numerals in tamil script sourashtran (c. miller, 2016)
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A note on numerals in Tamil script Sourashtran orthography, their use in orthographic
systems, and the order of signs in the akshara
Christopher Miller, March 2016
Numerals in the adaptation of Tamil script to writing Sourashtram
Sourashtram is a Indo-Aryan language spoken by a minority population in Tamil Nadu whose
historical traditions recount a migration from the Gujarat-Maharashtra region (Dave 1976; Randle
1944) — their name itself harks back to the Saurashtra or Kathiawar peninsula of Gujarat. Their
language is closely related to Gujarati and Marathi but its precise relationships remain to be
clarified. Traditionally, Sourashtram was written in at least two different scripts closely related to
each other, to the Marathi Mo!i script and to Mahajani and other commercial script varieties of
North India (Miller 2014). As a minority in Tamil Nadu and before that in Telugu-speaking areas,
Sourashtrans’ widespread bilingualism in the majority languages led to their own language being
written in Telugu and Tamil scripts as well, and in fact the vowel and final consonant signs of both
Sourashtran scripts are largely adapted from the two South Indian scripts.
Figure 1. The Obula wedding invitation
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I recently received a wedding invitation (Figure 1) from Subramanian Obula, who actively promotes
Sourashtran language, culture and script with online blogs and videos. The invitation is written for
the most part in Sourashtram, but in two different scripts in parallel. The first is the modernised
version of the script first put into print by the scholar R"ma R"o around the turn of the 19th century
(R"ma R"o 1902, inter alia). After each line in R"ma R"o script, the same Sourashtram-language textis repeated in an adaptation of Tamil script, for the benefit of readers literate in the latter but not
the former (Figure 2).
Figure 2. Superscript numerals in Tamil script Sourashtran orthography
Apart from the obvious visual differences between the two scripts, the Tamil script version has one
striking feature: the ubiquitous presence of superscript Arabic-Indic numerals used diacritically to
distinguish different manners of articulation (voicing, aspiration) on Tamil letters.
This is an interesting strategy for contrasting voiceless aspirated stops cf. (without marked
vowels) /kh/ ‹k2› !2, voiced unaspirated stops cf. /g/ ‹k3› !3 and voiced aspirated stops cf. /gh/ ‹k4›
!4 with voiceless unaspirated stops cf. /k/ ‹k› !, a four-way contrast that Sourashtram shares with
other Indo-Aryan languages. Since Tamil stops have no phonemic contrasts in voicing or aspiration,Tamil script early abandoned Brahmic letters for those other than the voiceless unaspirated series
(k c # t p), which was taken as basic, each letter being the first of its series (varga) in the traditional
var !am"l" arrangement. As a result, writing the other three series of Sourashtram stops in Tamil
script required some sort of workaround strategy.
In itself, using numerals as part of the orthography of a language is unusual, so this seems an
appropriate place to review the few cases I know of where they are used to represent the sounds of
a language in one way or another. After this, I will come back to the specific way the numerals are
ordered relative to the basic vowel and consonant signs, as this is relevant to the structure of thewritten akshara.
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Use of Numerals in Scripts
It is not uncommon to use numerals in notation systems, and numerals are indeed used to represent
the tones of tonal languages, one of the better-known cases being the Wade-Giles romanisation
system for Mandarin, which in the People’s Republic of China and Singapore has been largelysupplanted by Pinyin Zimu since the 1980s. Where Pinyin represents tones with iconic diacritic
accents (xi$ng, xióng, xi%ng, xiòng), Wade-Giles simply placed a numeral for each tone (in
conventional citation order) at the end of the written syllable (hsiung1, hsiung2, hsiung3, hsiung4).
Thai and Lao (Lew 2014) adopted a similar strategy. In Thai, one of four tone diacritics is placed
above the base letter of an akshara to indicate (together with the series the consonant belongs to as
well as syllable structure) which tone is to be pronounced on its vowel. The names of the diacritics
are clearly borrowed from an Indo-Aryan language; the form of the respective diacritics, though
different from Thai numerals, is closely related to numerals from 1 to 4 in most North Indian scripts
but rotated leftward (compare the Devanagari numerals in Figure 3); these facts taken together
seem to indicate that they were specifically borrowed from a similar source for this purpose.
Name: mai + ek to tri cattawa
Thai tone marks
Devanagari numerals ! " # $
Figure 3. Thai tone marks compared with Devanagari numerals
Jawi Arabic script for Malay also used the inline Arabic numeral ‹2› to represent word root
reduplication and this was transferred into the older Malaysian and Indonesian Latin script
orthographies. The modern common Malaysian-Indonesian orthography got rid of that
abbreviation, but it is still used fairly often in informal writing. It is also used the same way, under
the name pada pangrangkep, in Javanese script.
The general idea was also adopted in the Makasarese “Jangang-jangang” script, but put to another
use. In South Sulawesi (and by inheritance the Philippines), pairs of syllables with the same onset
and a vowel sign on each could be abbreviated by writing the onset letter once and doubling the
two vowel signs on that letter. Since that didn't work if one akshara was read with /a/, Makasarese
scribes at some point adopted the Arabic number as a simpler-shaped stand-in for the second letter
(except, generally for ‹n›, which was a simple arch). If one of the two or both had a vowel other
than /a/, then it was marked as usual. The Makasarese parajanjiyana, borrowed from Malay
perjanjian ‘treaty, agreement’ (and bearing the definite suffix -a), is one example of this use of ;
instead of repeating the ‹j› letter with its ‹-i› vowel dot above, the vowel dot is placed over the as a
stand-in for the more complex letter.
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Arabic ‹2› Jangang-jangang ‹pa ra ja i ya na› parajanjiyana
Figure 4. Arabic ‹2› and its use in Makasarese Jangang-jangang spelling as a dummy
character for syllable onset repetition
The way it is used in Jangang-jangang is especially interesting, since like the other Sumatra-
Sulawesi-Philippine scripts, it doesn’t have its own (Indic) numerals and simply spells out numbers
or borrows Arabic or European numerals. There have been various proposals to add “indigenous”
numerals to one or another of these scripts, none of which has ever gained any ground — though a
curious indigenous quinary system called angka bejagung i.e. ‘barley-like numbers’ was used for
calculation and record-keeping by some Rejang users of Surat Ulu in South Sumatra ( Jaspan 1967).
There are two other, somewhat different cases of numerals used in a script that rely on the wayArabic letters are used in the old Aramaic order as numerals, the same way the letters of Aramaic,
Hebrew, Greek and other scripts were used to represent numbers before Arabic-Indic numerals
replaced the older systems for most purposes. However, these two scripts reverse the situation by
using the Arabic-Indic numerals to represent letters.
1. One was a cipher script, apparently developed in India, that used the Arabic numerals from 1-9
to stand in for Arabic letters. Since Arabic has 28 letters but there are only 9 numerals (other
than 0), the form of the numerals (usually the length of the stem) changes as they are used for
different powers. In the original version of the cipher, the first series uses 1-9 for the first 9
letters of the abjad order ‹'›, ‹b›, ‹j›, ‹d›, ‹h›, ‹w›, ‹z›, ‹(›, ‹#›, but they are shortened vertically.
The same numerals are used with their normal vertical length for ‹y›, ‹k›, ‹l›, ‹m›, ‹n›, ‹s›, ‹)›, ‹f›,
‹*›), which correspond to 10-90, and the numerals are then lengthened below the baseline for
‹q›, ‹r›, ‹+›, ‹t›, ‹,›, ‹x›, ‹-›, ‹!›, ‹.›, which correspond to 100-900; finally an extra tail is added at
the bottom of 1 for 1000 (i.e. corresponding to ‹/›).
A more complex version was adapted via Jawi Arabic script correspondences to write Malay
sounds and then a second time, via correspondences between Jawi and Bugis-Makasarese script,
to write riddle poetry and secret correspondence in Bugis as Lontara’ bilang-bilang ‘number
script’ (Figure 5) .
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Figure 5. Explanation of Lontara’ bilang-bilang cipher script from Matthes (1883)
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2. The other is Thaana in the Maldives: it uses the Arabic numerals 1-9 for the first five letters, but
their values don’t correspond at all to the corresponding abjad letter. (However, 9, which looks
like Arabic w"w, is used for that letter, like a very few other non-numeral-based letters in the
script that somewhat resemble their Arabic counterpart.)
haa shaviyani noonu raa baa 0aviyani kaafu alifu vaavu
Figure 6. Thaana letters and corresponding Arabic numerals (Indo-Persian variants)
These are interesting examples in themselves, but there are no other examples I know of where
numerals are used diacritically, though the semi-systematic graduated use of one/two/three dots todistinguish letters with the same basic shape in Arabic script, and even up to four in some of its
derivatives (e.g. Sindhi), comes close. The Sourashtran adaptation of Tamil script fits right in with
the kinds of adaptations talked about in Miller (2014): improving a known but ill-adapted script’s fit
to the phonological needs of the language by borrowing and integrating (parts of) an external
system to “fill in the gaps”.
The whole question of the relation of the numeral component to the rest of a script is an interesting
one. It’s quite common for scripts with their own numerals to replace (or augment) them for some
or all purposes with a completely different numeral system (most usually the Western Arabic-Indic
numeral set). It strikes me, for example, how the Sourashtran text in the wedding invitation uses its
own Nagari-derived numerals whereas the equivalent in Sourashtran Tamil script uses European
numerals (Figure 7).
Figure 7. Nagari-derived Sourashtran numerals versus Tamil script use of Arabic-Indicequivalents
I also find it interesting that modern Sourashtran script abandoned R"ma R"o’s original use of
subscript conjuncts closely modelled on those used in Telugu script. The modern use of a
Devanagari-like halant/vir"ma below the vowelless letter seems directly modelled on the Tamil
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pu00i dot, perhaps a concession to the Tamil spelling system most Sourashtrans in Tamil Nadu are
acquainted with. This can be seen in the first word of each of the second and third lines illustrated
in Figure 7: ‹“upamanØyu”› and ‹vilØl"puramØ›, where I use Ø to stand respectively for the
Sourashtran halant and Tamil pu00i zero-vowel signs.
Position of the numeral diacritics and akshara structure
Apart from the fact that the diacritic numerals that distinguish the other three classes of stops from
voiceless non-aspirates are unusual in themselves, their placement in Tamil script adapted to
Sourashtram is worth noting. Rather than appear right next to the base consonant letter itself, they
are placed after any following vowel sign. If the sign appears above, below or to the left of the letter,
the numeral will appear immediately to the base letter’s right, but in the case of ‹-"› and ‹-o›, both
of which use a detached sign to the right of the base letter, the diacritic numeral is always placed to
that sign’s right, rather than between the base letter and the following sign. This can be seen in
bovni in the first example in Figure 8 and in mha#o, beginning the second line.
This relates to another peculiarity of how Tamil script is adapted to spelling Sourashtram. Apart
from the normal Indo-Aryan complement of aspirated stops, voiced and voiceless, Saurashtram has
several aspirated sonorants that are spelled with a bound sign that immediately follows the
consonant letter in R"ma Rao script. This bound sign is found, for example, in ‹mhu› and ‹rhi›
in R"ma Rao (1902) — apparently the normal conjunct form in that earlier version of the script —
and may likely derive originally from a handwritten variant of Nagari ‹h› similar to the found in
some Gujarati Nagari annotations in Avestan scriptures, by eliminating the adjunct vertical stroke
on the left; the ‹h› letter in the quite different (and equally early) H"0ivi Sourashtran script
appears to derive from a similar shape by starting with the vertical stroke and following through to
the serpentine body with a transitional loop (cf. Figure 1 in Miller 2014). Figure 8 shows three
examples of the modern reformed script’s spelling of /mh/ and one of /rh/.
viveha rubh mhuh1rtu bovni patriko
mha!o mho##"n rh 2
Figure 8. Spelling of /rhV/ and /mhV/ in Sourashtran and Tamil Sourashtran scripts
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For each Tamil script example in Figure 8, the aspiration is spelled with a visarga (:). Just like the
diacritic numerals, the visarga appears after a postconsonantal vowel sign, which can be seen in
mho$$"n in the second of three examples in the lower part of the figure. In both cases, the structure
of the akshara requires the vowel sign to be directly adjacent to its base consonant letter, with any
diacritics modifying the consonant moved to the end of the sequence of signs making up the
akshara. This is reminiscent of the behaviour of the repha sign for an akshara-initial /r/ in
Devanagari and Gujarati scripts: although it represents a preceding /r/ orthographically annexed to
the onset of the following akshara, it is not always written on the consonant letter itself (unlike, for
example, post-consonantal /r/ in a /pr/ sequence where the combination of ‹p› % with following ‹r›
& yields the compound form ' ): instead, the repha preconsonantal ‹r-›, a rightward hook, is written
over the rightmost component of an akshara. Thus, when the vowel of the akshara is long and
written with ‹-"› ( , ‹-o› ) , ‹-au› * or ‹- 2 › + , it appears above that vowel sign and not the letter
representing the consonant that it precedes in speech. This can be seen, for example, in the name
,-. 3arm". (As a learner of Devanagari, I had to force myself not to read this iconically as / 45m67r/
rather than / 45rm67/ as the orthography demands!)
Both the Devanagari and Tamil-Sourashtran examples illustrate how the akshara as an orthographic
reflection of the syllable can lead to non-iconic orderings of elements, treating the C+V sequence as
the core. Yet other akshara-based orthographies, such as Lampung, Surat Ulu and Batak in Sumatra
(see Miller 2014), allow the vowel sign to be displaced from its logical host onto a following
consonant letter marked with a “vowel killer” as a syllable coda. Nonetheless, even in this case, the
displaced vowel sign is always immediately associated with the coda consonant letter and always
precedes the “vowel killer” sign. These conventions can be traced to ultimately arbitrary changes
occurring in previous stages of the evolution of the relevant scripts, but whether any general
synchronic ordering constraints valid for all akshara orthographies exist remains an interesting
question for further research.
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“
Acknowledgments
I would like to thank Sonali Nag for first pointing out the interest of the use of numerals in
Sourashtran script, for encouraging me to explore this question further in a note for Lingua Akshara,
and for her suggestions that have helped to improve this note in form and content over several
successive versions. And thanks no less are due to Mr Subramanian Obula for originally sharing
with me the wedding invitation that brought about these questions, as well as for his responses to
my occasional questions about the Sourashtran script; his dedication to preserving and defending
this important aspect of Sourashtran culture is admirable.
===
We would like to thank Mr. Obula S. Subramanian who kindly gave us permission to share his son’s wedding
invitation on the Lingua Akshara. Here is a note from him on the orthography (personal communication,
16.1.16):
Since this script is not taught in Schools, and since almost all Sourashtras know Tamil language
(as they study in schools Tamil and English), we are using Tamil script with superscript numbers
2,3, and 4 for the consonants ka, ca, Ta, ta and pa since Tamil has only 18 consonants. Sourashtra
language has 35+4 consonant symbols.
We live in Tamil Nadu State of India and almost all Sourashtras are bilinguals knowing Tamil
language besides Sourashtram which they speak in their homes.
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References
(! = return to text)
Dave, I. R. (1976). The Saurashtrians in South India. Their Language, Literature and Culture. Rajkot:
Saurashtra University. !
Jaspan, M. (1967). Symbols at work. Aspects of kinetic and mnemonic representation in Redjangritual. Bijdragen tot de Taal-, Land- en Volkenkunde 123 (1967) No. 4, 476-516. !
Lew, Sigrid (2014). A linguistic analysis of the Lao writing system and its suitability for minoritylanguage orthographies. Writing Systems Research Vol. 6, No. 1, 25-40. !
Matthes, B.F. (1883). Eenige Proeven van Boegineze en Makassaarsche Poëzie. The Hague: Nijhoff (GoogleBooks digital edition). !
Miller, C. (2014). Devanagari’s descendants in North and South India, Indonesia and the Philippines.
Writing Systems Research Vol. 6, No. 1, 10-24. ( p1 !) ( p6 !) ( p7!) ( p8!)
R"ma R"o, T. M. (1902). Saur "&$ ra-n' ti- ( ambu [A Hundred Saurashtra Moral Maxims]. Madras.( p2 !) ( p7 !)
Randle, H. N. (1944). The Saurashtrans of South India. Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society of Great Britainand Ireland, 2, 151–164. !
Internet links !
“Upamanyu” blog. http://subramanian-obula.blogspot.com/
Subramanian Obula blog. https://plus.google.com/109960219105236913501
Subramanian Obula gallery. https://www.flickr.com/photos/29347649@N02/
Subramanian Obula YouTube channel. https://www.youtube.com/user/upamanyuoss
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