno De Los Políticos? (Buenos Aires: Fondo de Cultura Económica, 2000): 11.

25. Democracy and the Public Space in Latin America (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 2002).

26. Ibid.: 25.27. Fernando Henrique Cardoso and Enzo Faletto, Dependency and Development

in Latin America (Berkeley, Los Angeles and London: University of California Press, 1979).

28. J. Samuel Valenzuela and Arturo Valenzuela, “Modernization and Dependency: Alternative Perspectives in the Study of Latin American Underdevelopment,” Comparative Politics 10, no. 4 (1978): 535–557.

29. Fernando Henrique Cardoso, “Entrepreneurs and the Transition Process: The Brazilian Case,” in Transitions from Authoritarian Rule, ed. Guillermo O’Donnell, Philippe c. Schmitter, and Laurence Whitehead (Baltimore and London: The Johns Hopkins University Press, 1986): 137–153

30. Guillermo O’Donnell, “Challenges to Democratization in Brazil,” World Policy Journal 5, no. 2 (1988): 281–300.

31. He never managed to take presidential oath as he became severely ill. José Sarney, his vice-president, took office instead and led the transition to the “New Republic.”

32. “Entrepreneurs and the Transition Process: The Brazilian Case”: 137–53.33. Ibid.: 140, 137–15334. Cardoso and Faletto, Dependency and Development in Latin America.35. Cardoso, “Entrepreneurs and the Transition Process: The Brazilian Case”:

138.36. Ibid.: 143.

NOTES 213

37. Guillermo O’Donnell, El Estado Burocrático-Autoritario, 1966–1973: Triunfos, Derrotas Y Crisis (Buenos Aires: Editorial de Belgrano, 1982).

38. “Challenges to Democratization in Brazil.”39. Ibid.: 294.40. Ibid.: 282.41. Ibid.: 287.42. Democracy and the Limits of Self-Government.43. Linz and Stepan, Problems of Democratic Transition and Consolidation:

Southern Europe, South America, and Post-Communist Europe.44. Nun, Democracia, ¿Gobierno Del Pueblo O Gobierno De Los Políticos?: 11.45. Guillermo O’Donnell, “Delegative Democracy?,” Journal of Democracy 5,

no. 1 (1994): 55–69.46. Ibid.: 56.47. Ibid.: 56.48. Ibid.: 59.49. Ibid.: 61.50. Ibid.: 68.51. “Beyond ‘Delegative Democracy’: ‘Old Politics’ and ‘New Economics’ in

Latin America,” Journal of Latin American Studies 32, no. 3 (2000): 737.52. Enrique Peruzzotti, “The Nature of the New Argentine Democracy: The

Delegative Democracy Argument Revisited,” Journal of Latin American Studies 33, no. 1 (2001): 133–155.

53. Ibid.: 139.54. Ibid.: 134.55. O’Donnell, “Delegative Democracy?”56. Ibid.; Panizza, “Beyond ‘Delegative Democracy’: ‘Old Politics’ and ‘New

Economics’ in Latin America.”57. “Beyond ‘Delegative Democracy’: 140.58. Avritzer, Democracy and the Public Space in Latin America: 28.59. J Habermas, The Theory of Communicative Action: Vol 2. Lifeworld and

System, a Critique of Functionalist Reason (Oxford: Blackwell Publishers, 1987).

60. Ibid.: 135.61. The Structural Transformation of the Public Sphere: An Inquiry into a

Category of Bourgeois Society (Cambridge, MA: MIT Press, 1989).62. Avritzer, Democracy and the Public Space in Latin America: 40 and 41.63. G. Edwards, “The ‘Lifeworld’ as a Resource for Social Movement Participation

and the Consequences of Its Colonisation.” Sociology 42, no. 2 (2008): 299–316

64. Archon Fung and Eric Olin Wright, “Deepening Democracy: Innovation in Empowered Participatory Governance.” Politics & Society 25, no. 5 (2001): 5–41.

65. Leonardo Avritzer, “Modes of Democratic Deliberation: Participatory Budgeting in Brazil,” in Democratizing Democracy: Beyond the Liberal Democratic Canon, ed. Boaventura De Sousa Santos (London, NY: Verso,

214 NOTES

2007); Democracy and the Public Space in Latin America; Alberto Melucci and Leonardo Avritzer, ““Complexity, Cultural Pluralism and Democracy: Collective Action in the Public Space.” Social Science Information 39, no. 4 (2000): 507–527.

66. Avritzer, Democracy and the Public Space in Latin America: 106.67. Christopher Karpowitz, F., Chad Raphael, and Allen S. Hammond,

Deliberative Democracy and Inequality: Two Cheers for Enclave Deliberation among the Disempowered.” Politics and Society 37, no. 4 (2009): 576–615.

68. Ibid.69. Ibid.: 601–604.70. Norberto Bobbio, The Future of Democracy (Cambridge: Polity Press,

1987): 16.71. Andrea Cornwall, “Introduction: New Democratic Spaces? The Politics

and Dynamics of Institutionalised Participation,” IDS Bulletin 35, no. 2 (2004): 2.

72. “Rethinking the Public Sphere: A Contribution to the Critique of Actually Existing Democracy,” Social Text, no. 25–26 (1990).

73. Ibid.: 66 and 67.74. Ernesto Laclau, “Democracy and the Question of Power,” Constellations 8,

no. 1 (2001): 4.75. Ibid.: 5.76. Greg Martin, “New Social Movements and Democracy “ in Democracy and

Participation: Popular Protest and New Social Movements ed. Malcom Todd and Gary Taylor (London: Merlin Press Ltd., 2004).: 29.

77. della Porta and Diani, 1999: 242 in ibid.: 29.78. Keith Faulks, Political Sociology: A Critical Introduction (Edinburgh:

Edinburgh University Press, 1999): 88.79. Alain Touraine The Voice & the Eye: An Analysis of Social Movements

(Cambridge: Press Syndicate of the University of Cambridge, 1981).80. Ibid.: 1.81. Challenging Codes: Collective Action in the Information Age (Cambridge:

Cambridge University Press, 1996).82. Ibid.: Introduction.83. Charles Tilly, From Mobilization to Revolution (New York, London: McGraw-

Hill, 1978): 7.84. Ibid.: 14.85. Charles Tilly, Social Movements 1768–2004 (Boulder and London: Paradigm

2004): 3.86. Gunnar Olofsson, “After the Working-Class Movement? An Essay on What’s

‘New’ and What’s ‘Social’ in the New Social Movements,” Acta Sociologica 31, no. 1 (1988): 15–34.

87. Doug McAdam, John D. McCarthy, and Mayer N. Zald, eds., Comparative Perspectives on Social Movements: Political Opportunities, Mobilizing Structures, and Cultural Framing (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1996).

NOTES 215

88. Ibid.: 2 and 3.89. Ibid.: 3 and 4.90. Ibid.: 5.91. Donna Lee Van Cott, From Movements to Parties in Latin America

(Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2005).92. David S. Meyer and Sidney Tarrow, The Social Movement Society:

Contentious Politics for a New Century (Lanham, Boulder, New York, Toronto, Oxford: Rowman & Littlefield, 1998).

93. Mario Diani and Doug McAdam, eds., Social Movements and Networks: Relational Approaches to Collective Action(Oxford and New York: Oxford University Press, 2003); Manuel Castells, The Rise of the Network Society (Oxford: Wiley-Blackwell, 2010).

94. Simon Tormey, “Book Review. Power in Movement: Social Movements, Collective Action and Politcs. By Sidney Tarrow. Cambridge. Cambridge University Press,” International Affairs 71, no. 2 (1995): 378 and 379.

95. Rancière, in Andreas Huyssen et al., “The Identity in Question. Discussion,” October 61, no. Summer (1992): 80.

96. Therborn, From Marxism to Post-Marxism; Simon Tormey, “Post-Marxism, Democracy and the Future of Radical Politics,” Democracy & Nature 7, no. 1 (2001): 119–134.

97. André Gorz, Miseria De Lo Presente, Riqueza De Lo Posible (Buenos Aires, Barcelona, México: Paidós, 1998).

98. I personally dislike the label post-Marxism and agree with perhaps Peter Beilharz (2007) in saying that “in the long run, postmarxism will surely be known as Marxism,” in Chamsy el-Ojeili, “Post-Marxist Trajectories: Diagnosis, Criticism, Utopia,” Sociological Inquiry 80, no. 2 (2010): 263.

99. Assuming generalized consensus would be incorrect. However, I synthesize three general trends of change to set the general context in which a more specific discussion regarding my understanding of democracy is inscribed

100. Simon Tormey and Jules Townshend, Key Thinkers from Critical Theory to Post-Marxism(London, Thousand Oaks, New Delhi: Sage, 2006): 92.

101. Castoriadis 1987, 1997a; Howard and Pacom 1998, in el-Ojeili, “Post-Marxist Trajectories: Diagnosis, Criticism, Utopia”: 269.

102. Michael Hardt and Antonio Negri, Imperio (Buenos Aires, Barcelona, México D.F.: Paidós, 2002.

103. John Holloway, Change the World without Taking the Power (London: Pluto Press, 2002).

104. Ernesto Laclau and Chantal Mouffe, Hegemony & Socialist Strategy: Towards a Radical Democratic Politics (London: Verso, 1985).

105. Simon Critchley and Oliver Marchart, “Introduction,” in Laclau: A Critical Reader, ed. Simon Critchley and Oliver Marchart (London and New York: Routledge, 2004): 3.

106. “Democracy and the Question of Power.”: 3–14.107. Ibid.: 4.108. Ibid.: 5.

216 NOTES

109. Laclau and Mouffe, Hegemony & Socialist Strategy: Towards a Radical Democratic Politics.

110. Fred Dallmayr, “Laclau and Hegemony: Some (Post) Hegelian Caveats,” in Laclau: A Critical Reader ed. Simon Critchley and Marchart Oliver(London and New York: Routledge, 2004): 35.

111. Laclau and Mouffe, Hegemony & Socialist Strategy: Towards a Radical Democratic Politics.

112. Laclau, “Democracy and the Question of Power”: 8.113. Ibid.: 9.114. Despite differences between Laclau and Rancière (see “Rancière and the

Discovery of the People” in Laclau 2005 and “Laclau Y Rancière: Algunas Coordenadas Para La Lectura De Lo Político” in Muñoz 2006) their com-monalities in the understanding of the construction of subjectivities and notion of the political enrich the analytical framework to do research on democracy. Having said that, we understand that a controlled level of theo-retical ambiguity is not only possible but necessary in order to undertake innovative empirical research.

115. Hatred of Democracy (London: Verso, 2006).116. Ibid.: 51.117. Chantal Mouffe, “Democratic Citizenship and the Political Community,”

in Dimensions of Radical Democracy: Pluralism, Citizenship, Community, ed. Chantal Mouffe (London and New York: Verso, 1992); En Torno De Lo Politico (Buenos Aires: FCE, 2007).

118. Laclau and Mouffe, Hegemony & Socialist Strategy: Towards a Radical Democratic Politics: 51.

119. Ernesto Laclau, “On “Real” and “Absolute” Enemies,” CR: The New Centennial Review 5, no. 1 (2005): 7.

120. Jacques Rancière, Disagreement: Politics and Philosophy (Minnesota and London: University of Minnesota Press, 1999).

121. Gilles Deleuze and Félix Guattari, A Thousand Plateaus: Capitalism and Schizophrenia (Minneapolis and London: University of Minnesota Press, 1987): 9.

122. Laclau, “Democracy and the Question of Power”: 11.123. “Prefacio,” in El Sublime Objeto De La Ideología, ed. Slavoj Žižek (Buenos

Aires: Siglo XXI Editores, 1992).124. “Democracy and the Question of Power”: 12.125. Critchley and Marchart, “Introduction”: 4.126. Laclau and Mouffe, Hegemony & Socialist Strategy: Towards a Radical

Democratic Politics.127. Rancière, Disagreement: Politics and Philosophy.128. Ibid.: xi and xii.129. Ibid.: 27.130. Andreas Kalyvas, Democracy and the Politics of the Extraordinary: Max

Weber, Carl Schmitt and Hannah Arendt (New York: Cambridge University Press, 2008).

NOTES 217

131. Todd May, The Political Thought of Jacques Rancière: Creating Equality (Edinburgh: Edinburgh University Press, 2008).

132. John Gledhill, Power and Its Disguises: Anthropological Perspectives on Politics (London: Sterling, VA: Pluto Press, 2000), http://www.scribd.com/doc/31343766/Gledhill-Power-and-Its-Disguises-Anthropological-Perspectives-on-Politics: 193.

133. Stuart Sim, Post-Marxism: An Intellectual History (London and New York: Routledge, 2000): 45.

134. Ibid: 46.135. Ibid136. Tormey, “Post-Marxism, Democracy and the Future of Radical Politics”:

120 and 121.137. Ibid.: 121.138. Laclau, On Populist Reason.

2 Trade Unions and Social Movement Organizations within and beyond Neoliberal Times

1. Jorge G Castañeda, “Latin America’s Left Turn,” Foreign Affairs 85, no. 3 (2006); “Unarmed Utopia Revisited: The Resurgence of Left-of-Center Politics in Latin America,” Political Studies 53, no. 4 (2005).

2. Panizza, “Unarmed Utopia Revisited: The Resurgence of Left-of-Center Politics in Latin America.”

3. Susan Eckstein, “Power and Popular Protest in Latin America,” in Power and Popular Protest: Latin American Social Movements, ed. Susan Eckstein (Berkeley, Los Angeles, London: University of California Press, 2001).

4. Baer Werner, “Import Substitution and Industrialization in Latin Amercia: Experiences and Interpretations,” Latin American Research Review 7, no. 1 (1972): 95.

5. Ibid.: 97.6. Marcelo Cavarozzi, “Beyond Transitions to Democracy in Latin America,”

Journal of Latin American Studies 24, no. 3 (1992).7. Ibid.8. Manuel Antonio Garretón et al., Latin America in the 21st Century: Towards

a New Sociopolitical Matrix (Miami, FL: North-South Center Press, 2003): 7.9. This was technically a civil coup (José María Guido), although it was

largely steered by the military, who deposed Arturo Frondizi (Radical Intransigente Party) after lifting the ban on Peronism (imposed in 1955) to compete again in free elections.

10. Bolivar Lamounier, “Brazil: Inequality against Democracy,” in Presidentialism and Democracy in Latin America ed. Scott Mainwaring and Matthew Soberg Shugart (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1997): 133 and 134.

11. Carlos H. Waisman, “Argentina: Capitalism and Democracy,” ibid.: 76.12. Bolivar Lamounier, “Brazil: Inequality against Democracy,” ibid.: 135.

218 NOTES

13. Historia Contemporánea De America Latina (Madrid: Alianza Editorial, 1999): 630–32.

14. John Walton, “Debt, Protest and the State in Latin America,” in Power and Popular Protest: Latin American Social Movements, ed. Susan Eckstein (Berkeley, Los Angeles, London: University of California Press, 2001): 301.

15. Pedro-Pablo Kuczynski, “Setting the Stage,” in After the Washington Consensus: Restarting Growth and Reform in Latin America, ed. Pedro-Pablo Kuczynski and John Williamson (Washington, DC: Institute for International Economics 2003): 22.

16. Jenny Pearce, Under the Eagle : U.S. Intervention in Central America and the Caribbean (London: Latin America Bureau, 1982): 44.

17. Samuel Huntington, The Third Wave: Democratization in the Late Twentieth Century (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1991).

18. Ibid.: 125.19. Trevor Beeson and Jenny Pearce, A Vision of Hope: The Churches and Change

in Latin America (Suffolk: The Chaucer Press Ltd., 1984): 116 and 117.20. Huntington, The Third Wave: Democratization in the Late Twentieth

Century: 103.21. Lamounier, “Brazil: Inequality against Democracy”: 17122. Ruth Corrêa Leite Cardoso, “Popular Movements in the Context of

Consolidation of Democracy,” The Helen Kellogg Institute for International Studies. Working Paper March, no. 120 (1989).

23. Ibid.: 3.24. Maria da Gloria Gohn, “Os Movimentos Sociais No Brasil a Partir Dos

Anos 1990,” in Democracia, Crise E Reforma: Estudos Sobre a Era Fernando Enrique Cardoso, ed. Maria Angela D’Incao and Herminio Martins (São Paulo: Paz e Terra, 2010): 332.

25. Patricia L. Hipsher, “Democratic Transitions as Protest Cycles: Social Movement Dynamics in Democratizing Latin America,” in The Social Movement Society: Contentious Politics for a New Century, ed. David S. Meyer and Sidney Tarrow (Lanham, MD: Rowman & Littlefield, 1998): 163.

26. Marta Harnecker, Sin Tierra. Construyendo Movimiento Social (Madrid: Siglo XXI, 2002); Sue Branford and Jan Rocha, Cutting the Wire: The Story of the Landless Movement in Brazil (London: Latin American Bureau, 2002).

27. Rut Berins Collier and David Collier, Shaping the Political Arena: Critical Junctures, the Labor Movement and Regime Dynamics in Latin America (Notre Dame, IN: University of Notre Dame, 2002).

28. Elizabeth Jelin, “Otros Silencios, Otras Voces: El Tiempo De La Democratizacion En La Argentina,” in Los Movimientos Sociales Ante La Crisis ed. Fernando Calderón (Buenos Aires: UNU, CLACSO, IISUNAM, 1986).

29. Ibid.: 26.30. Carlos H. Acuña and William C. Smith, “The Political Economy of Structural

Adjustement: The Logic of Support and Opposition to Neoliberal Reform,” in Latin American Political Economy in the Age of Neoliberal Reform, ed. William C. Smith, Carlos H. Acuña, and Eduardo A. Gamarra (Miami, FL: North-South Center Press, 1994).

NOTES 219

31. Fernando Calderón and Mario Dos Santos, “Hacia Un Nuevo Orden Estatal En América Latina. Veinte Tesis Sociopolíticas Y Un Corolario De Cierre,” Nueva Sociedad 110, no. Noviembre-Diciembre (1990): 56.

32. Kuczynski, “Setting the Stage”: 24.33. Latin American Adjustments: How Much Has Happened? (Washington, DC:

Institute for International Economics, 1990).34. William C. Smith and Carlos H. Acuña, “Future Politico-Economic Scenarios

for Latin America,” in Democracy, Markets, and Structural Reforms in Latin America, ed. William C. Smith, Carlos H. Acuña, and Eduardo A. Gamarra (Miami, FL: North-South Center Press, 1994): 1.

35. Eckstein, “Power and Popular Protest in Latin America.”36. Francisco Panizza, “Beyond ‘Delegative Democracy’: ‘Old Politics’ and ‘New

Economics’ in Latin America,” Journal of Latin American Studies 32, no. 3 (2000): 740.

37. My elaboration based on the following sources: (Panizza, 2000, Walton, 2004, Molyneux, 2008, Mollo and Saad-Filho, 2006)

38. Scott Mainwaring, “Multipartidism, Rubust Federalism, and Presidentialism in Brazil” in Presidentialism and Democracy in Latin America, ed. Scott Mainwaring and Matthew Soberg Shugart (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1997).

39. Steven Levitsky, “Crisis and Renovation: Institutional Weakness and the Transformation of Argentine Peronism, 1983–2003,” in Argentine Democracy: The Politics of Institutional Weakness, ed. Steven Levitsky and Maria Victoria Murillo (University Park, PA: The Pennsylvania State University Press., 2005).

40. El Estado Burocrático-Autoritario, 1966–1973: Triunfos, Derrotas Y Crisis (Buenos Aires: Editorial de Belgrano, 1982).

41. Collier and Collier, Shaping the Political Arena: Critical Junctures, the Labor Movement and Regime Dynamics in Latin America.

42. Enrique De la Garza, “Introducción: Las Transiciones Políticas En America Latina, Entre El Corporativismo Sindical Y La Pérdida De Imaginarios Colectivos,” in Los Sindicatos Frente a Los Procesos De Transición Política, ed. Enrique De la Garza (Buenos Aires: CLACSO, 2001): 10.

43. Ibid.: 11.44. Acuña and Smith, “The Political Economy of Structural Adjustement: The

Logic of Support and Opposition to Neoliberal Reform.”45. Victoria Murillo, “La Adaptación Del Sindicalismo Argentino a Las Reformas

De Mercado En La Primera Presidencia De Menem,” Desarrollo Económico 38, no. 147 (1997).

46. Reiner Radermacher and Waldeli Melleiro, “El Sindicalismo Bajo El Gobierno De Lula,” Nueva Sociedad septiembre-octubre, no. 211 (2007).

47. Ana Cecilia Dinerstein, “Beyond Crisis. The Nature of Political Change in Argentina,” in The Politics of Imperialism and Counterstrategies, ed. P. Chandra, A. Ghosh, and R. Kumar (New Delhi: Aakar Books, 2004): 226.

48. Leonardo Avritzer, Democracy and the Public Space in Latin America (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 2002); Javier Auyero, “Protest

220 NOTES

and Politics in Contemporary Argentina,” in Argentine Democracy: The Politics of Institutional Weakness, ed. Maria Victoria Murillo and Steven Levitsky (University Park, PA: The Pennsylvania State University Press, 2005).

49. De la Garza, “Introducción: Las Transiciones Políticas En America Latina, Entre El Corporativismo Sindical Y La Pérdida De Imaginarios Colectivos”; Giovanni Alves, “Do ‘Novo Sindicalismo’ À ‘Concertação Social’: Ascensão (E Crise) Do Sindicalismo No Brasil (1978–1998),” Revista de Sociologia e Política 15 (2000); Radermacher and Melleiro, “El Sindicalismo Bajo El Gobierno De Lula.”; Riethof Marieke, “Changing Strategies of the Brazilian Labor Movement: From Opposition to Participation,” Latin American Perspectives 31, no. 6 (2004); Maria Silvana Gurrera, “La Redefinición Del Conflicto Social. La Conformación De La Central De Los Trabajadores Argentinos (Cta),” in Ciudadanía Y Territorio: Las Relaciones Políticas De Las Nuevas Identidades Sociales, ed. Gabriela Delamata (Buenos Aires: Espacio, 2005).

50. Gian Luca Gardini, “Proyectos De Integración Regional Sudamericana: Hacia Una Teoría De Convergencia Regional “ Relaciones Internacionales, no. 15 (2010).

51. Carlos Alberto Chaves García, “La Inserción Internacional De Suramérica: La Apuesta Por La Unasur,” Iconos : Revista de Ciencias Sociales 14, no. 3 (2010).

52. Castañeda, “Latin America’s Left Turn.”53. Ibid.: 2.54. Benjamin Arditi, “Arguments about the Left Turns in Latin America: A

Post-Liberal Politics?,” Latin American Research Review 43, no. 3 (2008).55. Wendy Hunter and Timothy J. Power, “Lula’s Brazil at Midterm,” Journal of

Democracy 16, no. 3 (2005): 128 and 129.56. Steven Levitsky and Maria Victoria Murillo, “Argentina: From Kirchner to

Kirchner,” ibid.19, no. 2 (2008): 7.57. Alfredo Saad-Filho, “Life Beyond the Washington Consensus: An

Introduction to Pro-Poor Macroeconomic Policies,” Review of Political Economy 19, no. 4 (2007).

58. Maria de Lourdes Rollemberg Mollo and Alfredo Saad-Filho, “Neoliberal Economic Policies in Brazil (1994–2005): Cardoso, Lula and the Need for a Democratic Alternative,” New Political Economy 11, no. 1 (2006).

59. Armando Barrientos and Claudio Santibáñez, “New Forms of Social Assistance and the Evolution of Social Protection in Latin America,” Journal of Latin American Studies 41 (2009).

60. Renee Gardner Sewall, “Conditional Cash Transfer Programs in Latin America,” SAIS Review 28 (2008); Anthony Hall, “From Fome Zero to Bolsa Familia : Social Policies and Poverty Alleviation under Lula,” Journal of Latin American Studies 38, no. 4 (2006).

61. Hunter and Power, “Lula’s Brazil at Midterm.”62. Hall, “From Fome Zero to Bolsa Familia : Social Policies and Poverty

Alleviation under Lula.”

NOTES 221

63. Armando Barrientos and Claudio Santibáñez, “New Forms of Social Assistance and the Evolution of Social Protection in Latin America,” ibid. 41 (2009): 14.

64. Ibid.: 11.65. Candelaria Garay, “Social Policy and Collective Action: Unemployed

Workers, Community Associations, and Protest in Argentina,” Politics & Society 35, no. 2 (2007): 302.

66. Rubén Lo Vuolo, “El Programa ‘Argentina Trabaja’ Y El Modo Estatico De Regulacion De La Cuestion Social En El Pais,” Ciepp Documento de Trabajo no. 74 (2010): 5.

67. “Las Perspectivas Del Ingreso Ciudadano En America Latina: Un Analisis En Base Al ‘Programa Bolsa Familia’ De Brasil Y a La ‘Asignacion Universal Por Hijo Para Proteccion Social’ De Argentina,” Ciepp Documento de Trabajo, no. 75 (2010): 18.

68. For the development on CI global project and its degree of implementation in different parts of the world, see http://www.citizensincome.org/ (Accessed: January 16, 2011).

69. Lo Vuolo, “Las Perspectivas Del Ingreso Ciudadano En America Latina: Un Analisis En Base Al ‘Programa Bolsa Familia’ De Brasil Y a La ‘Asignacion Universal Por Hijo Para Proteccion Social’ De Argentina.”: 24.

70. Arditi, “Arguments About the Left Turns in Latin America: A Post-Liberal Politics?”

71. Miguel Carter, “The Landless Rural Workers Movement and Democracy in Brazil “ in Living in Actually Existing Democracies, ed. Philip Oxhorn (Latin American Research Review. Special Issue, 2010): 161.

72. Federico L. Schuster et al., “Transformaciones De La Protesta Social En Argentina 1989–2003,” Documentos de Trabajo IIGG 48, no. Mayo (2006).

73. Sebastián Etchemendy and Ruth Berins Collier, “Down but Not Out: Union Resurgence and Segmented Neocorporatism in Argentina (2003–2007),” Politics & Society 35, no. 3 (2007): 370.

74. Carlos Tomada, “La Recuperacion Del Trabajo Y De Sus Instituciones Rectoras “ Revista de Trabajo 8, no. 4 (2007): 80.

75. Ana Cecilia Dinerstein, “Autonomy in Latin America: Between Resistance and Integration. Echoes from the Piqueteros Experience,” Community Development Journal 45, no. 3 (2010).

76. The difference between “empirical references” and “objects of study” should be noted. Radical democracy is the object of study of this book, while trade unions and social movement organizations represent empirical references against which the argument is constructed.

77. In the manner of Ernesto Laclau and Chantal Mouffe, Hegemony & Socialist Strategy: Towards a Radical Democratic Politics (London: Verso, 1985).

78. In the manner of Jacques Rancière, Disagreement: Politics and Philosophy (Minneapolis and London: University of Minnesota Press, 1999).

79. Richard Stahler-Sholk, E. Vanden Harry, and David Kuecker Glen, “Globalizing Resistance: The New Politics of Social Movements in Latin America,” Latin American Perspectives 34, no. 2 (2007).

222 NOTES

80. Rancière, Disagreement: Politics and Philosophy: 66.81. “Democracy and the Question of Power,” Constellations 8, no. 1 (2001).82. The identification of two moments, i.e., a moment of “disagreement” and

a moment of “participation,” aims to mark a conceptual differentiation between the type of democratic subjectivity constructed in the 1990s and the one produced in the 2000s. In other words, this part of my hypothesis has descriptive pretensions, to note the process of displacement and change caused by precisely the generation of disagreement against neoliberalism. Because democracy is understood in this book as an ongoing movement of permanent reconfiguration of sociopolitical conflict, it would be wrong to understand participation (as I understand it) as a point of arrival. Instead, participation, as clearly explained elsewhere in this book (see chapter 6), is defined in opposition to disagreement, that is to say, it holds phenomeno-logical rather than ontological connotations.

83. P Bourdieu, J.C Chamboredon, and J.C Passeron, The Craft of Sociology: Epistemological Preliminaries (Berlin and New York: Walter de Gruyter, 1991).

84. Ibid.: 1.85. Interpreting Qualitative Data: Methods for Analysing Talk, Text and Interaction,

Second ed. (London, Thousand Oaks, New Delhi: Sage, 2001): 21.86. David Silverman, Doing Qualitative Research (London, Thousand Oaks,

New Delhi: Sage, 2005): 112.87. Alan Bryman, “Social Research Methods,” (Oxford University Press,

2008): 58.88. Hantrais, 1996 in ibid.: 58.89. Rueschemeyer 1991: 32; Emma Carmel, “Concepts, Context and Discourse

in a Comparative Case Study,” International Journal of Social Research Methodology 2, no. 2 (1999): 143.

90. Practical Reason: On Theory of Action (Stanford: Stanford University Press, 1998): 2.

91. Bryman, “Social Research Methods”: 53.92. Ibid.: Part 4.93. Doug McAdam, Sidney Tarrow, and Charles Tilly, “Methods for Measuring

Mechanisms of Contention,” Qualitative Sociology. 31(2008); Charles Tilly, “Observations of Social Processes and Their Formal Representations,” Sociological Theory 22, no. 4 (2004); “Processes and Mechanisms of Democratization,” Sociological Theory 18, no. 1 (2000).

94. McAdam, Tarrow, and Tilly, “Methods for Measuring Mechanisms of Contention”: 308.

95. John Kelly, Rethinking Industrial Relations: Mobilization, Collectivism and Long Waves (London and New York: Routledge 1998); Kim Moody, Workers in a Lean World: Unions in the International Economy (London: Verso, 1997).

96. A detailed discussion regarding the thesis of this book and the literature on industrial relations follows in chapter 3, and the literature on social move-ments can be found in chapter 4.

NOTES 223

97. Laclau and Mouffe, Hegemony & Socialist Strategy: Towards a Radical Democratic Politics: 93.

98. Interviews have been codified to be used in the book, according to the fol-lowing criteria: Country + interviewee membership + number of interviews in cluster. For example: ARG:SM:N1 (Argentina/Social Movement/Number 1) and BRA:BU:N1 (Brazil/Businessman/Number 1). SM: social movement organization. TU: trade union member. BU: businessman. PO: politician. RE: religious organization. ET: ethnographic notes AC: academic.

99. Carolyn Baker, “Membership Categorization and Interviews Accounts “ in Qualitative Research: Theory, Method and Practice ed. David Silverman (London, Thousand Oaks, New Delhi: SAGE, 1997): 131.

100. Jenny Pearce, “Co-Producing Knowledge: Critical Reflections on Researching Participation,” in Participation and Democracy in the Twenty-First Century City, ed. Jenny Pearce, Non-Governmental Public Action Series (Hampshire: Palgrave Macmillan, 2010): 35 and 36.

101. Martyn Hammersley and Paul Atkinson, Ethnography: Principles in Practice (London and New York: Routledge, 1995).

102. Silverman, Doing Qualitative Research: 49.103. Because I do not develop specificities regarding access, I would like to briefly

mention the following. In the case of this research, access to organizations, gatekeepers, key informants, and events was the result of a combination of planned action together with “luck and serendipity.” Alan Bryman, “Introduction: ‘Inside’ Accounts and Social Research in Organisations,” in Doing Research in Organisations, ed. Alan Bryman (London and New York: Routledge 1988): 10. I established a broad network of contacts before arriving in Brazil and Argentina, including specialist scholars working at local universities. Through snowballing techniques, I managed to reach an interesting variety of actors who were willing to talk to me, and some of them invited me to attend organizational events. I have to confess, though, that at certain point during my fieldwork I lost track of what had happened due to “planned action,” what had “snowballed,” or what had occurred as result of pure “luck and serendipity.”

104. Silverman, Doing Qualitative Research: 129.105. “Social Research Methods.”106. Hammersley and Atkinson, Ethnography: Principles in Practice.107. Sotirios Sarantakos, Social Research 2nd ed. (London: Macmillan, 1998).108. The notion of discovery relates to hard sciences test-based experiments,

which differs from the epistemological standpoint suggested in Bourdieu, Chamboredon, and Passeron, The Craft of Sociology: Epistemological Preliminaries and which structures the rationale of this book.

109. Fernando J. Galindo, “A Plea for Reflexivity: The Writing of a Doctoral Dissertation Biography,” Draft Version Postdoctoral fellow, Department of Education, University of Bath (2011).

110. Antony Bryant and Kathy Charmaz, “Introduction: Grounded Theory Research. Methods and Practices,” in The Sage Handbook of Grounded Theory, ed. Antony Bryant and Kathy Charmaz (London: SAGE, 2007): 15.

224 NOTES

111. Ibid.: 15.112. Bourdieu, Chamboredon, and Passeron, The Craft of Sociology: Epistemological

Preliminaries.113. Ibid.: 74.114. Silverman, Doing Qualitative Research: see Part III, Chapter 14.

3 Self-organizing: Grass-roots Activation

1. I have translated into English from Portuguese or Spanish the parts of the interview transcripts quoted in the book.

2. Doug McAdam, John D. McCarthy, and Mayer N. Zald, eds., Comparative Perspectives on Social Movements: Political Opportunities, Mobilizing Structures, and Cultural Framing (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1996); Sidney Tarrow, Power in Movement: Social Movements and Contentious Politics Second ed. (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1998).

3. Charles Tilly, From Mobilization to Revolution (New York, London: McGraw-Hill, 1978); Durable Inequality (Berkeley. Los Angeles. London: University of California Press, 1999).

4. Ronaldo Munck, Globalization and Labor: The New Great Transformation (London: Zed Books Ltd, 2002); Manuel Antonio Garretón et al., Latin America in the 21st Century: Toward a New Sociopolitical Matrix (Miami, FL: North-South Center Press, 2003).

5. Tarrow, Power in Movement: Social Movements and Contentious Politics.6. Ruth Berins Collier, Paths Toward Democracy: The Working Class and Elites

in Western Europe and South America (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1999).

7. The expression was used before as follows: “the subject of power and the state dissolves into other, more basic question . . . the way in which human activities are organized, the subjection of our doing to the logic of the social cohesion of capitalist society, what Marx called the subordination of con-crete to abstract labor.” John Holloway, Change the World without Taking the Power (London: Pluto Press, 2002): xi. The use of doing in the context of this chapter differs from the status of the concept in Holloway’s theoreti-cal edifice. understands doing as essentially embedded in multiple forms of abstract labor, which basically reproduce existing capitalist forms of con-crete labor. I also understand doing as obvious human activities, but that are aligned with a more modest theoretical implication. The meaning of doing in this chapter expresses bottom-up forms of work that represent “alternative forms” inasmuch as they have been self-generated outside formal employ-ment or direct state intervention. From Holloway’s perspective, for example, the unemployed who demand work, would fall within the subordination to the multiple forms of concrete and abstract labor. The effect of this type of action would ultimately reproduce neoliberal capitalism rather than pose a challenge to it, which is the opposite thesis of this book.

NOTES 225

8. Gilles Deleuze and Félix Guattari, A Thousand Plateaus: Capitalism and Schizophrenia (Minneapolis, London: University of Minnesota Press, 1987).

9. Martin Upchurch, Graham Taylor, and Andrews Mathers, The Crises of Social Democratic Trade Unionism in Western Europe: The Search for Alternatives (Surrey: Ashgate, 2009); John Kelly, Rethinking Industrial Relations: Mobilization, Collectivism and Long Waves (London and New York: Routledge 1998).

10. The debate within industrial relations exceeds corporatism, and it could be approached from as many angles as existing theories in social sci-ences. I deliberately choose to build the argument in relation to corporatist approaches as its implications synthesize well the dominant pattern of inter-action between workers, employers, and the state in Latin America during the second half of the twentieth century. Needles to say, in relation to does not imply developing the argument within such a framework.

11. Panitch, 1981a: 24 in Upchurch, Taylor, and Mathers, The Crises of Social Democratic Trade Unionism in Western Europe: The Search for Alternatives: 10.

12. “Still the Century of Corporatism?,” The Review of Politics 36, no. 1 (1974).13. Schmitter 1974: 93 and 94.14. “Still the Century of Corporatism?”: 94.15. Paul. G. Buchanan, “State Corporatism in Argentina: Labor Administration

under Perón and Onganía,” Latin American Research Review 20, no. 1 (1985); Viviana Patroni, “The Decline and Fall of Corporatism? Labor Legislation Reform in Mexico and Argentina During the 1990s,” Canadian Journal of Political Science / Revue canadienne de science politique 34, no. 2 (2001); Steven Levitsky, “Del Sindicalismo Al Clientelismo: La Transformación De Los Vínculos Partido-Sindicatos En El Peronismo, 1983–1999,” Desarrollo Económico VI 44, no. 173 (2004); Juan Carlos Torre and Liliana De Riz, “Argentina Desde 1946,” in Historia De La Argentina, ed. John Lynchm, et al. (Barcelona: Critica, 2001).

16. Munck, Globalization and Labor: The New Great Transformation: 2 and 3.17. Kim Moody, Workers in a Lean World: Unions in the International Economy

(London: Verso, 1997).18. Ruth Berins Collier, and David Collier, Shaping the Political Arena: Critical

Junctures, the Labor Movement and Regime Dynamics in Latin America (Notre Dame, IN: University of Notre Dame, 2002).

19. Kelly, Rethinking Industrial Relations: Mobilization, Collectivism and Long Waves.

20. From Mobilization to Revolution.21. Kelly, Rethinking Industrial Relations: Mobilization, Collectivism and Long

Waves: 14.22. Ibid.: 26.23. From Mobilization to Revolution.24. Ibid.: 7.25. Rethinking Industrial Relations: Mobilization, Collectivism and Long Waves:

55–59.

226 NOTES

26. A Thousand Plateaus: Capitalism and Schizophrenia.27. Rethinking Industrial Relations: Mobilization, Collectivism and Long

Waves: 1.28. Arturo Escobar, “Imagining a Post-Development Era? Critical Thought,

Development and Social Movements,” Social Text 31/32 (1992); ibid.29. Ibid.: 20.30. Ernesto Laclau, Nuevas Reflexiones Sobre La Revolución De Nuestro Tiempo

(Buenos Aires: Nueva Visión 1993); Ernesto Laclau and Chantal Mouffe, Hegemony & Socialist Strategy: Toward a Radical Democratic Politics (London: Verso, 1985).

31. Noela Invernizzi, “Disciplining the Workforce: Controlling Workers in the Restructuring of Production,” Latin American Perspectives 33, no. 3 (2006); Levitsky, “Del Sindicalismo Al Clientelismo: La Transformación De Los Vínculos Partido-Sindicatos En El Peronismo, 1983–1999”; Sophia Lawrence and Junko Ishikawa, “Trade Union Membership and Collective Bargaining Coverage: Stadistical Concepts, Methods and Findings” (Geneva: International Labor Office, 2005); Enrique De la Garza, “Introducción: Las Transiciones Políticas En America Latina, Entre El Corporativismo Sindical Y La Pérdida De Imaginarios Colectivos,” in Los Sindicatos Frente a Los Procesos De Transición Política, ed. Enrique De la Garza (Buenos Aires: CLACSO, 2001).

32. John Williamson, ed. Latin American Adjustments: How Much Has Happened? (Washington, DC: Institute for International Economics, 1990); Eduardo Basualdo, Sistema Político Y Modelo De Acumulación (Provincia de Buenos Aires Universidad Nacional de Quilmes, 2001); Carlos H. Acuña and William C. Smith, “The Political Economy of Structural Adjustement: The Logic of Support and Opposition to Neoliberal Reform,” in Latin American Political Economy in the Age of Neoliberal Reform, ed. William C. Smith, Carlos H. Acuña, and Eduardo A. Gamarra (Miami: North-South Center Press, 1994); Evelyne Huber and Fred Solt, “Successes and Failures of Neoliberalism,” Latin American Research Review 39, no. 3 (2004).

33. Felipe Pigna, “Entrevista a Raúl Ricardo Alfonsín,” El Historiador.34. CUT 1984.35. ATE, “Cta, El Estatuto,” in Qué Es La Cta?, ed. Equipo-de-comunicación-

y-formación (Buenos Aires: Asociacion de Trabajadores del Estado, 1992): Chapter 2, Articles c and d.

36. Ibid.37. Sebastián Etchemendy, “Conflicto Y Concertación: Gobierno, Congreso Y

Organizaciones De Interés En La Reforma Laboral Del Primer Gobierno De Menem (1989–1995),” Desarrollo Económico 37, no. Enero-Marzo (1998); Arturo Fernández, “Modificaciones De La Naturaleza Sociopolítica De Los Actores Sindicales: Hallazgos Y Conjeturas,” in Sindicatos, Crisis Y Después: Una Reflexión Sobre Las Nuevas Y Viejas Estrategias Sindicales Argentinas, ed. Arturo Fernández (Buenos Aires: Biebel, 2002).

38. Steven Levitsky, “Crisis and Renovation: Institutional Weakness and the Transformation of Argentine Peronism, 1983–2003,” in Argentine

NOTES 227

Democracy: The Politics of Institutional Weakness, ed. Steven Levitsky and Maria Victoria Murillo (University Park, PA: The Pennsylvania State University Press., 2005).

39. Guillermo Almeyra and Carlos Abel Suárez, “Sindicalización, Sindicatos Y Experiencias Extrasindicales Actuales En Algunos Países De América Latina,” OSAL X, no. 26, Octubre (2009).

40. The basic assumption is that different prevailing ideas of change, revolution, social order, etc. lead to the design of different strategies, in turn favoring or undermining processes of collective action.

41. Alain Touraine, The Voice & the Eye: An Analysis of Social Movements (Bristol: Cambridge University Press, 1981): 78.

42. Ibid.: 79.43. Manuel Castells, End of Millennium, ed. Manuel Castells, The Information

Age: Economy, Society and Culture (Oxford, Melbourne, Berlin: Blackwell, 1998): 383.

44. Hugh Willmott, “Bringing Agency (Back) into Organizational Analysis: Responding to the Crises of (Post)Modernity,” in Toward a New Theory of Organizations, ed. John Hassard and Martin Parker (London: Routledge, 1994): 90 and 91.

45. Chantal Mouffe, “Hegemony and New Political Subjects: Toward a New Concept of Democracy,” in Marxism and the Interpretation of Culture, ed. Lawrence Grossberg and Cary Nelson (Chicago: University of Illinois Press, 1988).

46. Left and Right: The Significance of a Political Decision (Cambridge: Polity Press, 1996).

47. Silverman in Martin Parker and John Hassard, “Introduction,” in Toward a New Theory of Organizations, ed. Martin Parker and John Hassard (London: Routledge, 1994): xi.

48. From Marxism to Post-Marxism (London and New York: Verso, 2008): 549. Javier Auyero, Favores Por Votos? (Buenos Aires: Losada, 1997).50. Ibid.51. Marieke Riethof, “Changing Strategies of the Brazilian Labor Movement:

From Opposition to Participation,” Latin American Perspectives 31, no. 6 (2004); Adhemar Lopes Almeida, “Transição Política E Reestruturação Sindical No Brasil,” in Los Sindicatos Frente a Los Procesos Dde Transición Política, ed. Enrique de la Garza (Buenos Aires: CLACSO, 2001).

52. Iram Jacome Rodrigues, Sindicalismo E Politica: A Trajetoria Da Cut (São Paulo: Edição Sociais LTDA, 1997); O Novo Sindicalism: Vinte Anos Depois (Petropolis: Vozes, 1999).

53. Giovanni Alves, “Do “Novo Sindicalismo” À “Concertação Social”: Ascensão (E Crise) Do Sindicalismo No Brasil (1978–1998),” Revista de Sociologia e Política 15 (2000).

54. R.N. Abers and M.E. Keck, “Mobilizing the State: The Erratic Partner in Brazil’s Participatory Water Policy,” Politics and Society 37, no. 2 (2009); A. Burity Joanildo, “Reform of the State and the New Discourse on Social Policy in Brazil,” Latin American Perspectives 33, no. 3 (2006); Andrea

228 NOTES

Cornwall, “Deliberating Democracy: Scenes from a Brazilian Municipal Health Council,” Politics and Society 36, no. 4 (2008).

55. Reiner Radermacher and Waldeli Melleiro, “El Sindicalismo Bajo El Gobierno De Lula,” Nueva Sociedad septiembre-octubre, no. 211 (2007).

56. Victor De Gennaro, “Transiciones Políticas Y Procesos De Recomposición Sindical En La Argentina,” in Los Sindicatos Frente a Los Procesos De Transición Política, ed. Enrique De la Garza Toledo (Buenos Aires: CLACSO, 2001): 49.

57. Martin Armelino, “Resistencia Sin Integración: Protesta, Propuesta Y Movimiento En La Acción Colectiva Sindical De Los Noventa. El Caso De La Cta,” in Tomar La Palabra: Estudios Sobre Protesta Social Y Acción Colectiva En La Argentina Contemporánea, ed. Federico Schuster, et al. (Buenos Aires: Prometeo, 2005).

58. Gabriela Delamata and Melchor Armesto, “Construyendo Pluralismo Territorial: Las Organizaciones De Desocupados Del Gran Buenos Aires En La Perspectiva De Sus Bases Sociales,” in Ciudadanía Y Territorio: Las Relaciones Políticas De Las Nuevas Identidades Sociales ed. Gabriela Delamata (Buenos Aires: Espacio, 2005).

59. The FTV was formally given its name years later within the CTA organiza-tional umbrella. In the 1980s, what is now called the FTV was an informal neighborhood network (Red de Barrios) in the suburbs of Buenos Aires. I keep FTV’s latest nomenclature to refer to previous action, however, for the sake of clarity.

60. Daniela Issa, “Praxis of Empowerment: Mística and Mobilization in Brazil’s Landless Rural Workers’ Movement,” Latin American Perspectives 34, no. 2 (2007).

61. Marta Harnecker, Sin Tierra: Construyendo Movimiento Social (Madrid: Siglo XXI, 2002).

62. Chorus, fragment of MST Anthem, available at http://www.mstbrazil.org, Accessed: 05.07.10.

63. Prólogo in Joao Adelar Pizzeta, ed. Método De Trabajo Y Organización Popular (Buenos Aires: Colectivo Ediciones, 2009): 11 and 12.

64. R. Caldeira, “‘My Land, Your Social Transformation’: Conflicts within the Landless People Movement (Mst), Rio De Janeiro, Brazil,” Journal of Rural Studies 24, no. 2 (2008).

65. Ana Cecilia Dinerstein, “Roadblocks in Argentina,” Capital & Class 74 (2001); Javier Auyero, La Protesta: Relatos De La Beligerancia Popular En La Argentina Democratica (Buenos Aires: Libros del Rojas, Universidad de Buenos Aires, 2002); Susan Eckstein, ed. Power and Popular Protest: Latin American Social Movements (Berkeley, Los Angeles, London: University of California Press, 2001); Gabriel A. Ondetti, “Repression, Opportunity, and Protest: Explaining the Takeoff of Brazil’s Landless Movement,” Latin American Politics and Society 48, no. 2 (2006); Patricia L. Hipsher, “Democratic Transitions as Protest Cycles: Social Movement Dynamics in

NOTES 229

Democratizing Latin America,” in The Social Movement Society: Contentious Politics for a New Century, ed. David S. Meyer and Sidney Tarrow (Lanham, MD: Rowman & Littlefield, 1998).

66. Ernesto Laclau, On Populist Reason (London: Verso, 2005); Laclau and Mouffe, Hegemony & Socialist Strategy: Toward a Radical Democratic Politics.

67. Invernizzi, “Disciplining the Workforce: Controlling Workers in the Restructuring of Production.”; Marieke Riethof, “Changing Strategies of the Brazilian Labor Movement: From Opposition to Participation,” ibid. 31, no. 6 (2004).

68. Alves, “Do “Novo Sindicalismo” À “Concertação Social”: Ascensão (E Crise) Do Sindicalismo No Brasil (1978–1998).”

69. Ondetti, “Repression, Opportunity, and Protest: Explaining the Takeoff of Brazil’s Landless Movement.”

70. Erin C. Heil, “The Brazilian Landless Movement, Resistance and Violence,” Critical Criminology 18, no. 2 (2010).

71. Bruno Konder Comparato, “A Ação Política Do Mst,” in São Paulo Perspec (São Paulo: Scielo Brazil 2001).

72. Sebastián Etchemendy and Ruth Berins Collier, “Down But Not Out: Union Resurgence and Segmented Neocorporatism in Argentina (2003–2007),” Politics & Society 35, no. 3 (2007): 387.

73. Federico L. Schuster et al., “Transformaciones De La Protesta Social En Argentina 1989–2003,” Documentos de Trabajo IIGG 48, no. Mayo (2006).

74. Sue Branford and Jan Rocha, Cutting the Wire: The Story of the Landless Movement in Brazil (London: Latin American Bureau, 2002): 65.

75. Luís D’Elía in No somos lumpen o informales; somos trabajadores desocupa-dos, www.rebelion.org, Accessed: 05.07.10.

76. Ana C. Dinerstein, “Roadblocks in Argentina: Against the Violence of Stability,” Capital & Class 74, no. 1 (2001): 2.

77. Maristella Svampa and Sebastián Pereyra, Entre La Ruta Y El Barrio: La Experiencia De Las Organizaciones Piqueteras (Buenos Aires: Biblos, 2003): 102 and 103.

78. Roberta Villalon, “Neoliberalism, Corruption, and Legacies of Contention: Argentina’s Social Movements, 1993–2006,” Latin American Perspectives 34 (2007): 142.

79. Marieke Riethof, “Changing Strategies of the Brazilian Labor Movement: From Opposition to Participation,” ibid.31, no. 6 (2004): 39.

80. Available at http://www.cut.org.br/institucional/38/historico, Accessed: 10.10.11.

81. Escobar, “Imagining a Post-Development Era? Critical Thought, Development and Social Movements”; Boaventura De Sousa Santos and Cesar Rodriguez-Garavito, “Introduction: Expanding the Economic Canon and Searching for Alternatives to Neoliberal Globalization,” in Another Production Is Possible: Beyond the Capitalist Canon, ed. Boaventura de Sousa Santos (London: Verso, 2006).

230 NOTES

82. Jenny Pearce, Joanna Howard, and Audrey Bronstein, “Learning from Latin America,” Community Development Journal 45, no. 3 (2010).

83. Ibid.: 270.84. Jude Howell and Jenny Pearce, Civil Society and Development: A Critical

Exploration (London: Lynne Rienner Publishers, 2002).85. The notion of “reflexive practice” was proposed in Juan Pablo Ferrero,

“Agronegocio O Soberanía Alimentaria? La Otra Reforma Agraria. El Mst, Brazil,” in Movimientos Sociales Y Autonomía Colectiva: La Política De La Esperanza En América Latina, ed. Ana C. Dinerstein (Buenos Aires: Capital Intelectual, 2013) to understand the learning path undertaken by MST set-tlements in the formation of the “food sovereignty” as the “new agrarian reform.”

86. Denis Merklen, Pobres Ciudadanos: Las Clases Populares En La Era Democrática (Argentina 1983–2003) (Buenos Aires: Gorla, 2005).

87. Innovation refers in the case of the FTV to organizational capacity to express multiple forms of discontent over different periods of time. The emphasis, however, is put on the activation of the grassroots as the driver of reflexive practice, in turn leading to processes of innovation. It departs, as a conse-quence, from explanations emphasizing the institutional design as explana-tory source leading toward innovation and organizational adaptability.

88. Cecilia Cross, “La Federación De Tierra Y Vivienda De La Cta: El Sindicalismo Que Busca Representar a Los Desocupados “ in El Trabajo Frente Al Espejo: Continuidades Y Rupturas En El Proceso De Construcción Identitaria De Los Trabajadores ed. Osvaldo R. Battistini (Buenos Aires: Prometeo, 2004): 297.

89. Ana Cecilia Dinerstein, Daniel Contartese, and Melina Meledicque, “Notas De Investigación Sobre Innovación Organizacional: Las Organizaciones De Trabajadores Desocupados En Argentina,” Realidad Económica 234 (2008): 52.

90. Astor Massetti, “Cuando Los Movimientos Sociales Se Institucionalizan: Las Organizaciones Territoriales Urbanas En La Ciudad De Buenos Aires,” in Movilizaciones Sociales: ¿Nuevas Ciudadanías? Reclamos, Derechos, Estado En Argentina, Bolivia Y Brasil, ed. Gabriela Delamata (Buenos Aires: Biblos, 2009): 209.

91. Maria Silvana Gurrera, “La Redefinición Del Conflicto Social. La Conformación De La Central De Los Trabajadores Argentinos (Cta),” in Ciudadanía Y Territorio: Las Relaciones Políticas De Las Nuevas Identidades Sociales, ed. Gabriela Delamata (Buenos Aires Espacio, 2005): 48.

92. Gabriela Delamata, “Las Organizaciones De Desocupados En El Gran Buenos Aires Y La(S) Crisis,” in Tomar La Palabra: Estudios Sobre Protesta Social Y Acción Collectiva En La Argentina Contemporánea, ed. Federico Schuster et al. (Buenos Aires: Prometeo, 2005); Delamata and Armesto, “Construyendo Pluralismo Territorial: Las Organizaciones De Desocupados Del Gran Buenos Aires En La Perspectiva De Sus Bases Sociales.”

93. Deleuze and Guattari, A Thousand Plateaus: Capitalism and Schizophrenia: 74.

NOTES 231

4 Networking: Horizontal Deliberation by Default

1. I use the notion “by default” in opposition to the idea of “by design.” Whereas the latter conveys rational behavior in response to preexisting institutional frameworks, the former implies practical (deliberative) action outside tra-ditional deliberative bodies, such as the parliament, but also organizational internal deliberative mechanisms. It does not suggest replacement of one over the other. Instead, it posits the existence of an “alternative delibera-tive mechanism” that eventually contributes to the generation of contentious collective action.

2. Chantal Mouffe, “Democratic Politics Today,” in Dimensions of Radical Democracy: Pluralism, Citizenship and Community, ed. Chantal Mouffe (London: Verso, 1992): 3.

3. Networks as seen in this chapter are basically constructed by practical nego-tiations, compromises, and agreements across organizations (empirically referred in the form of campaigns), on the one hand, and discursive forms of structuration, on the other. The notion of “discursive frontier” therefore frames this second constitutive element of networking dynamics as I see them functioning in case studies. David Howarth, Discourse (Buckingham, UK: Open University Press, 2000).

4. Wendy Wolford, “Participatory Democracy by Default: Land Reform, Social Movements and the State in Brazil,” Journal of Peasant Studies 37, no. 1 (2010); Gianpaolo Baiocchi, “Participation, Activism, and Politics: The Porto Alegre Experiment and Deliberative Democratic Theory,” Politics & Society 29, no. 1 (2001); R.N. Abers and M.E. Keck, “Mobilizing the State: The Erratic Partner in Brazil’s Participatory Water Policy,” Politics and Society 37, no. 2 (2009); Archon Fung and Eric Olin Wright, “Deepening Democracy: Innovation in Empowered Participatory Governance,” Politics & Society 25, no. 5 (2001); Dennis Rodgers, “Contingent Democratisation? The Rise and Fall of Participatory Budgeting in Buenos Aires,” Journal of Latin American Studies 42, no. 1 (2010); Andrea Cornwall, “Introduction: New Democratic Spaces? The Politics and Dynamics of Institutionalised Participation,” IDS Bulletin 35, no. 2 (2004); V.A. Albert, “Participatory Opportunity and Collective Action: A Critical Reflection on Brazil’s Recent Experiments in Democracy,” Journal of Iberian and Latin American Research 16, no. 2 (2010).

5. “Deepening Democracy: Innovation in Empowered Participatory Governance.”

6. Ibid.: 17.7. “Participatory Opportunity and Collective Action: A Critical Reflection on

Brazil’s Recent Experiments in Democracy.”8. “Contingent Democratisation? The Rise and Fall of Participatory Budgeting

in Buenos Aires.”9. Ibid.

10. Wolford, “Participatory Democracy by Default: Land Reform, Social Movements and the State in Brazil”; Cornwall, “Introduction: New

232 NOTES

Democratic Spaces? The Politics and Dynamics of Institutionalised Participation.”

11. “Participatory Democracy by Default: Land Reform, Social Movements and the State in Brazil.”

12. Ibid.: 95.13. “Introduction: New Democratic Spaces? The Politics and Dynamics of

Institutionalised Participation.”14. Ibid.: 2.15. For an extended discussion on the limits of participatory democracy, see

Ana C. Dinerstein and Juan Pablo Ferrero, “Participatory or Radical Democracy? Social Movements and the Displacement of Disagreement in South America,” Bath Papers in International Development and Well-Being no. 16 (2012).

16. Mouffe, “Democratic Politics Today”: 13.17. Ibid.: 14.18. Wellman 1988, in Mario Diani, “Introduction: Social Movements, Contentious

Action, and Social Networks: ‘From Metaphor to Substance’?,” in Social Movements and Networks: Relational Approaches to Collective Action, ed. Mario Diani and Doug McAdam(Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2003): 1.

19. Manuel Castells, The Rise of the Network Society (Oxford: Wiley-Blackwell, 2010).

20. Margaret E. Keck and Kathryn Stikkimk, “Transnational Advocacy Networks in the Movement Society,” in The Social Movement Society: Contentious Politics for the New Century, ed. David S. Meyer and Sidney Tarrow (Lanham, MD: Rowman & Littlefield, 1998): 235.

21. Mouffe, “Democratic Politics Today.”: 1022. Diani, “Introduction: Social Movements, Contentious Action, and Social

Networks: ‘From Metaphor to Substance’?”23. Alfred P. Montero, Brazilian Politics (Cambridge: Polity Press, 2005): 83.24. Iram Jacome Rodrigues, Sindicalismo E Politica: A Trajetoria Da Cut (São

Paulo: Edição Sociais LTDA, 1997); Margaret E. Keck, The Workers’ Party and Democratization in Brazil (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1992).

25. The Real Plan was a stabilization plan implemented under the direction of Fernando Enrique Cardoso as Finance Minister of Itamar Franco, the Brazilian president replacing Collor de Mello, who had been deposed after two years in office through parliamentarian impeachment following cor-ruption allegations. As Montero put it, “the Real Plan had the expected effect of cooling labor militancy, since the reform succeeded in ending hyperinfla-tion.” Brazilian Politics: 84.

26. Maria da Gloria Gohn, “Os Movimentos Sociais No Brasil a Partir Dos Anos 1990,” in Cemocracia, Crise E Reforma: Estudos Sobre a Era Fernando Enrique Cardoso, ed. Maria Angela D’Incao and Herminio Martins (São Paulo: Paz e Terra, 2010): 331.

27. Ana Cecilia Dinerstein, “Beyond Crisis. The Nature of Political Change in Argentina,” in The Politics of Imperialism and Counterstrategies, ed. P. Chandra, A. Ghosh, and R. Kumar (New Delhi: Aakar Books, 2004): 264.

NOTES 233

28. Ibid: 269.29. Arturo Fernández, “Las Transformaciones Del Estado Y De Su Politica

Laboral,” in Estado Y Relaciones Laborales: Transformaciones Y Perspectivas, ed. Arturo Fernández (Buenos Aires: Prometeo, 2005).

30. Eduardo Basualdo, Sistema Político Y Modelo De Acumulación (Provincia de Buenos Aires Universidad Nacional de Quilmes, 2001).

31. Victoria Murillo, “La Adaptación Del Sindicalismo Argentino a Las Reformas De Mercado En La Primera Presidencia De Menem,” Desarrollo Económico 38, no. 147 (1997); Sebastián Etchemendy, “Old Actors in New Markets: Transforming the Populist/Industrial Coalition in Argentina, 1989–2001,” in Argentine Democracy: The Politics of Institutional Weakness, ed. Maria Victoria Murillo and Steven Levitsky (University Park, PA: The Pennsylvania State University Press, 2005). The Obras Sociales is a system of health-care insurance dependent on wage labor, the provision of which is under federal government legislation and resources control and of which the service delivery is run under the administration of trade unions. Although the system is governed by the principle of solidarity (the more you earn, the more you pay, getting in return the same health service), its provision is dependent on formal employment relationships, that is, excluding those either unemployed or in an informal work, who have to rely on the public health-care system.

32. This subsection is partially based on material collected for the elaboration of the report “El Frente Nacional de Lucha contra la Pobreza (FRENAPO),” written in collaboration with Silvana Gurrera. The document was produced for the CTA research and documentation office (IEF) in 2006/7, and it has not been published.

33. Not mobilizations but “events” serve as point of reference for networks Keck and Stikkimk, “Transnational Advocacy Networks in the Movement Society”: 236.

34. Mirta Lobato and Juan Suriano, La Protesta Social En La Argentina (Buenos Aires: Fondo de Cultura Economica, 2003): 136.

35. The introduction of mechanisms of direct democracy took place one year later (1994). The inclusion of the referendum (consulta popular) and the popular initiative (iniciativa popular) were introduced in the Reform of the Constitution, which allowed presidential reelection for a second term, among other things.

36. Martin Armelino, “Resistencia Sin Integración: Protesta, Propuesta Y Movimiento En La Acción Colectiva Sindical De Los Noventa. El Caso De La Cta,” in Tomar La Palabra: Estudios Sobre Protesta Social Y Acción Colectiva En La Argentina Contemporánea, ed. Federico Schuster et al. (Buenos Aires: Prometeo, 2005).

37. De Gennaro actually titled his written contribution “No hay lucha sin un pensamiento que lo proyecte.” It was included in the edited book, which com-piled memories of the first meeting for the new thinking and passionately argued in favor of breaking neoliberal ideological corsets by talking about what “they do not want us to talk about.” Victor De Gennaro, “No Hay Lucha

234 NOTES

Sin Un Pensamiento Que Lo Proyecte,” in Primer Encuentro Nacional Por Un Nuevo Pensamiento: El Trabajo Y La Politica En La Argentina De Fin De Siglo, ed. Claudio Lozano (Buenos Aires: EUDEBA, 1999): 392.

38. IMFC et al., “Democracia, Estado Y Desigualdad: Movimiento Cooperativo,” in Segundo Encuentro Nacional Por Un Nuevo Pensamiento: Democracia, Estado Y Desigualdad, ed. Claudio Lozano(2000): 199.

39. Claudio Lozano, ed. Primer Encuentro Nacional Por Un Nuevo Pensamiento: El Trabajo Y La Política En La Argentina De Fin De Siglo(Buenos Aires: EUDEBA, 1999); Segundo Encuentro Nacional Por Un Nuevo Pensamiento: Democracia, Estado Y Desigualdad (Buenos Aires: EUDEBA, 2000).

40. See Articles 39 and 40 of the Argentinian constitution, which regulate mech-anisms of direct democracy.

41. The document was published by the CTA, and it was circulated extensively during 2001. The national newspaper Página12 published regularly about the initiative and also circulated the proposal in one of its issues. A more recent account, including the original document in the appendix, can be found at CTA, “La Propuesta Del Frenapo,” in El Hambre De Un Pueblo: A 10 Años Del Frenapo, ed. Carlos Fanjul (La Plata: Producciones Malas Palabras, 2011).

42. Ibid.43. This section is primarily based on ethnographic accounts of the CMS VII

Plenária Nacional at the university teachers’ union (affiliated with the CUT) in São Paulo, Brazil, November 23, 2009. In addition, I interviewed Antonio Carlos Spis, communication secretary of the CUT (2009) and former leader of the oil workers’ union, who participated in the Forum Nacional de Lutas (FNL) in 1997 and was at the time of the interview, CMS facilitator. Also, pri-mary accounts provided by a community organizer of the Consulta Popular and Pastorais Sociais contributed significantly to better understanding the vicissitudes of the CMS. Finally, material produced by the CMS, the CUT, and the MST in newspapers and online contributed as secondary data to weighting the CMS in the broader context, as well as to making sense of it in relation to our line of argumentation.

44. Armando Boito, Andréia Galvão, and Paula Marcelino, “Brasil: O Movimento Sindical E Popular Na Década De 2000,” OSAL X, no. 26, Octubre (2009): 36.

45. Raimundo Santos, “Lula Y El Movimiento De Los Sin Tierra: En La Hora De La Politica “ Nueva Sociedad Septiembre / Octubre, no. 187 (2003): 132.

46. CUT, MST, CMP (Comunidade por Moradia Popular—Projecto Comunidade), CNBB (Confederacion Nacional dos Obispos do Brasil), UNE (Union Nacional de Estudiantes), ABI (Asociacioin Brasilera de Impresa), Grito dos Excluidos, Marcha Mundial de Mulheres, UBM (Centro Universitario de Barra Mansa), CONEN (Conselho Estadual de Entorpecentes – No a las drogas), MTD (Movimentos de Trabalhadores Desempregados), MTST (Movimento de Trabalhadores Sem Teto), CONTEE (Confederação Nacional dos Trabalhadores em Establecimentos de Ensino),

NOTES 235

CNTE (Confederação Nacional de Trabalhadores de Educacion), CONAM (Confederação Nacional das Associações de Moradores), UNMP (Union Nacional por Moradia Popular), Ação da Cidadania, CEBRAPAZ (Centro Brasilero de Solidaridad os Povos e Luta por la Paz), ABRAÇO (Associaçao Brasileira de Radiodifusao Comunitaria—RS), CGTB (Central General dos Trabalhadores do Brasil), CNQ (Confederação Nacional do Ramo Quimico), FUP (Federação Única dos Petroleiros), SINTAP (Sindicato Nacional dos Trabalhadores Aposentados), ANPG (Associaçao Nacional de Pos Graduados), CTB (Central dos Trabalhadores do Brasil).

47. Chantal Mouffe, “Democratic Citizenship and the Political Community,” in Dimensions of Radical Democracy: Pluralism, Citizenship, Community, ed. Chantal Mouffe (London and New Yourk: Verso, 1992).

48. “Transnational Advocacy Networks in the Movement Society”: 235.

5 Demanding: The Political Effect of Social Demands

1. Ernesto Laclau and Chantal Mouffe, Hegemony & Socialist Strategy: Towards a Radical Democratic Politics (London: Verso, 1985).

2. Simon Critchley, Infinitely Demanding: Ethics of Commitment, Politics of Resistance (London, New York: Verso 2007): 14.

3. On Populist Reason (London: Verso, 2005).4. “Delegative Democracy?,” Journal of Democracy 5, no. 1 (1994).5. Ibid.6. Ibid.: 59.7. Ibid.: 57.8. “Beyond ‘Delegative Democracy’: ‘Old Politics’ and ‘New Economics’ in

Latin America,” Journal of Latin American Studies 32, no. 3 (2000).9. Ibid.: 738.

10. “The Nature of the New Argentine Democracy: The Delegative Democracy Argument Revisited,” ibid. 33, no. 1 (2001).

11. Ibid.: 135.12. Ibid.: 141.13. Hegemony & Socialist Strategy: Towards a Radical Democratic Politics.14. Ibid.; Laclau, On Populist Reason; Critchley, Infinitely Demanding: Ethics of

Commitment, Politics of Resistance.15. Laclau, On Populist Reason: ix and x.16. Jacques Rancière, Disagreement: Politics and Philosophy (Minneapolis and

London: University of Minnesota Press, 1999): 59.17. “Prefacio,” in El Sublime Objeto De La Ideología, ed. Slavoj Žižek (Buenos

Aires Siglo XXI Editores, 1992): 17.18. On Populist Reason.19. MST, “1º Congresso Nacional (1985): Sem Reforma Agrária, Não Há

Democracia,” http://www.mst.org.br (1985).20. CUT, “Resoluções Do 2o Congresso Nacional Da Cut,” www.cut.org.br (1986).

236 NOTES

21. Elizabeth Jelin and Victoria Langland, “Prólogo De Las Compiladoras,” in Monumentos, Memoriales Y Marcas Territoriales, ed. Elizabeth Jelin and Victoria Langland (Madrid: Siglo XXI, 2003).

22. Sebastián Pereyra, “¿Cuál Es El Legado Del Movimiento De Derechos Humanos? El Problema De La Impunidad Y Los Reclamos De Justicia En Los Noventa,” in Tomar La Palabra: Estudios Sobre Protesta Social Y Acción Colectiva En La Argentina Contemporánea ed. Federico Schuster, et al. (Buenos Aires: Prometeo, 2005).

23. Juan Carlos Torre and Liliana De Riz, “Argentina Desde 1946,” in Historia De La Argentina, ed. John Lynchm, et al. (Barcelona: Critica, 2001).

24. Sue Branford and Jan Rocha, Cutting the Wire: The Story of the Landless Movement in Brazil (London: Latin American Bureau, 2002): 5

25. Ibid.26. The agrarian reform was not something new in a country with one of the

worst land distribution in the world, i.e., 1 percent of landowners own 50 percent of the land in Brazil. The Rural Leagues [Ligas Camponesas] rep-resented the most recent historical antecedent, which despite their short life span (1954–1964) managed to introduce the debate about agrarian reform by promoting peasants’ political organization for the very first time in Brazil. See Clodomir Santos de Morais, “História Das Ligas Camponesas Do Brasil: 1969,” in A Questão Agrária No Brasil, ed. João Pedro Stédile (São Paulo Expressão Popular, 2006).

27. Horacio Martins Carvalho, “The Emancipation of the Movement of Landless Rural Workers within the Continual Movement of Social Emancipation,” in Another Production Is Possible: Beyond the Capitalist Canon, ed. Boaventura de Sousa Santos (London: Verso, 2006).

28. MST, “1º Congresso Nacional (1985): Sem Reforma Agrária, Não Há Democracia.”

29. “Carta Do 5º Congresso Nacional Do Mst,” http://www.mst.org.br (2007).30. point 6 in ibid.31. Merklen 1991 and 2001, in Maristella Svampa and Sebastián Pereyra, Entre La

Ruta Y El Barrio: La Experiencia De Las Organizaciones Piqueteras(Buenos Aires: Biblos, 2003): 43.

32. Dolores Calvo, Exclusión Y Política: Estudio Sociológico Sobre La Experiencia De La Federación De Trabajadores Por La Tierra, La Vivienda Y El Hábitat (1998–2002) (Buenos Aires Miño y Davila, 2006): 63.

33. 1991: 28, cited in Cecilia Cross, “La Federación De Tierra Y Vivienda De La Cta: El Sindicalismo Que Busca Representar a Los Desocupados “ in El Trabajo Frente Al Espejo: Continuidades Y Rupturas En El Proceso De Construcción Identitaria De Los Trabajadores ed. Osvaldo R. Battistini(Buenos Aires: Prometeo, 2004): 297.

34. Calvo, Exclusión Y Política: Estudio Sociológico Sobre La Experiencia De La Federación De Trabajadores Por La Tierra, La Vivienda Y El Hábitat (1998–2002): 59 and 60.

NOTES 237

35. Luis D’Elia, FTV, La Matanza, quoted in Svampa and Pereyra, Entre La Ruta Y El Barrio: La Experiencia De Las Organizaciones Piqueteras: 42.

36. M.E. Keck, “Brazil’s Workers Party: Socialism as Radical Democracy,” in Fighting for the Soul of Brazil, ed. Kevin Danaher and Michael Shellenberger (New York: Monthly Review Press, 1995): 233.

37. CUT, “Resoluções Da Primeira Conferência Nacional Da Classe Trabalhadora,” www.cut.org.br (1981).

38. Sindicalismo E Politica: A Trajetoria Da Cut (São Paulo: Edição Sociais LTDA, 1997).

39. Ibid.: 23.40. Ibid.41. Marieke Riethof, “Changing Strategies of the Brazilian Labor Movement:

From Opposition to Participation,” Latin American Perspectives 31, no. 6 (2004): 32.

42. Margaret E. Keck, The Workers’ Party and Democratization in Brazil (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1992).

43. I use this nomination for the purpose of language economy and because it is widely used and accepted in the specialized literature. However, I am aware of the limitations related to oversimplification that it might convey regarding the relationship between trade unions and the state. Brief ly, the notion verticalismo aims to characterize a type of pragmatic trade union-ism rather than ideological, and which organizational model tends to pri-oritize a strong relationship with the state at the expense of a working-class autonomic positions. In addition, the type of trade unionism that falls under this category (usually Brazil and Argentina) is less likely to man-age internal different opinions through pluralist methods, but to follow instead the unwritten code of practice dictated by values such as discipline and loyalty. For a good review of the matter, see Torcuato S. Di Tella, Perón Y Los Sindicatos: El Inicio De Una Relación Conflictiva (Buenos Aires: Ariel, 2003).

44. Maria Silvana Gurrera, “La Redefinición Del Conflicto Social. La Conformación De La Central De Los Trabajadores Argentinos (Cta),” in Ciudadanía Y Territorio: Las Relaciones Políticas De Las Nuevas Identidades Sociales, ed. Gabriela Delamata (Buenos Aires: Espacio, 2005).

45. Burzaco is a city in Almirante Brown district, Buenos Aires Province, where the meeting took place and which gave the declaration its name.

46. Declaración de Burzaco, in Rauber, 1998: 321–23.47. Arturo Fernández, “Modificaciones De La Naturaleza Sociopolítica De Los

Actores Sindicales: Hallazgos Y Conjeturas,” in Sindicatos, Crisis Y Después: Una Reflexión Sobre Las Nuevas Y Viejas Estrategias Sindicales Argentinas, ed. Arturo Fernández (Buenos Aires: Biebel, 2002).

48. Sebastián Etchemendy, “Conflicto Y Concertación: Gobierno, Congreso Y Organizaciones De Interés En La Reforma Laboral Del Primer Gobierno De Menem (1989–1995),” Desarrollo Económico 37, no. Enero-Marzo (1998).

238 NOTES

49. Claudio Lozano, “Razones Para Un Convocatoria: Crisis En El Pensamiento. La Relevancia Del Debate Acerca Del Trabajo Y La Politica En La Sociedad De Fin De Siglo,” in Primer Encuentro Nacional Por Un Nuevo Pensamiento: El Trabajo Y Política En La Argentina De Fin De Siglo, ed. Claudio Lozano(Buenos Aires: Eudeba, 1999): 18.

50. De Gennaro, quoted in Isabel Rauber, Una Historia Silenciada: La Discusión Social Y Sindical En El Fin De Siglo (Argentina: Pensamiento juridico Editora, 1998): 111.

51. The perception of injustice has also been expressed by Kelly, Rethinking Industrial Relations: Mobilization, Collectivism and Long Waves (London and New York: Routledge 1998). He aims to construct a different intellec-tual agenda for the field of industrial relations. “Instead of starting from employers’ need for cooperation and performance or from the general problem of ‘getting the job done,’ it begins with the category of injustice,” ibid.: 126. His analysis is largely based on industrial societies seeking to explain mobilization in conditions of full employment. The context of my research is, in contrast, of high unemployment and extended levels of shadow economy. I share with Kelly the notion of mediation between the workers’ conditions and the perceptions experienced by workers in such conditions. The elaboration of this analytical differentiation remains criti-cal. My understanding of the “sense of injustice,” however, departs from his view of employment relationships and its implications because he grants trade unions a privileged position over social movement organizations in the generation of collective action. The argument of this book is that col-lective action in the context of the posttransition in Argentina and Brazil lacks a privileged locus.

52. Maria de Lourdes Rollemberg Mollo and Alfredo Saad-Filho, “Neoliberal Economic Policies in Brazil (1994–2005): Cardoso, Lula and the Need for a Democratic Alternative,” New Political Economy 11, no. 1 (2006); Noela Invernizzi, “Disciplining the Workforce: Controlling Workers in the Restructuring of Production,” Latin American Perspectives 33, no. 3 (2006).

53. Reiner Radermacher and Waldeli Melleiro, “El Sindicalismo Bajo El Gobierno De Lula,” Nueva Sociedad septiembre-octubre, no. 211 (2007): 128.

54. Benjamin Arditi, “Arguments about the Left Turns in Latin America: A Post-Liberal Politics?,” Latin American Research Review 43, no. 3 (2008).

55. The reform came under the name of “Reforma sindical e trabalhista.” For details and documents, see Brazil’s National Employment Ministry official website http://www.mte.gov.br/fnt/reforma.asp [Accessed: 01.06.2011]

56. To read a detailed chronology of the negotiations undertaken in the FNT, see Radermacher and Melleiro, “El Sindicalismo Bajo El Gobierno De Lula.”

57. Riethof, “Changing Strategies of the Brazilian Labor Movement: From Opposition to Participation”: 31.

58. Alberto Piccinini, quoted in Rauber, 1998: 107.59. O’Donnell, “Delegative Democracy?”.

NOTES 239

6 From Heterogeneous Complexity to Antagonistic Simplicity: The Institution of the Limit

1. Jason Glynos and David R. Howarth, Logics of Critical Explanation in Social and Political Theory (London and New York: Routledge 2007): 72.

2. Hegemonía Y Estrategia Socialista: Hacia Una Radicalización De La Democracia (Buenos Aires: FCE, 1987 ).

3. Ibid.: 82.4. Hatred of Democracy (London: Verso, 2006).5. Ibid.: 84.6. For instance, Carlos Vilas, “De Ambulancias, Bomberos Y Policías: La Política

Social Del Neoliberalismo,” Desarrollo Económico 36, no. 144 (1997); Alfredo Saad-Filho, “Life Beyond the Washington Consensus: An Introduction to Pro-Poor Macroeconomic Policies,” Review of Political Economy 19, no. 4 (2007); Michael Walton, “Neoliberalism in Latin America: Good, Bad, or Incomplete?,” Latin American Research Review 39, no. 3 (2004); Huber Evelyne and Solt Fred, “Successes and Failures of Neoliberalism,” ibid.

7. Vilas, “De Ambulancias, Bomberos Y Policías: La Política Social Del Neoliberalismo”: 931.

8. See for instance, Ana Cecilia Dinerstein, “The Battle of Buenos Aires: Crisis, Insurrection and the Reinvention of Politics in Argentina,” Historical Materialism 10, no. 4 (2002); Paul D Almeida, “Defensive Mobilization: Popular Movements against Economic Adjustment Policies in Latin America,” Latin American Perspectives 34 (2007); Maristella Svampa and Sebastián Pereyra, Entre La Ruta Y El Barrio: La Experiencia De Las Organizaciones Piqueteras (Buenos Aires: Biblos, 2003); James Petras and Henry Veltmeyer, Social Movements and State Power: Argentina, Brazil, Bolivia, Ecuador (London: Pluto Press, 2005); Gabriel A. Ondetti, “Repression, Opportunity, and Protest: Explaining the Takeoff of Brazil’s Landless Movement,” Latin American Politics and Society 48, no. 2 (2006).

9. It is the CUT periodical journal that is published on a monthly basis. In addition to other organizational written material, I was granted access to the Informa CUT published from the 1990s until 2005.

10. CUT, “A Responsabilidade É Do Governo,” Informa CUT 238, no. Janeiro (1998): 3.

11. MST, “3º Congresso Nacional (1995): Reforma Agrária, Uma Luta De Todos,” (1995).

12. I have not been able to find a more suitable translation in English—the one provided only partially conveys the intended meaning. It is, however, a better translation than the idea of “disputed government,” the meaning of which is associated with legal validity or political legitimacy. Rather, although there is not a dominant meaning, “Gobierno en Disputa” gener-ally refers to the idea that governments constitute a space of intense political dispute and not an homogeneous politico-ideological formation. However, it is precisely its ambiguous meaning that makes it interesting for the purpose of this chapter. I use the following subsection to scrutinize the meaning and

240 NOTES

effects of the phrase in greater detail. Claudio Katz, “Argentina: ¿Encabeza Kirchner “Un Gobierno En Disputa” Entre Progresistas Y Conservadores?,” El Correo de la Diaspore Latinoaméricaine Available at: http://www.elcorreo.eu.org/?Argentina-Encabeza-Kirchner-un&lang=fr, Accessed: June 22, 2011 (2004).

13. This suggested translation captures the general sense of the phrase slightly better than the previous one. However, as pointed out above, I am sure the analysis will provide the necessary elements to further understanding regarding the competing meanings that made the phrase relevant for the purpose of the argument developed in this chapter.

14. Página12, “La Demanda Sindical Va a Seguir,” Página12 (2009).15. Constituyente Social was the name of the campaign launched by the CTA that

aimed to create a participatory space seeking unity among popular organi-zation in Argentina (http://www.constituyentesocial.org.ar, Accessed: June 21, 2011). In many respects it represented the CTA strategy to create a politi-cal movement toward the 2011 presidential elections.

16. Página12, “Hay Que Contagiar a Millones,” Página12 (2009).17. (FTV, Not specified)18. The contribution of movements to the opening of spaces of participation

redefines the relationships between movements and the state in the 2000s. The feeling that “it is not enough” and “the benefit of the doubt” also prove the dynamism and unending character of democratic conflict.

19. Ana C. Dinerstein “!Que Se Vayan Todos! Popular Insurrection and the Asambleas Barriales in Argentina,” Bulletin of Latin American Research 22, no. 2 (2003): 192 and 193.

20. Böhm Steffen, C. Dinerstein Ana, and Spicer André, “(Im)Possibilities of Autonomy: Social Movements in and Beyond Capital, the State and Development,” Social Movement Studies: Journal of Social, Cultural and Political Protest 9, no. 1 (2010).

21. Ernesto Laclau and Chantal Mouffe, Hegemony & Socialist Strategy: Towards a Radical Democratic Politics (London: Verso, 1985); Ernesto Laclau, “Violence, Power, Democracy and the Question of Power,” Constellations: An International Journal of Critical and Democratic Theory 8, no. 1 (2001).

22. Donna Lee Van Cott, From Movements to Parties in Latin America (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2005).

23. Doug McAdam, John D. McCarthy, and Mayer N. Zald, eds., Comparative Perspectives on Social Movements: Political Opportunities, Mobilizing Structures, and Cultural Framing (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1996).

24. Stephan Haggard and Robert R. Kaufman, Development, Democracy and Welfare States: Latin America, East Asia and Eastern Europe (Princeton and Oxford: Princeton University Press 2008).

25. Van Cott, From Movements to Parties in Latin America.26. Haggard and Kaufman, Development, Democracy and Welfare States: Latin

America, East Asia and Eastern Europe: 2.

NOTES 241

27. From Movements to Parties in Latin America.28. Ibid.: 629. McAdam, McCarthy, and Zald, Comparative Perspectives on Social

Movements: Political Opportunities, Mobilizing Structures, and Cultural Framing: 10.

30. Sidney Tarrow, El Poder En Movimiento: Los Movimientos Sociales, La Acción Colectiva Y La Política (Madrid: Alianza, 1997).

31. Chantal Mouffe, En Torno De Lo Politico (Buenos Aires: FCE, 2007).

7 From Disagreement to Participation? A Move to the Left

1. The notion of displacement refers to the meaning posited in the previous chapter: the formation of “anti-neoliberalism” in the 1990s, and its displace-ment toward the formation “beyond governments” in the 2000s.

2. Jacques Rancière, Disagreement: Politics and Philosophy (Minneapolis and London: University of Minnesota Press, 1999); Hatred of Democracy (London: Verso, 2006).

3. A Thousand Plateaus: Capitalism and Schizophrenia (Minneapolis and London: University of Minnesota Press, 1987).

4. If a rhizome challenges the structuration of hierarchies, the nomad char-acter turns dynamics into ceaseless movement that defy institutional crys-talizations. It is about institutionalization (of a dynamic), which effect is to prevent the total institutionalization (of organizations, actors, or political arrangements).

5. Ruth Berins Collier and David Collier, Shaping the Political Arena: Critical Junctures, the Labor Movement and Regime Dynamics in Latin America (Notre Dame, IN: University of Notre Dame, 2002).

6. P. C. Schmitter, “Still the Century of Corporatism?,” The Review of Politics 36, no. 1 (1974); Arturo Fernández, ed. Estado Y Relaciones Laborales: Transformaciones Y Perspectivas (Buenos Aires: Prometeo, 2005); Sebastián Etchemendy, “Old Actors in New Markets: Transforming the Populist/Industrial Coalition in Argentina, 1989–2001,” in Argentine Democracy: The Politics of Institutional Weakness, ed. Maria Victoria Murillo and Steven Levitsky (University Park, PA: Pennsylvania State University Press, 2005); Victoria Murillo, “La Adaptación Del Sindicalismo Argentino a Las Reformas De Mercado En La Primera Presidencia De Menem,” Desarrollo Económico 38, no. 147 (1997).

7. Enrique De la Garza, “Introducción: Las Transiciones Políticas En America Latina, Entre El Corporativismo Sindical Y La Pérdida De Imaginarios Colectivos,” in Los Sindicatos Frente a Los Procesos De Transición Política, ed. Enrique De la Garza(Buenos Aires: CLACSO, 2001).

8. Steven Levitsky, “Del Sindicalismo Al Clientelismo: La Transformación De Los Vínculos Partido-Sindicatos En El Peronismo, 1983–1999,” Desarrollo Económico VI 44, no. 173 (2004); Etchemendy, “Old Actors in New Markets:

242 NOTES

Transforming the Populist/Industrial Coalition in Argentina, 1989–2001”; Murillo, “La Adaptación Del Sindicalismo Argentino a Las Reformas De Mercado En La Primera Presidencia De Menem.”

9. Guillermo O’Donnell, “Delegative Democracy?”, Journal of Democracy 5, no. 1 (1994).

10. Manuel Castells, The Rise of the Network Society (Oxford: Wiley-Blackwell, 2010); Margaret R Somers, “The Narrative Constitution of Identity: A Relational and Network Approach,” Theory and Society 23, no. 5 (1994); Mario Diani and Doug McAdam, eds., Social Movements and Networks: Relational Approaches to Collective Action(Oxford and New York: Oxford University Press, 2003).

11. Rancière, Hatred of Democracy.12. O’Donnell, “Delegative Democracy?”13. Hegemony & Socialist Strategy: Toward a Radical Democratic Politics

(London: Verso, 1985).14. Ibid.: 97 and 98.15. Ibid.: 127.16. Following radical democracy, participation aims to analytically capture the

complexity in the formation of this second moment, which is clearly dif-ferent from the first one. It does convey a degree of higher integration than disagreement, but it does not mean the sudden appearance of a universal public sphere (with the corresponding dissipation of the particular). On the contrary, it suggests a new moment in the complex structuration of order and (in)subordination that dictated the politics of democratization in the 2000s. This is why the notion of displacement, explained earlier, is essential. Displacement means the reformulation, but not the dissolution, of antago-nistic conflict.

17. R. Caldeira, “‘My Land, Your Social Transformation’: Conflicts within the Landless People Movement (Mst), Rio De Janeiro, Brazil,” Journal of Rural Studies 24, no. 2 (2008).

18. Ingolfur Blühdorn and Ian Welsh, The Politics of Unsustainability: Eco-Politics in the Post-Ecologist Era(London: Routledge, 2008).

19. Laclau and Mouffe, Hegemony & Socialist Strategy: Toward a Radical Democratic Politics.

20. Polyarchy Participation and Opposition (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1971).

21. Issues in Democratic Consolidation: The New South American Democracies in Comparative Perspective(Notre Dame, IN: University of Notre Dame Press, 1992).

22. Disagreement: Politics and Philosophy; Hatred of Democracy; “The Thinking of Dissensus: Politics and Aesthetics,” in Reading Rancière, ed. Paul Bowman and Richard Stamp(London, NY: Continuum, 2011).

23. The Political Thought of Jacques Rancière: Creating Equality (Edinburgh: Edinburgh University Press, 2008).

NOTES 243

24. Deleuze and Guattari, A Thousand Plateaus: Capitalism and Schizophrenia: 112; ibid.

25. Hegemony & Socialist Strategy: Toward a Radical Democratic Politics.26. Rancière, Hatred of Democracy.

Conclusion: The Politics of Democratization: Democratic Subjectivities in Posttransition Contexts

1. Rancière, Jacques. Disagreement: Politics and Philosophy. Minnesota and London: University of Minnesota Press,1999: 39.

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a move to the left, 3, 6, 177, 201accountability, 16, 18, 20, 130, 176,

184, 192Alfonsín, Raúl, 42, 136Aliança Renovadora Nacional, 40Antagonistic Contextual Exterior, 4Argentina Trabaja [Argentina

Works], 52articulation, 3, 4, 11, 56, 61, 73, 86,

105, 130, 132, 140Asignacion Universal [Child

Allowance], 52, 221, 254authoritarian regimes, 9, 55, 208authoritarian rule, 2autonomy, 1, 11, 14, 42, 79, 87, 90, 100,

121, 124, 142, 143, 144, 146, 150, 174, 194

Avritzer, Leonardo, 12, 19, 20, 213, 214, 219, 246, 255

Bobbio, Norberto, 214Bolsa Familia, 52, 172, 173, 220, 221,

252, 254Bourdieu, 57, 58, 59, 222, 223, 224, 246

Cardoso, Fernando Enrique, 13, 14, 45, 47, 51, 95, 107, 117, 118, 119, 123, 131, 186, 195, 212, 218, 220, 232, 238, 247, 251, 255

Castells, Manuel, 27, 83, 215, 227, 232, 242

Central de los Trabajadores Argentinos [Argentinean Workers’ Central], 3, 48, 61, 78, 109

Central Única dos Trabalhadores [Unified Workers’ Central], 3, 43, 61, 107

civil society, 11, 17, 19, 20, 25, 38, 43, 96, 120, 131, 132, 145, 185

clientelism, 16, 17, 131, 205Cold War, 41, 50, 90collective action, 3, 9, 10, 24, 38, 44,

48, 57, 60, 61, 72, 74, 75, 77, 82, 83, 105, 109, 110, 118, 137, 149, 157, 160, 188, 193, 194, 196, 205, 207

Collor de Mello, 45, 46, 232Comissão Pastoral da Terra, 95Confederación General del

Trabajo, 78Conlutas, 118, 123, 193consolidated democracies, 16consolidation (of democracy), 7, 10,

12, 14, 17, 42, 43, 44, 46, 48, 108, 131, 132, 148, 154, 184

constitutive outside, 4, 160, 164, 165, 176, 177, 182, 183, 194, 206

contentious politics, 23, 190contextual exterior, 55, 57, 157, 159,

160, 179Coordenação dos Movimentos Sociais,

64, 108, 119, 120counterhegemonic discourse, 4Critchley, Simon, 130, 215, 216,

235, 248cross-organizational dynamics, 4, 56

da Silva, Lula, 1, 35, 48, 119, 142, 193Dahl, Robert, 211

Index

262 INDEX

De Gennaro, Víctor, 112, 113, 140, 148, 228, 233, 238, 249

debt crisis, 41, 45, 162, 164D’Elia, Luis, 166, 237demanding, 4, 56, 127, 129, 130, 149, 153,

154, 181, 188, 196, 206, 235, 248democracy, 3, 6, 7, 17, 38, 55democracy against neoliberalism,

3, 177Democradura, 15democratic forces, 1, 2, 3, 103, 179democratic subjectivities, 3, 25, 28,

101, 106, 126, 127, 130, 155, 180, 185, 205, 208

democratization, 13, 19, 34, 45, 68, 81, 97, 132, 144, 172, 181, 199, 200–9, 242

dictatorships, 7direct democracy, 20, 114Diretas Ja [Direct Elections], 44disagreement, 3–6, 18, 26, 31, 106,

125, 154, 174, 179, 190, 222discursive formation, 4, 72, 159, 169,

183, 189, 190, 191, 198, 199

empty signifiers, 29, 30, 91enacting of equality, 7, 8, 18Escola Nacional Florestan

Fernandes, 63

Federação Única dos Petroleiros, 95, 235

flexibilization, 48, 50, 108, 152, 161, 183

Fraser, Nancy, 21, 251Frente Nacional de Lucha contra la

Pobreza, 109, 233

globalization, 19, 27, 170Goulart, João, 40Gramsci, Antonio, 14, 33grassroots activation, 4Grito dos Excluidos, 117, 234

Habermas, Jürgen, 18, 19, 20, 21, 22, 213, 252

hegemony, 28, 29, 37, 54, 121, 132, 133, 157, 170, 171, 226, 235, 240, 248, 254, 261

horizontal deliberation, 103, 231

industrial relations, 72, 222, 225, 226, 238, 253

institutionalism, 15International Monetary Fund, 41,

108, 142intersubjectivity, 18, 67

Kelly, John, 222, 225Kirchner, Cristina, 53Kirchner, Néstor, 49, 50

labor movement, 11, 22, 44, 47, 74, 80, 82, 103, 104, 108, 109, 116, 145, 147, 150, 152

labor organizations, 9, 48Laclau, Ernesto, 2, 21, 25, 28, 29, 30,

31, 32, 33, 34, 130, 132, 133, 160, 190, 201, 214, 215, 216, 217, 221, 223, 226, 229, 235, 240, 242, 248, 252, 253, 261

Land and Housing Federation, 3, 61Landless Rural Workers’ Movement,

3, 43, 61, 228, 253Latin America, 1, 7, 15, 33, 45, 50, 59,

74, 163, 175, 212, 213, 220, 230, 235, 248, 250, 261, 265

left-of-center, 3, 34, 50liberalization, 9, 11, 12, 13, 14, 42, 45,

50, 107, 135, 148

Manin, Bernard, 8, 211matanzaso, 93, 99Menemismo, 108modernization, 9, 11, 12, 14, 16, 19, 39,

43, 134, 138, 163, 164Mouffe, Chantal, 2, 25, 132, 160, 190,

201, 215, 216, 221, 223, 226, 227, 229, 231, 232, 235, 240, 241, 242, 254, 255

Movimiento Democratico Brasileiro, 40multiplicity, 30, 48, 59, 89, 100, 103

INDEX 263

naming, 30, 133, 188, 206, 209neoliberalism, 2, 6, 34, 50, 60,

85, 95, 109, 121, 131, 139, 146, 162, 170, 181, 190, 197, 199, 201, 206, 222, 241

networking, 55, 67, 101, 115, 120, 126, 133, 152, 184, 194, 201, 231

new institutionalism, 10nonterritorial solidarities, 4North, Douglass, 211Nun, José, 12

O’Donnell, Guillermo, 13, 14, 15, 16, 17, 47, 130, 131, 199, 212, 213, 238, 242, 247, 261

Panizza, Francisco, 16, 131, 213, 217, 219, 261

participation, 4, 16, 21, 46, 64, 85, 104, 115, 124, 150, 165, 166, 168, 169, 174, 180, 199, 209, 222, 242

participatory democracy, 5, 7, 8, 17, 104, 106, 207, 232

Partido dos Trabalhadores, 43, 107Partido Justicialista, 109patronage relationships, 14, 17, 43, 88,

131, 154, 205pensamiento único, 113Perón, Juan, 39Plan Austral, 42Plano Cruzado, 42pluralism, 9the political, 1–10, 20, 30, 45, 83, 97,

114, 116, 122, 131, 152, 162, 168, 189, 190, 199, 200, 201, 202, 207, 216

political institutions, 3, 10, 15, 17, 20, 22, 59, 60, 65, 205

political sociology, 2politics, 2, 205, 216, 222, 228, 233, 240,

250, 251, 252, 253, 254, 255, 261, 262, 263, 264

politization, 19polyarchy, 9, 12, 15postindustrial, 24, 25, 77post-neoliberalism, 2poststructuralism, 26

posttransition, 1–8, 34, 55, 61, 69, 77, 100, 129, 130, 157, 159, 180, 196, 199, 200, 209, 238

Przeworki, Adam, 12public sphere, 18, 213, 214, 251, 252

radical democracy, 2, 7, 8, 60, 106Rancière, Jacques, 2, 25, 31, 132, 133,

160, 188, 200, 207, 215, 216, 217, 221, 222, 235, 241, 242, 243, 252, 255, 262

redistribution, 2, 3, 11, 31, 113, 154, 158, 162, 189, 202, 205, 207

redistribution of power, 2relation of externality, 4, 190, 191, 193,

196, 198, 200, 201representative democracy, 9, 55

Sarney, José, 42, 142, 212Schmitter, Philippe, 11, 73, 211, 212,

225, 241, 247, 263Schumpeter, Joseph, 9self-government, 1, 2, 7, 8, 9, 15, 196self-organizing, 55, 67, 72, 82, 96, 101,

126, 1133, 152, 182, 191, 205, 207the social, 11, 15, 17, 22, 25, 26, 29, 30,

31, 33, 38, 44, 50, 55, 57, 58, 59, 64, 109, 113, 114, 115, 123, 140, 158, 160, 161, 167, 172, 224

social movement organizations, 3social movements, 1, 17, 19, 20,

22, 23, 24, 25, 32, 33, 55, 58, 60, 83, 104, 122, 123, 132, 135, 170, 171, 172, 174, 175, 176, 185, 195, 222

social protest, 3, 24, 71, 90sociopolitical matrix, 39statist-national-popular, 40Stedile, João Pedro, 92, 121, 170Structural Adjustment Programs, 41,

77, 91subaltern actors, 7

Therborn, Göran, 84, 211Tilly, Charles, 23, 214, 222,

224, 255

264 INDEX

Touraine, Alain, 22, 23, 27, 214, 227, 264trade union, 3transition, 2, 5, 12, 33, 40, 55, 65, 92,

103, 133, 142, 159, 175, 195, 196, 197, 200, 201, 208, 212

transition school, 12, 17, 20transitologists, 15, 131, 184

unemployment, 51

Vargas, Getúlio, 39Varguismo, 39

Washington Consensus, 1, 34, 45, 50, 77, 164, 167, 168, 194, 218, 220, 239, 253, 263

Workers’ Party, 43, 111, 152, 232, 237, 253

World Bank, 41