notes on event in palembang 1389-1511 malay melayu java

8/6/2019 Notes on Event in Palembang 1389-1511 Malay Melayu Java

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NOTES ON EVENTS IN PALEMBANG 1389 - 1511THE EVERLASTING COLONY

byR. 11 - - :McRoberts

I n 1 389 , Pa le rn ban g w as r ul ed b y M aj ap ah it . I t se em s, h owe ver , t o h av e r et ai ned i tsthrone, this bei ng i n keeping wi th l ocal and Asian noti ons of empire and r egal ity. Them ai n ev id en ce t hat Palembang r et ai ned i ts r ul er , d esp it e i ts b ei ng r ul ed b y M aj apa hi tand being '''a nest of Chinese pirates' after 1377",1 lies in the fact that in1 38 9 a ne w r ul er a sc en de d t he P al er nb ang t hr on e. ? He i s k no wn t o h ist or y as P ar am es -

wara, f ou nde r o f t he Melakan line.His name is usual ly t rans la ted, a ft er Winsted t , 3 a s " P ri nce Co nso rt ", on e m ar ri ed t o

a w om an o f hi gh er r an k t han h im sel f. T hi s, ho wev er , c an not be t ake n a s e vi den ce t ha t hehad no ri ght t o rule in Pal embang: he may not have, but t he evidence in t he sources isto the cont rary. Thus, the "Sej ar ah M el ayu?" al ways refers t o hi m as the Paduka SriP ik ra rn a Wir a, a f ul ly r oya l t it le . T he e ar li est us e o f t he t it le " Par am esw ar a" i s i n t he C hi -nese records whi ch usual ly tr ansl iterate t hi s r ul er 's name or t it le as "Bal-lt-mt-su-le"."though the l ast t hr ee char acters could at least equall y r ef er to hi s r egnal name. and thef ir st t wo pe rh aps t o Pa le mb an g, a lt ho ugh I c an t hi nk o f no r ea so n f or su ch an a bbr ev ia -tion. Perhaps it can be deduced at t hi s stage only t hat the var iat ion suggested here is as

r at io nal as t he m or e us ua l r end er in g of "Bai-li-mi-su-Ie"as a t ra nsl it er at io n o f "Parames-wara", Pires" called him "Paramjcura", m ar ri ed t o a n ie ce of B at ar a Tam ar il l o f M aj ap a-hit. Pir es al so li st s hi s father as t he Sam Agi Palimbaao, and relat es tha t on h is accession ,he di d not assume his father 's t it le, but t he r egnal name of "Mj cura" or "Exempt ", 7

a c le ar f ndl ca ti on of h is po li ti ca l am bi ti ons a nd i nt en ti on s. Th er ea ft er , P ir es r ef er s t othis r uler onl y by t he tit le he used as Crown Pr ince, per haps when he was associ at ed inthe r ul e of his f at her, and ther ef or e merit ed that tit le, of Par amj cura, which Wi nstedtcalled Parameswara,

E ve n i f Win st ed t' s t ra ns la ti on o f t hi s t it le i s a cc ept ed , a nd i t i s a rgu ed t hat t hi s r ul erhad no other name, bei ng gr anted t he name by his contemporari es only because of hismarriage to a ni ec e of B at ar a Tam ar il l ( an d n ot b ec aus e he w as e st ab li sh ed i n a j oint rulewit h hi s father ), such argument s cannot be accept ed as evi dence t hat he had no ri ght tor ul e i n Pa le mba ng, B at ar a Tar na ri ll 's ni ec e w as n ot h is o nl y Wif e, n or may s he ha ve b ee nt he m ot her o f h is h ei r, as i s d isc uss ed b el ow. Wol te rs ba se s h is t heo ry i n t he i de a t hat Pa-l em ba ng w as h ei r t o Sr iv ij ay a, i ts r ul er he ir t o t he M al ay c on sci ou sn es s ex pr es se d i n t he

J . V. G . M il ls , t r. , " Yi ng -y ai s he ng -l an ," C am b. U .P., 1 97 0, p . 9 9. r.n . 1 .FOI t he e ve nt s o f 1 38 9- 13 91 and their implications, see especially Wolters, "The fal l of Srivi-jaya in Malay history," O.U.P., K.L., 1970.Win st ed t, " A h is to ry o f M ai ac ca ," 1 96 2, p. 39.For Example, "Sejarah Melayu", Brown's recension (hereafter " SM" ), 6 2. 8 2."Ming She". Seealso Wang. "The first three rulers of Malacca," JMBRAS 41 (1). 1968, l l~22.Pires , "Suma Oriental" , Hakluyt Society (hereafter " SO ") , f ol io 1 64 r.SO 164v. "Jsemto" is Pires ' t ranslation of this name.

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m em or y o f Sr iv ij ay a. I t i s v er y l ik el y t ha t t he P al em ban g r ul er s s o r eg ar ded t he mse lv es,and such expressions of self .per ception ar e pot ent propaganda, especially i n an or alsoc ie ty, a s thi s was .

Furt her , as r ul er s of a st at e under t he imper ial contr ol of M ajapahit , it woul d haveb ee n na tu ra l, i nd eed cu st om ar y an d r at ion al r eal po li ti k, f or P al em ban g's r ul er s t o f or m amarri age a ll iance with the power e li te o f Majapah it .

In thi s sit uati on, the use of the ti tle "Par ar neswara" was simply the result of thel oc al r ea lp ol it ik , i n w hi ch t he B at ar a o f M aj ap ah it o ut ra nk ed t he r ul er s o f t ho se st at es

which f or med t he local i mperi um. In t he same way, the " Sejarah Melayu" records thatthe Melakan Bendahara out ranked the ruler o f formerly. independen t Kedah 8 and in thep ol it ic al r ea li ti es of r el at io ns w it h Ayut hi ya, o ut ra nk ed t he r ul er of P aha ng ev en af te rthe loss o f Melaka to the Por tuguese. 9

. ~,ecause of t lr i~, r easons, i t i s pr obabl y mor e r easonable to refer to this r ul er b y t het itl e Par ameswara only f or the period 1389-1391, t hat is, bef or e his assumpti on of~ole r~le, l:t alone rule in his own right. To continue to refer to rum by this titleIn a dISCUSSIonof pos t1391 event s i s, a sWolter s demonst ra ted and as i s d iscussed belowan anachronism, '

What is beyond 1~ubt is t ha t h e w as s ti ll a m ino r, p er hap s t hi rt ee n, a nd c er ta in lyno mor e t han fif teen, on his accession t o s ole rule. He ther ef or e probably did not rule,but may have been contr ol led by t he leader of his admi ni st ration, who seems t o haveb ee n t he l oca l ch ie f or r ul er of B en ta n i n t he i sl an ds o ff Tum as ek . T hi s P re mi er m ay h aveb ee n g ra nt ed B en ta n . as a ~ ol di ng of t he P al em ba ng t hr on e: or B en ta n m ay ha ve b een a no ld d ep ~n de ncy r et ai ne d I n t he P al er nba ng d ig ni ty. A f ina l po ssi bi li ty ( th er e i s no e vi -

d en ce ei th er w ay ) is t hat h e w as a n i nd ep en den t r ul er w ho o ff er ed alleaiance to Palem-bang, o r who sough t to inc rease his power by service in Palcmbang. o

W hat i s e vi ~e nt i s his ~ esi re t o i nc re ase t he p ow er o f t he s ta te h e s er ve d, a nd t her eb ythe power of his OWn posmon: for, i mmediately upon the accession of the new r ulerhe despatched a mission to China. Perhaps the previous ruler had been firm in hi;v~ ss al ag e t o M aj apa hi t : w it h h is d em ise , t he M in is te r g ra sp ed t he o ppo rt uni ty o ff er edhis state and estate by t he pol ic ie s o f China 's new Ming ruler s.

S uc h a m is si on as h e d es pa tc hed , a t ra di ti on al de vi ce u se d by all t he s ta te s o f Sou th -ea st A si a i n f ur th er an ce o f t hei r o wn p ol ic ie s an d ec on om ie s, w ou ld ha ve s er ve d s ev er ala lms of the s ta te , and of i ts government.

Mainly, China under the ear ly Ming emperors was expec ted to rev ive China 's interes tin the Nanha i a~ea. Thi s o ffered the local s ta te s renewed access to tha t Chinese pat ronagea .nd t rade . (offi cl a~ ~nd no~ .o ff ic ia l) which had a lway. p roven so benef ic ia l to the ir pol i-ties, political ambitions ano economies.

Represent ing i tsel f a s coming f rom Srivi jaya , which appeared in the Chinese recordsas a n i nd ep en den t st at e i n S ou th eas t A si a an d l on g a f ai th fu l va ss al o f C hi na t hi s m is si onwas able to secure an immedia te response f rom the Ming government: an imper ia l mission

8

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SM 163SM 217.

T he n or ma l a ge f or t he i nc ep ti on o f. r ul er 's m aj or it y w as f if te en , b y w hi ch t im e h e n or ma ll y h adp ro du ced h is ow n h eir . Mo st co mmen tat or s al so as su me t hat a p ri nce c ou ld b eco me a co -r ul er,u su al ly w it h I us f at he r, a t e it he r e le ve n o r t hi rt ee n y ea rs o f a ge (t he a ct ua l a ge v ar ie s b et we enc on un cn ta to rs , a nd m ay have varied between states).

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w as d es pa tc hed t o P al em ba ng, U nf or tun at el y f or t he m em ber s o f t hl s C hi ne se m is si on,events were moving apace in Palernbang,

I n 13 91 ar oun d t he t im e o f t hei r a rr iva l i n S ou th eas t A si a, Parameswara assumed in-dependence in Palernbang, and assumed the regna l name of "Mjcura". Also, somet~e int he peri od 1390-1391, t he Bat ar a of Majapahit died, leaving a power vacuum In ~hest at e. T hi s m ay h av e p re ci pi ta te d M jc ur a's a ss um pt io n o f i nde pen den ce , or t he r el at io nb et we en t he e ve nt s m ay b e m e re ly co in ci den ta l. E qu al ly, t he B at ar a' s d ea th m ay no t ha veoc cur re d u nt il a ft er M jcu ra 's e le va ti on . T her e i s n o w ay o f k now ing t he ch ro nol og ic alor der o f t he t wo e ve nt s, a nd so , eq ual ly, t he re i s u nce rt ai nt y as t o t he r el at io nsh ip , i f a ny,between them.

T he " Sej ar ah M el ay u" t rea ts a t so me l eng th s t he ev ent s o f 13 91 i n P a le mba ng, a s s om uch o f su bs eq uen t M el ak an hi st or y de pen ded t he re on. T he m et ho d i s h agi og ra pl ti c, r a-tional in view of the pol iti cal aims of the wri ter and hi s r oyal master. By examining itsaccount in thi s l ight , the h is to ri ca l event s a re d isce rn ib le .

The "Se ja rah Melayu" f ir st ly relat es tha t Sri Tri Buana had t ri ed unsuccess fu lly with" th ir ty -n in e p ri nc es ses " t o pr od uce an he ir , bu t t ha t ea ch o f h is p ar tn er s h ad b ee n subse-qu en tl y s tr ic ke n w it h c hl oa sm a. '! A co mp ac t w as t he n m ad e b et we en S ri Tri Bu ana a ndhi s p re mi er D em an g L eb ar D au n: t he f ir st p ar t o f t hi s w as t he e st ab li sh me nt o f t he M al aypo li ty, t he t ir npa da ul at , 12 By means of this, the orang kaya and the pr in.ce for med ana ll iance, guarantee ing the throne to Sri Tri Buana and h is descendan ts , and independencet o bot h par ties t o t he agr eement . This was a call to rebell ion against f or ei gn r ul e, and aconst itut iona l bas is for the subsequen t Malay s ta te .

T hen S ri Tri Buana sl ep t w it h Wan Sendarl, daugh te r o f Demang Lebar Daun. When

she was not stricken with chloasma, both men agreed to the device of a marriageal liance'? to seal thei r polit ical all iance. In a ceremony whi ch combi ned animist and

H in du r it ua l a nd be li ef s a nd f or mul ae , t hi s m ar ri age w as so le mn ls ed , " Som e t im e" l at er ,

S ri Tri Buana, D em an g Le bar D aun , t he en ti re c ou rt an d a l ar ge f lee t f : f tPalemba~g f~rBentan and Tumasek, on the way losing the crown oveIboa~~. As premier inPal embang, t hey left the younger brother of Demang Lebar Daun. I n Tuma~ek, eve~-t ua ll y, P ad uk a S ri P ik ra ma Wir a, s on o f S ri Tri B ua na , a ss um ed t he t hr on e o n h is f at her sdea th , and subsequen tly d ied the re .

There a re several point s in thi s nar ra tive wor thy of note.Firstly, the story opens with Demand Lebar Daun as ruler in Palemba~g. ~e

a bd ic at es i n f av ou r o f S ri Trl B uan a w he n t he l at te r a pp ea rs w it h m ir ac ul ous ly Wit h hi sthree br ot hers, all t hree being descendant s of Alexander the Great . Sr i Tri Buana'smajest y and supreme l or dship are procl ai med by Bat h, a cr eature who mir aculouslya pp ear s i n f oa m sp ew ed ( "m un ta hk an bu eh ") 16 b y a " si lve ry w hi te " c0 V: '. B at h i s t he a n-ces to r o f the Muntah Lernbu f ami ly, whose dut y i t was to relate t he chi n at the corona-

t ions of Melakan and o ther Malay ruler s. '?Pr ob abl y, t hi s pa rt o f t he s to ry s ho ul d b e s een o nl y a s t he l eg it im is at io n of t he Mela-

II

!1

13

14

IS

16

17

SM 57. Thirty-nine is a primal r itual number composed from two important prime numbers.SM57.SM58.SM 5 8-59, 6LSM59.SM57_ Sec especially f .n , 47.Ibid

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kan line by a later, post-Melakan, Muslim author: most Muslimrulers claimed descentfrom Alexander. Perhaps the inclusion of Bath can be seenas an indication that a corona-tion occurred which used Srivijayan,Hindu ritual.

Next, i t can be conjectured that what the "Sejarah Melayu" cal ls "chloasma" wasactually infertility, or, rather, the inability to produce a maleheir. Mjcura'seventualhis-torical heir, who ruled in Melaka as Megat Iskander Shah, established a separate court atMelaka between 1399 and 1402, though probably closer to the later date/ 8 and maytherefore have been born in circa 1390-1391. This product ion of an heir would have

sealed any compact between ruler and premier, and, by assuring the continuation of theline,thereby havemade plausiblethe other eventsof 1391.

What is intended inthe account of the wedding ceremony between Sri Tri Buana andWan Sendari, and that of subsequent incidents up to the forced expulsion of the Palern-bang ruler from Turnasek? It can be conjectured that this Sri Tri Buana and DemangLebar Daun areintended to represent either the historical originators of the Melakan polioty, or the original Srivi jayan empire, i f they are not to be seen merely as charactersinvented by the author aspart of his aim oflegitimisingthe Melakan royal line. That istosay, there is no way of identifyingthese two positively asthe ruler and premier inPalern-bang in 1390-1391. The incident of the throwing overboard of the crown, a seemingoversight by the author, may then represent the fallof Srivijaya,or the 1391flight fromits heir of Palembang. It is evident from this that the first eighty-four folios ofthe "Seja-rah Melayu" need to be examined with more carethan has hitherto been accorded them.

As part of this, it ispossible that the marriage ceremony relates incidents of 1391,for i t can be argued that the "Sejarah Melayu" account masks what Wolters cal ls an

abhiseka ceremony, and Winstedt sakti, and which both agree occurred in Palembangin1391. 19 Both also are agreed that in this ceremony the ruler of Palcmbangassumed god-head, and an inviolate right to rule as heir to Srivijaya.This wasa public callto rebellionagainst Majapahit, and interpreted assuch by allin the region.

Majapahit 's reaction was swift. It despatched a force to reconquer Palembangand toextinguish the bid for independence there. Thiswasdone, and the ruler and court fledtoTumasek via Bentan, which seems traditionally to have had a femaleruler, the one men-tioned in the sources for this time being WanSri Benian.f? It may havebeen at thisstageof the flight from Palembang that the compact was formed, the basisof the timpa daulat,That is, the ruler, or her representative, or a relation, may haveallied themselveswith thefugitive Mjcura in Bentan. Whilst this may appear a foolish policy for Bentan, it makessense if either Bentan, or the Bentan representative, wishedindependence for themselves.It should also be said that this makes the events of 1391 inPalembangthe soleresponsi-bility of Mjcura. Many commentators would argue that Mjcura was not old enough, ornot a determined enough ruler, to havedecided on, and carried through, suchan extremepolicy. Such an argument ignores the subsequent behaviour of Mjcura, the cogency andrationale of whose policy was always the establishment and maintenance of his indepen-dent rule.

Majapahit 's determination in its reconquest of Palembang was so extensive that italso attacked the Chinese mission to Palernbang,which arrived in the area at this time.

1S SO 166r.19 Wolters , op. cit ., Winstedt, op. cit .20 SM 59.

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It is noteworthy that this extreme action did not long incur the wrath ofthe.Min~, whoquickly learned for themselves that Srivijaya/Palembanghad indee~~eco~e, S10ceItslastcontact with China,a vassalof Majapahit, that the Palernbang administration had rebelledagainst its rightful lord, and that that lord retained power and dete~~ination enou~h .toreconquer his rebellious vassaLPalembang's recourse to Malaytradition to assert Its in-d ep en de nc e r es ul te d i n t he r ea sse rt io n o f M aj ap ah it' s i mp er ia l co nt ro l. .

Yet Majapahit seems to have been unable to consolidate this re~onquest. WIththedeath of its premier, the central authority of the state decreased,and m the course.of t~e

next century all power passed from its grasp, and new, port-states arose, especiallymnorthern central Java. However, the memory of, and its pretensions to, Majapahit 's con-trol of local power remained, reinforced by its successful campaign against Palembang's

rebellion of 1391. . . ,Despite this, local rule in Palembang soon passedto a largedegreeout of Majapahits

control , MaHuan recording rule by the local Chinese traders in the per iod 1390 to atleast 1424.11 There is no indicat ion of their role in the events ~f 1391, t~o~~~ theywould at least have been independent parties, perhaps interested 10the POSSIbIlItiesorthemselves and their trade in the more local ruleoffered by anindependent ruler, perhapsfearful of the consequences of the instability that bid for independence offere~ both Pa-[ernbangand itsneighbours. Despite the assumption that they would have been mtereste~par ties in these events, there isno way of knowing which way they tended, nor of theiractual role asthere isno record of their activitiesin 1391.

In his ' sect ion on the "country of old haven," MaHuan related that inthe Hung-wuperiod22 (1368-1402 23 ), several Cantonese fled to Palembang, among them one Chen

Zu-i who eventually set himself up asthe leader of Palembang. Hemay haveacted sobe-cause of a power vacuum created by Majapahit 's inability to demonstrate its control, andthe subsequent desire of the large Chinese community in Palernbangto en.suresafe cO.n.ditions for their mercantile livelihoods: if, on the other hand, he wasappointed by Maja-pahit, this may have been an accommodation of the interests of Majapahit, ~h~Chinesecommunity, and, perhaps, Chen himself. Or this may have been an opportunistic graba.tlocal power by Chen, or by the foreign community who, at this time, seeminglydorni-nated Palembang, and are often castigated as pirates,24 though this may mean ~nly thatthey were levying taxes and imposts on their own authority. Finally, it is possibleC~enwas established in command 0 f Palembang by Majapahit, perhaps in return for servicesrendered against Mjcura,whose bid for independence and a Malay confederation m~ynot have appealed to the foreign trading community. There was a degree of anarchy.10Southeast Asiain the period 1390 to at least 1410,with China,Majapahit andAyuthiyaall pressing their pretensions in the area and a~tempting t.o.expa~d their ccnt~ol, butwith none of them, for reasons of logisticsand internal POhtICS, beingable effectivelyto

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YYSL, tr. Mil ls . p .p . 99-100.

~~; ~~s9i368-1398, the reign dates o f H un g- wu , T he Yun g- lo p er io d co~menced in .14i~0~n1398-1402, Ch in a was r ul ed b y th e C hie n-wen emp er or, Yu n~1 0. s tag in g a co up in .Because of the n at ur e o f h is r ea so ns f or staging that coup, Yung-lo s reign starts at t il e e nd o f theH un g- wu , a nd t he H un g- wu i s w ri tt en a s ending in 1402.Th us , se YYS L, p. 9 9, re Chen.4

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demonstrate that control. 2SChen Zu-i r uled in Pal ernbang unti l 1407, when Zheng He visit ed on his r eturn to

C hi na f rom h is f ir st vo yag e. A Cantonese named Shi Qin-ching e ithe r repor ted Chen' s"pir atical" activities, or made some sort of compact with Zheng He and the other Chi-n ese of fi ci al s, f or Ch en w as ar res ted , t ak en t o C hi na, t her e exe cu ted , an d S hi r et ur nedto Palembang wit h a hat and gir dle and t he Yung-lo emperor 's authori ty to act asp r inci -pal chief in Palembang.

When Ma H ua n vi si ted w it h t he ex pe di ti on o f 1 41 3- 141 5, he r ep or ted t hat SI n h addi ed a nd h is po si ti on dev ol ved o n h is da ug ht er , S hi E r- ji e, t hou gh t he " Mi ng Sh e" r el at est hat i n 14 24 , S hi Qt n- chi ng' s so n r epo rt ed hi s f at he r' s d eat h an d wa s ap poi nt ed b y t heYung-Io em pe ror t o s uc cee d h is f at he r. As M il ls susggests, t he inter regnum may coverthe son's minor ity, t he daughter acti ng as a r egent: or i t may be t hat t he daughter didassume the rule in about 1415, but that she was ousted by the son in about 1424_ 26

T ho ug h t he y r ul ed i n Palembang, t he se Ch in ese w er e no t r ecog ni sed b y t he M in g a san yt hi ng but p ri nc ip al ch ief s: t he M in g co nt inu ed t o r ecog ni se Palernbang as bei ng apart of Majapahit 's purview. T hu s, i n 1 412 , t he n ew st at e of M el aka , r ul ed by t he pe op lew ho ha d f led Palernbang i n 13 91 , p et it io ned t he Yung-lo emperor tha t he ins truc t Maja-pah it tha t hence fo rth Palernbang was Melakan ter ri to ry, Doubt le ss they prod uced cogen tr easo ns f or t hi s r eque st , pe rha ps i ncl udi ng t hat t he ir r ul er wa s t he t ra di ti on al h ei r o f Pa-l em ba ng . Z he ng He , i n 14 13 , o n h i s f our th ex ped it ion t o t he I ndi an Oc ea n, ca ll ed at bo thMajapahit and Melaka to del iver Yung-lo's r ep ly. Thi s was a def in it e refusal o f Melaka' sr eque st , a r eaf fi rm at io n of t he C hi nes e d eci si on t hat P al er nban g w as i n t he t er ri to ry ofMajapahlt, Melaka, as a favoured vassa l o f China , and seeking Chinese pro tect ion aga inst

Ayut hi ya, a nd de sp it e au di enc es g ran ted t he M el akan r ul er s i n Na nk ing on Au gus t 1 4,14 11 , a nd i n P eki ng o n O ct ob er 5 , 14 14 ,27 w as f or ced t o acc ep t t he sttuation."

T he rea ft er , Pa lem ba ng i s n ot me nt ione d i n t he s our ces un ti l ar oun d 1 46 0. I n 1 45 8,Melaka gained a new ruler, Mansur Shah, The "Se ja rah Melayu" repor ts tha t he t rave ll edt o M aj apa hi t, 29 t o m ar ry R adi n G al oh C en de ra K ra na , dau gh ter o f t he B at ar a of Maja-paint and "Pr incess N a i K e s um a " , the Batara supposedly being the son of t he "Raja ofTan jong Pura. ,, 30 Wilkinson '! has pointed out the inconsi st encies in t hi s st or y, no t t hel ea st of t hes e b ei ng t hat , w hi lst Ra di n G al oh C en der a K ra na wa s a n h ist or ic al pe rso n, sh el ived in the fourt eenth cen tu ry.

Tha t Mansur mar ri ed someone of Javanese descent seems probable: her rank i suncer-t ain. Never theles s, the "Se ja rah Melayu" relat es 32 that, as her dowry, she brought toMelaka t he st at e of I ndr agi ri , t hat i s, t he pa rt of Su mat ra w hi ch a t t hi s t im e h ad co me toi nco rpo ra te t he t er ri to ri es of t he o ld st at es of Sr ivi jay a an d Pa lem bang . D es pi te t he di s-

25 There were coups d 'e ta t in C hi na i n 1 40 3, Ayu th iy a in 1 40 8/ 14 10 , a nd M aj ap ah it s ho rt ly a ft er1 40 0. Pr ev iou s t o t he se , e ve nt s h ad b ee n dr ift in g i n e ac h s ta te s uc h t ha t th e climate was created

where coups became feasible.26 Mills, op, c it ., p , 1 00, f .n _l

27 The d at es a re f ro m Wan g. "The f ir st t hr ee r ul er s o f M a la cc a, " J MB RA S 4 1( 1) . 1 96 8, p , 1 6.:8 S ee Wan g i n C h' en a nd Tar li ng ( ed s. ), " So ci al H is to ry o f C hi na a nd S ou th -c as t A si a, " C ar nb , U .P _,

1970, p, 397.29 SM 104.:0 SM 100-10431 Wilkinson, "The Malacca Sul tanate", JMBRAS, 1935, p.p, 4-41-32 SM 110.

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cr edi ti ng of t hi s st or y b y Wil ki nson 's obs er vat ion s, i t i s i nt er est ing t o not e t hat at s om et ime be twe en 14 24 w hen Sh i Q in -ch ing 's so n w as i nve st ed b y t he M ing a s p ri nc ipa l c hi efin Palernbang, and 1458, the st ate of Palerubang had become incorporated into Indragiri .No i nf or mat ion i s r e co rd ed as t o t he n at ur e of t he n ew s tat e, nor of i ts p ol it y, a s t her e i sno record of when the change occur red.

There i s ano ther inc iden t recorded which may bet te r exp la in how Palembang /Indra -g ir l passed f rom Majapah it con trol to Melakan vassa lage . The "Se ja rah Melayu" records

33

t ha t Mansur secured a mar ri age a ll iance between "Mahara jah Merlang of Indragi ri " andMansur's eldest daughter, Tun Baikal, borne to him by h is wife, the daugh te r o f h is g rand-f at her 's p rem ie r, t he B en da har a Sr iwa R aj a wh o, i n t ur n, wa s t he son of Tun P er pat ehTulus, wh o w as t he pr em ier i n Palembang i n 13 89 -13 91 , and t he f ir st pr emi er o f Melaka.

I f Mansur was born in 1439, the mos t accep table date f rom the sources , thi s mar ri ageal li an ce c oul d ha ve o ccu rr ed as ea rl y a s 1 45 3, t hou gh i t i s m or e l ike ly t o h av e t aken p lac ea ft er 1456, when Melaka defeated the second Ayuthiyan invasion, thereby demonstratingit s cogency in local aff air s. It is even more likely to have occurred after Mansur'saccession in 1458, a ft er which Melaka embarked exp li ci tly on a course of local empire.

Such mar ri age a ll iances were a common pol it ical p loy: as thi s a ll iance made Mansurt he f at her -i n- l aw of t he r ul er of I nd rag ir i, i t w oul d hav e br ou ght I nd rag ir i, and P al em-b ang , f ir ml y i nt o t he Melakan hegemony, Mansur in c irca 1463 ( the date mos t ind icatedf rom t he so ur ces ) t he reb y r egai ni ng w hat hi s gr eat -gr eat -gr and fat her h ad l os t i n 1 39 1.

What di d thi s allegiance mean for Indragiri ? It is import ant to note that the namerecorded for the Indragiri ruler, Maharajah Merlang, i s an Hindu t it le . Melaka had convert-ed t o Islam in 1436, thi s being confirmed by the poli tical events of 1446 in the city.

Thereaf te r, in i ts pursu it o f empire, Melaka a lways made i ts dependenc ies, a t l east insofaras the ir ruler s and rul ing c lasses were concerned , convert to i ts new rel ig ion. Thi s a ll iancemay therefor e represent t hat start of t he conver sion of Sumatr a, outside of Pasai, toI sl am , t houg h i n t hi s con ne ct ion i t i s n ot ewo rt hy t hat na me s a re r ec or ded f or on ly t wosubsequen t ruler s o f Indragi ri in thi s per iod, Maharajah I sak and Raja Nara S inga , cousins ,o nl y t he f ir st h av ing a M us li m n am e t ho ug h o ne wo ul d e xp ect M usl im na me s t o be u sed

consequen t on a convers ion to I sl am. Perhaps Indragiri kept its traditional religious alle-gi ance s: t hi s i s p ossi bl e i n v iew of t he wa y I sl am sp rea d i n So ut hea st A si a, a nd i n Melakai ts el f. De spi te t he f act t hat M el ak a' s I sl am wa s i nt ro du ced and m ai nt ai ne d f rom Me cc a,t he a rea s of l oca l s oc iet y w hi ch w er e m ost af fec ted by t he ne w r el igi on w er e t hos e mo stc lose ly -assoc ia ted with the deep-wa te r t rade . Usual ly, thi s was a lso the pol it ical e li te , butthe new rel ig ion made inroads only in those local e li te s in s ta te s assoc ia ted with the deep.water trade. Villiers produced evidence of thi s, in h is examina tion of the Banda Isl ands . J4Note must then be made of t he fact t hat , whilst Indragiri is reported as a source of Mi-nangkabau gold,3S Palembang i s repor ted only as being involved in the count ry t rade andthe t rade to Melaka and Pahang in foods tu ff s. P ires repor ted an annua l t rade f rom Palem-bang of 36

3S

36

SMIll.Vil li er s, " Tr ad e a nd s oc ie ty in t he B an daStudies. 15(4) ,1981, pp. 731~732.SO 144[.SO 144v.

Islands in the Sixteenth century," Modem Asian

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" . .. t en or t we lv e j un ks . .. ( lad en wi th ) w hi te r ic e a nd m an y go od v eg et ab le s . .. T he ya lso have many s laves for merchandi se ; they have p lenty of cot ton; they have rat tansi ~ larg~ quanti ti es; they have some gold, a great deal of ri ce in t he husk; t hey havepitch, iron; t he y ha ve a gr ea t de al of w ax, ho ney, m an y w in es, m eat s; t he y e ve n b ri ngan i nf in it e q ua nt it y o f g ar li c a nd on io ns, w hi ch ar e g oo d m er cha nd is e; t he y ha ve agr ea ~ d ea l of b la ck be nz oi n i n l ar ge qu ant it ies , w hi ch i s m uch u se d i n Bo nua qu el ir nand III Macassa r ( rnarcaca r) , Tan jompura and in the o ther i sl ands ."

He a lso repor ted tha t3 1

: 'I n P al em ba ng t he y u sc a l ar ge am oun t o f cl ot hi ng o f t he co ar se ( ki nd ) f rom t he G u-jer at ees and fr om the Kli ng. They spend all the money they get ther e for the mer-chand ise in Malacca . .. t hey load up with merchandi se tak ing a large quant ity o f Klingclothing."

T hat i s t o sa y, P al em ban g wa s no t i nv ol ve d i n t he d ee p. w at er o r sp ic e t rad es , w he re t hemoney and Arab and Gujerat i tr ader s were t o be found. It m ay t he re fo re n ot h av e be eno ve rl y i nf lue nc ed by t he ch ang es an d t he n ew i dea s e man at in g f rom M el ak a. Wit h t he un -cer tain state of present knowledge of t he society, the most t hat can be stated wit h any

ce rt ai nt y i s t ha t pr ob ab ly on ly t he r ul in g c la ss es f ol lo we d M el aka 's l ead i n t he n ew r el i-gi on , p er ha ps a s t he r esu lt o f t he d ic ta te s o f t he M el aka n h eg em on y, p er ha ps a s t he r esu ltof Melakan cultural imperialism.

A t t hi s s ta ge , Vil li er s h as a f ur th er r el eva nt c om me nt , t o t he ef fe ct t ha t 3S

"There was evi dently a correlation between t he adopti on of Islam by the rulingc lasses , i, n the spice i sl ands and the estab li shment o f a monarch ical sys tem of govern-ment,..

If Islam were i ndeed adopted at t hi s time by the ruli ng cl asses of Indr agir i and Palem-ba ng, t hen a c on se qu ent r eor de ri ng m ay be as su med , o f p ow er an d s tat us s tr uc tu re s, p er -haps bring ing them into l ine with c losed, s tr at if ied s truc tu res adopted by Melaka in 1436.Th e l ar an ga n w as a p ow er fu l el em ent of M el aka n cu lt ur al i mp er ia li sm , b ut o ne w hi chmade the orang kaya into a service a ri stoc racy, and rat if ied, r at iona li sed and emphasi sedthe d iffe rence between orang kaya and orang lau t,

A ft er i ts i nc lus io n i n t he M el ak an e mpi re , I nd ra gi ri wi th i ts at te nd an t st at e P al er n-b an g r em ai ne d a l oya l v as sa l, t ho ugh p ro bab ly r et ai ni ng , as di d a ll s ta tes w hi ch o ff er edob ei ss an ce, a d eg re e o f i nde pe nde nc e, e sp ec ia ll y i n t he ad mi ni st ra ti on of i ts i nt er na laffairs.

Th er e w as a b ri ef ci vi l w a r i n c ir ca 1 501 ,3 9 w he n R aj a N ar a S ing a, t he so n o f M aha ra -j ah M er lang and Tun Baikal , was persuaded by hi s adherent s i n Melaka t o an att empt atthe thron_e of Indragi rl , t hen occup ied by h is cousin Maharajah I sak, Maharajah Mer langha d d ie d i n M el ak a, t hou gh i t i s n ot i nd ic at ed t hat h e no rm al ly l ive d t he re af te r h is ob ei -sance in c irca 1463.

T he " Sej ar ah M el ayu " st at es t ha t R aj a N ar a Si ng a w as p er su ad ed t o r et ur n t o I nd ra -gi ri b y his f ol lo wer s, yo ung n ob le s o f I nd ra gi ri , w ho w er e ex as pe ra te d at t he i ns ul ti ngtreatment given them by the young nobles of Melaka. Raja Nara Singa petitionedMahmud of Melaka for permiss ion to leave , was den ied this, and "escaped" . The way thi s

37 Ibid38 Villiers, op. cit ., p .p . 128-729_39 S M 1 64 . A ll r ef er en ce s b el ow a re t o t hi s.

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i nc iden t i s rel at ed g ives no ind icat ion of the rat iona le for thi s p iece of Melakan s ta tecraf t.Raja Nara S inga may wel l have sough t to emphasi se h is independence, regarding h imse lfas f ul ly r oy al , b ei ng t he g ran ds on of M ans ur. H e m ay h ave be en ol d ( he co ul d h av e b ee nbo rn a ny t im e a ft er 14 64 ). H e ma y h ave b ee n r et ai ne d i n M el ak a b y an ad mi ni st ra ti onful ly consc ious of h is royal Melakan her it age: Melaka may wel l have wished to maintaini ts o wn a ut ho ri ty i n t he ho me lan d o f t he M el ak an l in e, a nd so m ay ha ve de ta in ed him inMelaka. Maharajah I sak may have been an ine ff ic ient o r a dangerous vassa l: Melaka and /o rR aj a N ar a S in ga m ay on ly h av e so ug ht t o a mel ior at e t he s it uat io n o f t he p eo pl e o f I nd ra-

girl.Equally, there may have been no dissension between Raja Nara Singa and the

M el ak an a dm ini st ra ti on, a t t hi s t im e i n t he t ot al co nt ro l of Tun M ut ah ir , t he B end ah ar aS ri M ah ar aj ah . I nde ed , R aj a N ar a S in ga 's b id f or I ndr ag ir i m ayh av e b ee n f ur th er ed or de -v is ed by Tun M ut ah ir , p er ha ps t o b in d I nd ra gi ri m or e c lo se ly t o M el ak a, f or I nd ra gi rl d idremain loyal , and supported Melaka ful ly in the campa igns of 1511.

A f inal theor y f or t hi s civil war of cir ca 1501 is based in t he names of t he cousins.M aha ra ja h I sa k wa s ob vi ous ly M usl im : Ra ja N ar a S in ga p er hap s w as n ot - h is n am e i nd i-cates a reten tion of pre -I sl amic rel ig ions . In t hat ca se , Ra ja N ar a S in ga 's c ol po m ay t he nha ve be en an at tem pt t o r es to re H in du is m o r t he l oca l r el ig io n. Th is w oul d pr oba bl y h av ega in ed h im t he s up po rt o f a ny t rad er s l ef t i n I ndr ag ir i ( exc ept t he I sl am ic t ra de rs , a nd I n-d rag ir i d id n ot pr od uce g oo ds o f i nt er es t t o t hem ), an d o f t he ul u c hi ef s, a s o f o the r p er -sons whose t radi tional authori ty was threa tened by the formali sed service a ri stoc racy ofthe new rel ig ion, the new t rade , the new imper ium.

T ha t Tun M ut ahi r s upp or te d R aj a N ar a S in ga i n s uc h a v en tu re i s n ot t oo su rp ri si ng .

Tun Mutahir wi shed t o f ur ther his own, newl y- gained power. Maharajah Isak was notr el at ed t o t he M el aka n l in e an d so m or e l ia bl e t o as se rt his own independence, whi le RajaN ar a Si ng a, w ho wa s o f t he M el ak an l in e, w as , as l ong a s h e s ta ye d i n M el aka , a t hr ea t t ot he po wer of t he B end aha ra , Tu n M ut ah ir w as i nt er est ed i n r el ig io n a nd l eg al is ti c r oy all eg it imacy only insofar as they accorded with his primary interes t o f h is per sona l power.E ve n hi s v aun te d i nt er es t i n t rad e a nd t ra der s w as b ut pa rt of hi s po li ti ca l a nd po wer i nt e-rests, where he sought t o forget hi s own power base outside the mor e nor mal Mel akan

structures.Tun M ut ahi r w as a po li ti ca l pr ag ma ti st . R aj a N at a S in ga, n o m at te r w het he r h is m o-

t iv at ion w as r el ig io us or s om e ot he r p ol it ica l r eas on, w as p ro ba bl y b ut a t oo l, w it ti ng o runwit ting , o f Tun Mutah ir.

Raja Nara S inga was success fu l in h is invas ion, the" Sejarah Melayu" relat ing tha t 40

" . .. w he n M aha ra jah ( si c) N ar a S in ga a rr ive d, M ah ar aj ah I sak w as d ri ve n o ut by TunKechi! and Tun Balia, chiefs of Indraglri, . ."

E ve n a t t hi s st age , t he t rad it io na l c hi ef s w er e i mp or ta nt en ou gh t o b ec om e i nv ol ve d i ns uc h a n a ff ra y, w it h t he po wer t o f or ce a de ci si on . A nd , a s d is cu ss ed a bov e i n t he t heo rytha t thi s was a rel ig ious res to ra tion , the fac t o f the ir dec is ive involvement , ind icates tha tthi s was probably more a t radi tional is t r es to ra tion than a mere pol it ical colpo .

In an echo of the event s of 1391, Maharajah Isak f led to Li ngga, which by t hi s ti meincluded Bentan. There he marri ed a daughter of t he l ocal (Maha)r aja, and, when hisf at her -i n- law di ed , s ucc ee de d h im a s R aj a of L ing ga . " He h ad ma ny ch il dr en . A nd R aj a

40 Ibid.

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Nara Slnga became Raja of Indragiri."41

Bot h states r emained loyal to Mel aka, though it is per haps important t hat, duringd 'Albuq uerque' s a tt ack on Melaka, the only recorded appea l for ass is tance to Melaka wastha t made by the Laksamana to the "Ra ja lingga ., ,42 Equal ly impor tant ly, thi s request wasrefused, though this may have been due onl y to the f act that Lingga had a lready sen t i tsf ul l c om pl em ent t o t he M el aka n f or ce s: o r, a s t he r eq ues t w as m ade i n Se pt em be r, a ft ert he f al l of M el aka , t he d en ia l m ay h ave m ean t si mp ly t ha t R aj a I sak w as m or e c on ce rn edabout the defence of h is own s ta te aga inst the invader.

By Pires ' t ime, Palernbang, s ti ll w ith a large foreign populat ion, was , once aga in , con-trolled from Java, by Pate Radin of Dernak, for whom it was the "best thing" he had" bett er than his own count ry, and it has . .. been destr oyed by" the Por tuguese. " af ter~he w~r of 1511, and espec ia lly a ft er Pate Unus' campa ign aga inst the Por tuguese in 1512,In which campaign, though'"

" the people of Palembang came to f ight .. . very unwil ling ly (agains t Melaka) , a ll thosewho came died."

* * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * *

I n t hi s per iod, Palernbang may be said to have had a degree of i ndependence onl ybet ween 1392 and 1463. Ruled by Majapahi t pr ior to 1392 and for a time aft er , and byMelaka and then Dernak aft er 1463, even in the yea rs between , Palembang was recogni seda s a su bj ec t o f M aj apa hi t, an d w as pr ob abl y r ul ed , f or a t im e a t l ea st , b y C hi ne se t rad er sinvested wi th a degr ee of dignity by Zheng He's forces and by Ming i mperi al r escr ipt.Some t ime before 1463, it became SUbsumed in t he lar ger local state of Indragi ri, yeta no th er a tt em pt a t M al ay r ul e i n t he ar ea .

The events of ci rca 1501 may be seen as an att empt at t he restor ati on of the t radi -t iona l u lu pol ity and the t radi tional rel ig ions in the face of Melakan Isl amic imper ia li sm.I n r ea li ty, o nl y t he r el ig io us e le men t m ay b e em ph as is ed , t he n ew r ul er m ai nt ai ni ng hi sl oya lt y t o M el aka ~ a nd t he s ou rc es n ot c ont ai ni ng de fi ni ti ve i nf or ma ti on on t hi s p oi nt .

There is no mention in all this of the state of the people. It may be assumed thatchange was most evident in t he rulers' cour ts, or among t hose who sought pr ef er encethe re . Tradi tion would have been more emphasi sed as spa ti al and soc ia l d is tance f rom the

co ur t i ncr ea se d. T he re m ay ha ve b ee n i nc re as ed pr os per it y w it h t he e ve r- ex pa ndi ngMela.ka .n food marke t. Palembang 's g reater accessibi li ty to Ind ian c lo th , and the growing~peclahst nature of the Indian industry such that prices were affected, may haveI nf lue nce d l oca l cl ot hi ng . W het he r t hi s i nf lu x of I nd ia n c lo th ca use d h ar ds hi p t o l oca lw ea ver s i s as m oot a s t he i de a t ha t t he l oc al c ot ta ge i ndu st ry w oul d q ui ck ly h av e t ur ne dt o i ncreased special isat ion in f oodstuff s for the M el akan market - or whether this ex-~anded only with the Melakan population. There would have been hardship if thei nc re as ed us e of I nd ia n cl ot h o cc ur re d f ir st - b ut t he n t her e m igh t h ave be en l ess m on eyt o spend on t hi s impor t unti l money was earned sell ing food i n Melaka. The har dshi pwould have been less if this Indi an cloth tr ade developed to fil l a vacuum - of ei therc lo th p ro du ce d l oca ll y, o r o f go od s on w hi ch t o sp end i nc re as ed i nco me - c re at ed by i n-

41

41

Ibid

"Commentaries", vol , 3, s-ect ion 29 .

SO 144v

Ibid

43

44

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cr ea se d l oca l at te nt io n t o t he sa ti sf act io n of t he e ve r- ex pan di ng M el ak an de man d f or

food.Tha t t radi tional Malay a tt itudes survived in the populat ion i sevident in Palernbang' s

de vot io n t o M el aka i n 1 511. T he ir c ont in ui ng c ol on ia l s tat us i s d isp la yed i n t hei r r el uc -t anc e t o a ssi st t hei r ne w o ve rl or d o f De ma k i n 15 12. P ir es' ev id en ce h er e a ls o c om pr o-m is es t he v ie w t hat t he p opu la ti on c on ver te d t o I sl am be fo re 15 11 , f or t hei r r el uct an ce t oa id I sl am ic f or ces a gai ns t t he C hr ist ian c onq ue ro rs of M el ak a ci ty i s r at ion al i f Palem-b an g' s p opu la ti on h ad r et ai ne d t he ir t ra di ti on al r el igi on , or t he ir t ra di ti on al l oy al ty t o

Mahrnud's Malay rule.T he p eop le o f P al er nba ng , i n t hi s as i n SO m uch el se of t he e ve nt s i n t hi s pe ri od , w er e

p ra gm at ist s _ a t ra di ti on al vi ll ag e an d c om mer ci al at ti tud e. A co lo ni al p op ul at io n, t he yw er e, a ft er 1 39 1, r eag en ts r at he r t ha n c at al ys ts: on ly in 1 391 d id t hey se ek t o de cl ar et heir i ndependence. Their fail ur e t hen, and t he dynami cs of l ocal history in the nextc en tu ry, d et er mi ned t hei r c ont in ui ng c ol oni al s tat us - an d t he s pa rs it y of i nf or ma ti on

on the ir s ta te in the surviving records .

S E L EC T E D B I BL I O GR A P H Y

Birch, Walter de Gray (tr.), " Th e C om me nt ar ie s o f t he g re at A fo ns o D al bo qu er qu e, " H ak lu yt S oc ie ty

no, 6 2, L an d. , 1 88 4.

Brown, C.G. (tr.), "Sejarail Melayu: 'Malay Annals' ," O.U.P., K..L, 1970.1.1. Huon, It. J. V. G. Mi ll " " Th e Ov er al l S ur vey o f t he Oce an 's S ho res ," Hak lu yt So c. , Camb . D. P. ,

1970." Mi ng S he ", e d. Z ha ng D in g- yu , P ek in g, 1 97 4.Pires, Tome, tr. A rm an do C or te sa o, " Su m. O ri en ta l, " H ak lu yt S oc ., Lond., 1944.Villiers, Jo hn , " Tra de an d S oc iet y i n t he B an da I sla nd s i n th e si xt een th c en tu ry, " Modern Asial l

Studies, 15(4) , 1981, 723-750.Wang Gungwu, "China an d S ou th -E ast As ia 1 40 2- 14 24 ," i n C h'e o an d Tarling (eds.), Studles in the

social his tory of Cir il lOand So"tl tEo~f Asia. Camb. U.P., 1970._ __ " Th e f irs t t hr ee r ul ers o f M al acca ," I MBR AS 4 1(1 ), 1 96 8, 1 1-2 2.

Wil ki ns ~n , R . J ., " Th e M al ac ca S ul ta na te ," J MB RA S 1 3( 2) , O ct ob er, 1 93 5, 2 2- 67 .

Winstedt, R. 0 ., " A H is to ry o f M al ac ca ", M ar ic an , S in ga po re , 1 96 2.

Wolters , O.W., "The Fal l of Sriv. ijaya in Malay History", O.D.P., K.L., 1970.

83

notes on event in palembang 1389-1511 malay melayu java

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