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O C C A S I O N A L P A P E R S
Relevance, Rhetoric And Reality National Development At The University Of Namibia
Brian Joseph White
1998
C E N T R E O F A F R I C A N S T U D I E S
E d i n b u r g h U n i v e r s i t y
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Relevance, Rhetoric and Reality National Development
at The University of Namibia
Brian Joseph White
RELEVANCE, RHETORIC & REALITY: NATIONAL DEVELOPMENT AT THE UNIVERSITY OF NAMIBIA
ABSTRACT
This dissertation is the product of, first, an exploration of the history of the concept of the Development University in Africa, and second, analysis of documents and a series of interviews in Namibia. The dissertation has the following goals:
To situate the University of Namibia's commitment to national development within the Development University tradition, as well as within the context of Namibia's unique domestic educational history and present climate;
To describe and analyse the formulation and implementation of the vision for UNAM's role in national development to date, highlighting successes and pointing out shortcomings and problems;
Finally, to raise issues which have not been adequately addressed thus far in the debate about higher education and national development in Namibia
The first chapter deals with the notion of the Development IJniversity, first looking at the origin of the concept, then moving on to the ways in which universities have been expected to contribute to development in Africa and the problems associated with those expectations. A new perspective on developmentalism within African universities will be suggested, within which the traditional notions of relevance, autonomy, and academic freedom must be re-examined.
In the second chapter, Namibia is situated within the context set forth in Chapter One. Although in many ways Namibia resembles other African countries in its experience of and need for university education, the ways in which it is unique will also be explored here. Because part of UNAM's commitment to national development includes a commitment to learn from the experience of other countries, the ways in which Namibia does and does not resemble her neighbours hold important lessons for the path UNAM will (and should) follow.
Chapters Three and Four are the products of the Namibian research. Chapter Three examines the formulation of the 'vision' of UNAM's role in national development., and proposes a model describing the three-part process of consensus building. decision making. and administration involved in the formulation and implementation of the viGon. Chapter Four is concerned with the practical implications of UNAM's commitment to national development. In particular, the focus will be on UNAM's development goals, on its new and restructured faculties, and major outreach projects.
The conclusion analyses the picture presented in Chapters Three and Four, within the context laid out in the first two chapters. Recommendations and observation - based on staff interviews, as well as on the new perspective on university developmentalism -are made here, with a view toward contributing to the ongoing debate on higher education in Namibia.
First, I woultl like to thank all those in Namibia, both at LJNAM arid at the
Mir~istry li)r Iligher Educ;ition. Vocational Training, Science & Technology who took
time out o f their busy schedules to assist with this project. So many o f them were
li;lnk and open in providing information and expressing their opinions, and this was
grcittly appreciated. I n particular, I must thank UNAM's vice-chancellor, Peter
K;lt,javivi. both for agreeing to be interviewed, and for his overall support for the
pro,ject. which I believe gave Ine the legitimacy I needed to make the project succeed.
Special thanks must also go to Marie and Brian Harlech-Jones, for their hospitality,
;u~d particularly to Brian for the early morning rides to UNAM, which contributed as
much as anything else to my understanding o f the issues at hand during my stay in
Namibia!
Next, thanks go to my supervisors in the Centre o f African Studies, Professor
Kenneth King ant1 Dr. Simon McCrath. The feedback they provided on early drafts
ol'the chi~pters - ;~lw;~ys returned promptly despite busy schctlules and interniitional
travel -contributed invaluably to the final product.
Special thanks also to my f i~mi ly: my parents. Mary and Joe White, who have
man;~gcd to bridge the great distances between An11 Arbor, Edinhurgh and Windhoek
- t o support me in so many ways this year; to my late grandfather Ben Decker, whose
generosity made my trip to Namibia possible; and finally above all to my fiancke
Leisa. without whom very little indeed would be possible.
ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS ..................................................................................... 1
ACRONYMS & ABBREVIATIONS ...................................................................... 4
INTRODUCTION ..................................................................................................... 5
METHODOLOGY ....................................................................................................... 7 Review of literature .............................................................................................. 7 Fieldwork Component .......................................................................................... 7
.................................................................................................. A PERSONAL NOTE 9 AN OVERVIEW ....................................................................................................... 1 1
Chapter One ................................................................................................ I I Chapter Two ...................................................................................................... I1 Chapter Three .................................................................................................... 12 Chapter Four ..................................................................................................... 12 Chapter Five ...................................................................................................... 13
CHAPTER ONE . THE DEVELOPMENT UNIVERSITY ................................. 14
INTRODUCTION ...................................................................................................... 14 THE COLONIAL MODEL AND THE DEVELOPMENT UNIVERSITY ................................ 15 THE CRISIS ............................................................................................................ 19 A NEW APPROACH TO 'DEVELOPMENTALISM' ........................................................ 21
The Challenge .................................................................................................... 21 The New Approach ............................................................................................ 22
CHAPTER TWO . UNAM IN THE AFRICAN CONTEXT ................................ 27
LEGACIES OF THE APARTHEID ERA ......................................................................... 28 General legacies ................................................................................................ 28
...................................................... Higher Education . UNIN and the Academy 32 ................................................................................................. UNAM IN CRISIS? 34
CHAPTER THREE . DEVELOPING THE VISION. OR. A VISION FOR DEVELOPMENT .................................................................................................. 36
...................................................................................................... INTRODUCTION 36 A NOTE ON PROCESS ............................................................................................. 38 HIGHER EDUCATION IN NAMIBIA: REPORT OFA PRESIDENTIAL COMMISSION .............. 42 TOWARD EDUCATION FOR ALL: A DEVELOPMENT BRIEF FOR EDUCATION. CULTURE AND
............................................................................................................... TRAINING 46 ................................................... FIRST FIVE YEAR DEVELOPMENT P~AN 1995-1 999 47
INVESTING IN PEOPLE. DEVELOPING A COUNTRY: HIGHER EDUCATION FOR
DEVELOPMENT IN NAMIBIA - PRELIMINARY DRAFT FOR DISCUSSION ....................... 48
CHAPTER FOUR . IMPLEMENTING THE VISION: NATIONAL DEVELOPMENT AT UNAM ............................................................................... 51
DEVELOPMENT GOALS ........................................................................................... 52 ...................................................................... Improving University governance 52
Promoting a balanced output ............................................................................. 52 ............................................................ Strengthening research and cons~rltancy 53
........................................................................ Strengthening staff development 53 Strengthening Institutional Linkages Regionally and World-wide ...................... 54
.................................................................................... Attracting Talented Staff 54 Strengthening the Univers i~ Library and Student Support Services ................... 54 Finance and Divers$ving Sources of Finance .................................................... 56
FACULTIES ............................................................................................................ 56 .............................................................................................. Faculty of Science 57
Faculty of Agriculture and Natural Resources ................................................... 59 OUTREACH . CENTRE FOR EXTERNAL STUDIES (CES) AND THE 'NORTHERN PROJECT'
Centre for External Studies ................................................................................ 61 The Northern Project ......................................................................................... 62
CHAPTER FIVE . CONCLUSIONS .................................................................... 65
APPENDIX I .......................................................................................................... 71
SECTION I . PROFILE OF NAMIBIA'S EDUCATION SYSTEM ....................................... 71 SECTION 2 . INTERNAL STRUCTURE OF MHEVTST ................................................ 72
APPENDIX I1 . MISSION STATEMENT OF THE UNIVERSITY OF NAMIBIA ............................................................................................................... 73
APPENDIX 111 . ADMINISTRATIVE STRUCTURE OF UNAM ..................... 74
. ............................................................................. APPENDIX IV STATISTICS 75
SECTION 1 . FIRST-YEAR ENROLMENT BY FACULTY ............................................... 75 SECTION 2 . DEGREE STUDENTS & TOTAL ENROLMENT ( 1997) .............................. 77 SECTION 3 . DEGREES & DIPLOMAS CONFERRED ( 1995) ........................................ 79 SECTION 4 . STAFF DEVELOPMENT FELLOWS, LOCAL & EXPATRIATE STAFF BY FACULTY ............................................................................................................... 81
BIBLIOGRAPHY .................................................................................................. 83
CES
MEC
MHEVTST
NDPl
UNAM
UNESCO
UNlN
Centre for External Studies, UNAM
Ministry of Education and Culture
Ministry of Higher Education, Vocational Training, Science & Technology
First National Development Plan (Republic of Namibia, 1995)
South West African People's Organisation
The University Centre for Studies in Namibia
University of Namibia
United Nations Educational, Scientific and Cultural Organisation
United Nations Institute for Namibia
'Development' is a term that excites passions and provokes debate throughout
the world, and perhaps nowhere more so than in the countries of sub-Saharan Africa;
Namibia - Africa's 'last colony' before gaining independence in 1990 - is no
exception. Everyone, it seems -government official, administrator, civil servant,
business leader, expatriate 'development' worker, professor, student, ordinary woman
or man on the street -has his or her own notion of what 'development' means (or
should mean), both in Namibia and more generally. In the government's First
National Development Plan (NDPI), for example, development is defined in the
widest possible sense, from the diversification, expansion and restructuring of the
economy, to the promotion of sport, complete with targets in each area (Republic of
Namibia, 1995: 41 -2). The Ministry of Education and Culture (MEC), on the other
hand, speaks of achieving the broad ideals of 'access, equity, quality, and democracy'
in order to ensure that the education system contributes effectively to economic
growth and 'quality of life' (MEC. 1993: 18). Elsewhere. the emphasis is on the
development of science and technology (Mshigeni et al, 1995), the fostering of
national unity, or the promotion of a literary and arts culture (O'Callaghan, 1977:
159). all of which were neglected in Namibia during the colonial period.
Whatever the particular definition, though, of what in Namibia is usually
called 'national development', it is deemed essential for the country's future
prosperity. Indeed, the necessity of achieving national development is explicitly
expressed in the numerous policy documents, mission statements, annual reports, and
development plans produced by the Namibian government and leading national
institutions in the seven years since independence.
In order to understand what development means in this context, it is essential
to discover the actors involved in the formulation and implementation of a vision of
national development. As such, the following questions must be asked:
Who participates in and controls the debate that leads to a vision of national development? And what are the fundamental characteristics of their particular vision of what development should mean?
What are the consequences of this vision for policy making? In other words, what are the tangible results of the vision to be?
What institutions are seen as important to achieving the goal of national development?
Within these institutions, who is responsible for the implementution of the vision?
As in other African countries, the University of Namibia (UNAM) is expected
to play a leading developmental role; furthermore, UNAM is committed to playing
such a role. This commitment is reflected in the motto of the University - 'education.
service, development', - and in its Mission Statement (see Appendix 11). The vision
set forth there has in turn informed many tangible changes in the University's
structure and curricuium since it was founded in its current form in 1992. In some
ways, these changes reflect UNAM's status as a 'Development University', a concept
I which in Africa had its origins in the 1960s and 1970s. the post-independence period
I for many African countries, but at which time Namibia was still under the control of
an illegal South African apartheid regime, and did not have a single higher education
institution of its own. Since that time, much has changed, both in Namibia, and in the
African higher education sector. However, the idea has persisted that the activities of
African universities - teaching, research, and consultancy, among others - must be
directly relevant to development needs
In many ways then, UNAM's developmental function continues to be defined
! and redefined, both within the domestic context, and as part of the broader trend
toward redefining the role of African universities in development. Indeed, the debate
about higher education, the role the sector is to play in national development, and the
proper sphere of activity for individual institutions, is still very much in progress in
Namibia. The current debate will lead to the publication of a White Paper on higher
education in late 1997 or early 1998 by the recently founded Ministry of Higher
Education, Vocational Training, Science and Technology (MHEVTST).
This dissertation is the product of, first, an exploration of the history of the
concept of the Develppment University in Africa, and second, analysis of documents
and a series of interviews in Namibia. In the five chapters to follow, I will do the
following:
situate the University of Namibia's commitment to national development within the Development University tradition, as well as within the context of Namibia's unique domestic educational history and present climate;
describe and analyse the formulation and implementation of the vision for UNAM's role in national development to date, highlighting successes and pointing out shortcomings and problems;
and finally, raise issues which have not been adequately addressed thus far in the debate about higher education and national development in Namibia
Methodology
As mentioned above, the research for this dissertation was carried out in three
stages:
Pre-departure review of literature;
'Fieldwork component'
Post-fieldwork analysis and distillation of documents and interview data
Review of literature
There is a substantial body of literature concerned, directly and indirectly,
with the concept o f the Development University in Africa. A large proportion of this
literature dates from the 1960s and early 1970s, although the concept survived into the
1980s and, with important modifications still exists today. Indeed, African scholars
and Western consultants alike have used the term as recently as 1996 (Ajayi et. al.,
1996: 199; Coleman and Court, 1993: 295). A review o f this literature was
undertaken, leading to an essay entitled 'Degrees o f relevance: Africa and the
Development University' (White, 1997a). which argued for an alternative perspective
to the World Bank's focus on the financial, rather than the qualitative, crisis in
African universities (World Bank, 1994).
A second, though smaller, body o f literature was also reviewed. This led to an
essay entitled 'Education for Namibians: a balance sheet' (White, 1997b), the subject
o f which was the history o f the Namibian education system under German and South
African control, as well as the international education opportunities for Namibians in
exile during the colonial period.
The relevant references for these two bodies of literature may be found in the
bibliography.
Fieldwork Component
The purpose of the fieldwork component of this project was twofold: first, to
gather information regarding the ways in which UNAM's commitment to national
development are carried out in practice; a second, more qualitative goal, was to get a
sense of the attitudes of UNAM's staff toward the commitment to development.
The interviews and document collection took place during a four-week visit to
Namibia, from 8 June to 4 July 1997. Table I on the following page indicates the
scope of the interviews conducted. These include at least one representative from
each UNAM Faculty, as well as key figures from the University administration and
MHEVTST.
The interviews with academic staff at UNAM were semi-structured, with
similar questions being asked across the same range of issues.' The interview format
was chosen because, as Vale (1997: 9-10) points out:
The interview method is the most direct way of obtaining data about the respondent's views or experiences ...[ and the] interview can give a deeper knowledge of attitudes as it allows us to probe, to follow-up and to check our perceptions with the interviewee in a way that other methods, particularly the questionnaire, cannot.
The interviews were conducted either individually or in pairs, in every case but one in
the office of the interviewee (or one of the interviewees)'; in the case of pairs, both
interviewees were from the same faculty or directorate. Interviewees were told about
the exact nature of the project (i.e., that their interview was to contribute to a
dissertation in fulfilment of the requirements for a Master's degree in African studies,
and that the subject of the dissertation was the 'commitment of the University of
Namibia to National Development'). The interviews ranged in duration from thirty
minutes to two hours.
The issues addressed in the interviews were as follows:
Relevance to national development needs in curriculum
Research and consultancy
Extension projects
Government-University links
Inter-university co-operation
Placement of graduates
These issues were chosen on the basis of the goals set forth in UNAM's First Five
Year Development Plan (Mshigeni et al, 1995). as well as the ways in which
' Because this was not a 'formal' research project, detailed discussion and comparison of the various social science research techniques will not be undertaken. To ignore it completely, however, would seem irresponsible; hence the brief discussion here.
The one exception to this was the interview with the dean of the Faculty of Law. which took place in a local restaurant.
universities have been expected to contribute to development in other countries (see,
e.g., Coleman and Court, 1993). Several individuals were also singled out to provide
information on a specific issue; an example is UNAM's Pro vice-chancellor for
Administration and Finance, from whom I sought information about the proposed
funding formula for higher education. These interviews were also semi-structured,
and conformed to the criteria set out above.
A number of informal discussions also contributed invaluably to my
understanding of the issues at hand. Additionally, a wealth of material concerning
UNAM's role in national development and within the higher education sector
generally has been produced since independence by UNAM, the MEC, the
MHEVTST, and outside consultants. The most relevant of these documents, which
may be found in the bibliography, were reviewed.
A Personal Note
As noted above, the formulation of a vision for national development is a
continuously developing and ongoing process. Similarly, a university is a dynamic
institution characterised by the same individual and group relationships found in any
large organisation. To enter such an institution for a four-week period and come
away with a complete understanding of its commitment to a concept as broad as
national development would be an impossible task, and I do not claim to have such an
understanding. On the other hand, an outside researcher can often offer a perspective
not readily apparent to those entrenched in the system. Thus while the original
purpose of my visit to Namibia was to allow me to see a 'Development University in
practicelin the making', I have since come to see the process through which UNAM is
currently going as much less straightforward than that. This dissertation is the
product of that new understanding, and I hope it might be of value to those involved
in current debate on higher education in Namibia.
DeatdDirector Interviewed
Yes
Yes
Yes
Yes
Yes
Yes
Yes
Yes
Number Interviewed
2
2
1
1
2
1
1
1
(I)*
1
1
1
2
1
17
in total)
I~tifution: Faeulrv, Centre, etc...
University of Namibia:
Centre for External Studies
- Faculty of Agriculture and Natural Resources
- Faculty of Economics and Management Science
- Faculty of Education
- Faculty of Humanities and Social Sciences
- Faculty of Law
- Faculty of Medical and Health Sciences
- Faculty of Science
Justice Training Centre
Pro Vice-Chancellor (Adrnin & Finance)
Regstrar (Acting)
Vice-chancellor
Ministry of Higher Education, Vocational Training, Science and Technology (MHEVTST):
Directorate of Senior SecondaryIHigher Education and Human Resource Development Planning
Directorate of Vocational Education and Training
Total
* Duplicate from Faculty of Law
gat ion
WindhoeW Oshakati Windhoek
Windhoek
Windhoek
Windhoek
Windhoek
Oshakati
Windhoek
Windhoek
Windhoek
Windhoek
Windhoek
Windhoek
Windhoek
(not included
Furthermore, within any dynamic system there are tensions and personal
sensitivities about which an outsider must be aware. The great majority of people
whom I interviewed at in Namibia were frank and open in sharing information and
their attitudes with me; this candour was greatly appreciated. In order not to betray
that openness, I will not use any personal names here; nor will I use titles that might
identify an individual in cases in which to do so would betray a confidence.
An Overview The dissertation is divided into the following five chapters:
Chapter One
The first chapter will deal with the notion of the Development University, first
looking at the origin of the concept, then moving on to the ways in which universities
have been expected to contribute to development in Africa and the problems
associated with those expectations. Although the Development University tradition
has at least three antecedents - the land-grant university tradition in the United States;
the role of the first national Japanese university in the modernisation of the late
nineteenth century; and the Soviet Union's use of universities, both for manpower
requirements and for socialisation - only the African tradition will be treated here.
Finally, a new perspective on developmentalism within African universities will be
suggested, within which the traditional notions of relevance, autonomy, and academic
freedom must be re-examined.
Chapter Two
Namibia will be situated within the context set forth in Chapter One.
Although in many ways Namibia resembles other African countries in its experience
of and need for university education, it is also unique in several ways. These include
a longer than average period of colonial rule, and the particularly repressive nature of
the period; a very small and geographically uneven population, including a relatively
high percentage of whites; a lingering South African influence, both economically and
in less visible ways like the high proportion of Namibians still being educated in
South Africa; and the absence of a large-scale World Bank programme in the country,
among others.
Because part of UNAM's commitment to national development includes a
commitment to learn from the experience of other countries, the ways in which
Namibia does and does not resemble her neighbours hold important lessons for the
path UNAM will (and should) follow.
Chapter Three
This chapter and the next will be the products of the Namibian research. This
chapter will examine the formulation of the 'vision' of UNAM's role in national
development. Although the dissertation is not directly concerned with defining the
ambiguous, and therefore problematic, term 'development', it will be necessary to
address the issue in this chapter, if for no other reason than to point out what the term
does and does not mean in the Namibian context. Primarily, however, this chapter
will trace the vision through four documents: the 1991 Report of the Presidential
Commission on Higher Education (Turner, 1991). 1993's Toward Educutiorl for A11
(MEC, 1993) - a 'Development Brief which followed the 1990 World Conference on
Education for All, UNAM's Five Yeur Development Plan for 1995-1999 (Mshigeni et
al, 1995), and a draft of the forthcoming white paper on higher education
(MHEVTST, 1997).
Furthermore, a model will be proposed, describing the three-part process of
consensus building, decision making, and administration involved in the formulation
and implementation of the vision. The 'trickle-down' effect described in the model
serves to explain in part the discrepancy between the eloquently stated vision and
what is actually happening in the ordinary university activities of teaching and
research.
Chapter Four
This chapter will be concerned with the practical implications of UNAM's
commitment to national development. In particular, the focus will be on UNAM's
development goals, on the new and restructured Agriculture and Science Faculties,
and on UNAM's two major outreach projects - the Centre for External Studies and
the Northern Project. It is also in this chapter that the 'hard data' on student enrolment
trends and projections, and staff development (presented in Appendix 1V) will be
considered.
Chapter Five
The final chapter will analyse the picture presented in Chapters Three and
Four, within the context laid out in the first two chapters. As noted above, it was
suggested in the course of my research that this dissertation could be a useful
contribution to the debate on higher education in Namibia, which is still very much in
progress. In this chapter, 1 will attempt to make such a contribution in two ways: first,
relevant concerns expressed by UNAM staff in interviews will be discussed; and
second, in making some recommendations, 1 will draw on the new perspective on
university developmentalism presented in the first chapter.
CHAFI'ER ONE
'Can Africa afford, for the time being, universities at all - in the academics' sense of an institution committed, at least in part, to the pursuit of learning for its own sake?'
- Peter Marris, 1967: 7
Introduction
In the 1990s, it is said, there is a 'crisis' in higher education throughout the
world, and this crisis is thought to be particularly acute in African universities. The
World Bank, in its 1994 report Higher Education: The Lessons oj'Exprrience, defines
the crisis largely as a financial one. Although it is certainly the case that many
universities - and particularly those in Africa - do indeed face a financial crisis, the
problems facing the higher education sector in Africa cannot be expressed, explained,
or solved simply in terms of finance. Rather, the deeply rooted problems found at
many African universities - and most specifically the crisis in quality -stem from the
tensions inherent in the contradiction between the expectations placed upon
universities by certain constituencies, both inside and outside the university
community itself. Universities are expected to be relevant to specific national
development needs, and to concurrently achieve the international standards of
excellence characterising the traditional conception of the university as a 'centre of
academic learning' (Lauglo, 1984: 78-9). Significantly, these standards of excellence
continue to define universities in the popular imagination, and do in fact characterise
some northern universities, particularly the ones on which most African universities
were modelled. The parallel expectations have their origin in the post-independence
period of the 1960s and 1970s. and although approaches to higher education policy
and participants in the debate have changed over the past thirty years, the insistence
that the activities of African universities be directly relevant to development has
remained. A new perspective, therefore, is needed: a perspective from which
relevance is not seen as inimical to quality; from which autonomy is not synonymous
with the 'ivory tower'; from which the traditional, 'ordinary' university activities of
teaching and research are not neglected, but are rather seen as the keys to a
university's contribution to development. In this chapter then, we will begin by
looking at the origin of the Development University in Africa, then move on to a brief
presentation of the salient features of the current crisis, before finally raising a number
of key issues which have yet to be adequately discussed or resolved in African
universities
At the outset, it is important to note the diversity of universities in Africa.
UNAM is an African university, but it is no more or less representative of 'the
African University' than the University of Edinburgh is of 'the European University'
or Stanford of 'the North American University'. In fact, as Coombe (I991 : 7) points
out,
Phrases like 'the African university' are wide o f the mark. Diversity reigns in the African university community, as i n African political economies, and what is needed are complex rather than unitary models o f African university systems and their roles in the rehahilitation, reconstruction and development of their communities, countries and region.
With that in mind, it is nevertheless the case that many African universities share
similar features, and face similar problems, because of their colonial origins and the
similar demands made on them. What is proposed here is not a 'unitary model', but
rather a call for a rethinking of some of the fundamental issues concerning higher
education policy, and particularly universities. in many African countries.
The Colonial Model and the Development University
In the interest of brevity, a detailed history of the Development University, its
antecedents and variations, cannot be undertaken here. It must suffice to say, then,
that the Development University, in its hypothetical, 'pure' form, differs in every
important way from the English model that was exported from the imperial centre to
its African colonies during the colonial period and just after their independence.3
Ashby (1964: 5-6) defines three essential characteristics of the English universities of
the 1 960s:
( i ) they are all self-governing corporations, jealously guarding their autonomy;
( i i ) they all aspire to grant degrees o f similar standard on curricula o f similar content
--
' The francophone and lusophone traditions, although sharing some characteristics with the British system, also exhihit important differences with regard to government-university relationships, university governance, admissions policies. etcetera. Because UNAM is, via South Africa, part of the Br~t ish inheritance, i t is with that system that we are most concerned here.
(i i i) they all make similar assumptions about the function o f higher education in British s t ~ i e t y
The assumptions referred to in the third of these characteristics have essentially to do
with the elite nature of university education in 1960s Britain and the assumption that
universities are not only responsible for the dissemination of knowledge, but also for a
sort of moral education - the creation of 'men of character' (Ashby 1964: 9-12) in the
gendered language of the 1960s.
Among the leading advocates of a radical shift away from such a model was
Tanzania's President Nyerere. At the inauguration of the University of East Africa, of
which he was the first chancellor, Nyerere expressed his vision for the new
University:
IT]he University has not been established purely for prestige purposes. I t has a very definite role to play in development in this area, and to do this effectively, i t must be in. and of, the community i t has been established to serve ... East Africa cannot spend millions o f pounds, cannot beg and borrow for the University, unless i t plays a full and active part in the urgent tasks of East Africa. Even i f i t were desirable, we are t m poor in money and educated man-power to support an ivory tower existence for an intellectunl Clite (Nyerere. 1964: 310).
Three years later, in 1967, Nyerere expanded this vision in 'Education for self-
reliance', in which he put forth a narrowly utilitarian view of all post-primary
education in Tanzania.
Nyerere's sentiments were echoed at the 1972 Workshop of the Association of
African Universities (AAU), the subject of which was 'Creating the African
University'. This Workshop effectively marked the beginning of the Development
University era, in many ways '[setting] the agenda for African universities in
following two decades' (Ajayi et. al, 1996: 112). The picture painted by the
participants in the AAU Workshop is a familiar one. In his Report on the Workshop,
Yesufu (1973: 42) argues that,
lT]he emergcnt African university must, henceforth, be much more than an institution for teaching, research and dissemination of higher learning. I t n~ust be accountable to. and serve, the vast majority of thc people who live i n rural areas.
Here, the traditional conceptions of research and dissemination of knowledge are
turned on their heads, with the claim that in Africa these must be 'practical',
'fundamental', and 'applied'. Furthermore, Yesufu (1973:42-4) adds 'provision of
intellectual leadership', 'manpower development', 'promoting social and economic
modernization', and 'promoting inter-continental and international understanding' to
the more traditional functions of the university. In contrast to the metropolitan model,
then, the Development University starts from the needs of society, usually as defined
by the state.
In some cases, this has meant that many of the academic staff in African
universities have come to conceive of their role very differently than do their
governments, or indeed than do their students. Although the interests of government
and society concerning universities are quite different, both of their interests may
clash at some point with those of many academics:
Though government sees the university primarily as an investment for the nation, and the student sees it as an investment for himself and his family, they are hoth judging its value by the profitable skills it trains (Marris. 1967: 6).
Academics, because of their extensive educational background, are accustomed to
feeling part of an international body of scholars, bound together, not by national
borders, but by the pursuit of knowledge. Many, therefore, 'resent the students'
career mindedness and government's preoccupation with useful manpower as
insensitivity to the meaning of scholarship' (Marris, 1967: 6).
In the face of the rhetoric, expectations and conflicting ideologies however,
the question remains as to whether any significant changes were brought about in
universities themselves as a result of the new ways in which their role was
understood. The case of the University of Dar es Salaam in Tanzania will be
instructive here. Conceived as a 'transplant' of the University of London in 1961, it
merged with Makerere and Nairobi (in Uganda and Kenya respectively) in 1963 to
form the University of East Africa. In these early years, the University College in Dar
es Salaam was staffed largely by expatriates, and both the structure and the
curriculum closely resembled that of the metropolitan universities. However, as the
vision of Tanzania's new socialist regime under Nyerere became more focused
through The Arusha Declaration, 'Education for Self-Reliance', and other policy
directives, the University had to respond. Although the process of change may have
begun at a conference held soon after the issuing of The Arusha Declaration in 1967,
the most visible changes took place after the University College was transformed into
the national University of Dar es Salaam in 1970.
Kimambo (1984: 62-69) divides the reshaping of the University of Dar es
Salaam after 1970 into structural (or administrative) and academic changes. On the
structural side, a more decentralised administration, a governing council which
included representatives from all stakeholders (including students, workers,
Parliament, etc.), and significant input from students, are all said to differentiate the
University of Dar es Salaam from the colonial model. The significant changes on the
academic side included:
Curriculum review, leading to the introduction of 'a common course which would make all students aware of the developmental needs of the country' (Kimambo, 1984: 66). This course was the seed for the Institute of Development Studies which was introduced in 1973. Further changes included the reorganisation of courses in the Faculty of Arts and Social Sciences, the Faculty of Science, and the Agriculture programme, all of which were designed to produce the 'right' kind of students, as determined by estimates of national manpower needs.
'Applied research' -The attempt to produce research relevant to national needs took two forms: the definition of a university-wide research strategy and the creation of speciulised research institutions. Kimambo (1984: 68) indicates that the first of these was difficult to achieve, particularly in the absence of a well-defined national research strategy. The research institutes - specifically the Economic Research Bureau and the Bureau of Resources Assessment and Land Use Planning (BRALUP) - may have been more effective because of their clearly defined missions to 'do urgently needed developmental research projects required by Government ministries and parastatal organisations' (Kimambo, 1984: 68).
Finally, staff development and a decreased reliance on expatriate staff was deemed essential if the University was to contribute to national development. That university staff be sympathetic to the goals and principles of socialist Tanzania was seen as particularly important.
A further significant reform followed the Musoma Resolution of 1974. The
abolition of direct entry meant that students leaving secondary schools had to work
for a minimum of two years before entering university. Although some have seen the
changes instituted at the University of Dar es Salaam in the 1970s as progress, it
would be overstating the case to declare the transformation process a success. The
Musotnu Resolution itself was issued in 1974 because the government was unhappy
with the implementation of 'Education for Self-Reliance'. Later, the University failed
to reach its staff development goals in 1980, and was further forced to abandon the
delayed entry programme for science subjects, and for women in all disciplines
(Kimambo, 1984: 70).
The University of Dar es Salaam should be recognised as what it is: one
university in Africa, within a specific political, economic and social context. Keeping
in mind the diversity among countries and institutions however, the Tanzanian
experience does seem to reflect that of other countries, and particularly that of the
former British colonies. The establishment of national universities in the 1970s. the
near obsession with manpower planning, and the general tightening of government
control over higher education4 led to increased expectations of that which universities
could and should achieve in terms of relevance (Ajayi et. al., 1996: 113). Looking
back at the Rockefeller Foundation's University Development Programme in Africa,
Coleman and Court (1993: 299) point out the four main ways in which universities
involved in the programme have attempted to, as they put it, 'enhance social
relevance':
(i) an expanded role in extension work and community service;
( i i ) a more considerable contribution to national policy;
( i i i ) effective fulfilment of manpower planning, particularly with regard to scientific and vocational careers;
(iv) the furtherance of national integration.
Surely these are worthwhile pursuits, and many universities have no doubt made
significant contributions to the improvement of community life, effective policy-
making, the much-needed training of high-level manpower, etc. But in the current
crisis, the ability of many African universities to provide even the minimum levels of
instruction and research is in jeopardy.
The Crisis
Few can doubt that African universities face serious problems in the 1990s.
The most apparent manifestations of the crisis may be divided into two equally
important parts: ( I ) the deteriorating physical facilities in many universities and the
resultant decline in standard of life for students and staff, and (2) the diminished
morale of academic staff.
It is on the first of these that the World Bank's 1994 report is focused. Despite
more than US$5.7 billion in lending to the higher education sector by the World Bank
alone since 1963, of which USS5.I billion has come since 1980 (World Bank 1994:
' There have several mtxlels proposed, which attempt to characterise the relationship between government and university. In their analysis of government-university relationships in Africa. Asia, and Latin America. Neave and van Vught (1994) distinguish hetween the 'state control' and 'state supervision' mcdels, the former characterised by a far lesser degree of university autonomy than the latter. In the four African case studies in the hook (Ghana. Kenya. Tanzania, and Uganda). the relationships are all defined either as 'state control' or as just recently having hegun a transition away liom such a model (Uganda).
79), universities still face 'overcrowding, deteriorating physical facilities, and lack of
resources for nonsalary expenditures such as textbooks, educational materials,
laboratory consumabies, and maintenance' (World Bank 1994: 2). Clearly, the
improvement of the conditions described here must be a priority; indeed, the appalling
conditions in which many African students live are a threat to their physical and
mental health, to say nothing of the difficulties of learning in such an environment.
Second, the morale of African academics is described in many places as
having hit rock bottom. As Coombe (1991: 3) points out in a report to two leading
donors to higher education, despite the inconceivably low (to northern academics)
salaries at many African universities, the most common complaints from staff are not
about pay, but about 'their inability to do the job they are trained to do, hired to do
and want to do.' 'Of all the casualties of the years of austerity in the African
universities,' he says, 'the damage to morale is the most serious.' The most obvious
consequence of the darnage to morale is the inability of universities to retain staff.
But those staff who do stay suffer not only from the knowledge that their colleagues
have abandoned them for greener pastures, but also that they themselves are unlikely
either to advance in their field or to be rewarded for their loyalty to their institution
and to their country.
In the face of unavailable or inadequate facilities, desperate living conditions,
and rock bottom morale, the fact that so many universities continue to provide
education and service must be seen as remarkable in itself. Despite problems,
universities remain a valuable and valued African resource. On this point too,
Coornbe ( 199 1 : I) comments perceptively:
Despite the hrains that have drained out of them over the years, and compromises they have heen compelled to make with their own standards, the universities remain great national storehouses of trained, informed, inquiring and critical intellects, and the indispensable means of replenishing national talent. They have considerable reserves of leadership and commitment on which to draw. Impoverished, frustrated, dilapidated and overcrowded as they may he, they have no substitutes.
It would be overly optimistic, however, to assume that the universities will continue
indefinitely to overcome or push aside every obstacle, financial or otherwise, placed
in their path. The resuscitation of these valuable resources and the repayment of the
human cost over the years of decline will require nothing less than a full
reconsideration of the appropriate functions of universities in Africa.
A New Approach to 'Developmentalism'
The Challenge
It seems clear that, despite the active and continuous debate about African
universities dating from the 1960s, fundamental problems have yet to be resolved, and
to return again to my original point, this cannot be seen solely, or even primarily, as
the result of a lack, or mismanagement, of financing. Rather, as three leading African
educationists have recently pointed out, most of the fundamental issues raised in the
debate of the 1960s and '70s on the developmental role of universities have yet to be
resolved (Ajayi et al 1996: 200).
In part, these fundamental issues - and particularly the fundamental issue of
how universities can best contribute to development and even whether or not they
should do so at all - have not been satisfactorily resolved because the arguments on
both sides of the debate are so compelling. Indeed, it seems clear that:
lagically and morally i t is difficult to challenge the proposition that such an extraordinarily high-cost structure, emhracing and concentrating most of the scientific and intellectual resources of the country, should he made maximally relevant to the practical problems of development (Coleman 1984: 84)
However, the case for African universities as 'centres of academic excellence' seems
equally incontrovertible:
Africa - perhaps more than other places - also needs institutions for 'unapplied' teaching, learning, reflection and research. l3is is hecause of the powerful and continuing sense of technological, intellectual and cultural dependence upon the West and the consequent need to think out its own course and model of development (Court 1995: 1 1 1).
Surely, a new approach to developmentalism must begin with the goal of reconciling
these differing - though, in my view, not incompatible -perspectives.
Perhaps the greatest difference between the African university community and
its northern observers is that, as a senior faculty member at UNAM points out, the
latter do not have to live with the consequences of their recommendations. This often
translates into long-term proposals, which are perhaps well founded, but of little help
to those involved in the immediate situation. And as African leaders have always
been quick to remind us (Nyerere 1964: 310). although the long run is important,
there is also the present to consider. In responding to the call to be more
developmental, however, many universities have become the victims of their own
noble intentions, sacrificing quality for relevance, because they have failed to
adequately address the issues involved in such a shift. The result has been that that
universities' contributions to development have not been constant, systematic, or
efficient, but haphazard and sporadic.
The message is clear: a permanent, yet flexible, solution is needed; but long-
term planning must not preclude immediate action.
The New Approach
As noted, the first step in a new approach to 'developmentalism' must be to
address unresolved issues affecting universities and the abolition of the perceived
trade-off between international standards of quality on the one hand, and relevance on
the other. The fundamental issues that must be addressed are as follows:
autonomy, accountability, and academic freedom
'Development' as an appropriate mission for African universities
the designation of certain subjects as inherently 'developmental'
institution building as 'development'
Although I will return to these issues in the final chapter, they are briefly discussed
here in order that they may be kept in mind in the Namibian case study.
Autonomv, Accountabilitv and Academic Freedom
Much has been written about the twin concepts of autonomy and academic
freedom in recent years. Autonomy 'protects the corporate rights of self-regulation
which the state confers upon the university as an institution in the law setting it up',
while academic freedom 'refers to the immunities which the university teacher as a
professional needs to enjoy in order to function effectively' (Ajayi et al, 1996: 167).
The prevailing sense out of Africa seems to be that, although autonomy and academic
freedom are essential to the effective functioning of universities - including both
academic and administrative functions - they are only viable when paired with
accountability (Mamdani, 1993; Ajayi et al, 1996). The question 'accountability to
whom?' yields a virtual shopping list of responses: to the rural population, to the
market, to the private sector, to the state, to donors, to 'national needs', to students, to
'stakeholders'. In most cases, however, because it is the state that is the major or sole
source of funds to universities in the vast majority of African countries, it is to the
state - and, via the state, to the community at large - to which universities are
expected to be accountable.
I t is indeed difficult to question the logic that, where nearly all university
funding comes from a particular source, the university must be accountable to and
serve the needs o f that source. This is particularly true in Africa, where
proportionally, universities demand more state resources than in other places. I n such
a case, it is clear that '[alutonomy can, therefore, not connote independence o f the
state and is best understood in the spirit o f partnership with the state' (Ajayi et al,
1996: 167). Equally, however, the state must recognise that, although the university
is a powerful resource, it can function best with less, rather than more direct
intervention by the state. The partnership o f autonomy must be a true partnership,
between equals. I n this regard, the World Bank (1994) is quite right to recommend
diversification o f funding, because even a small degree o f externally funded
programmes can give a university that sense o f independence vital t o a healthy
relationship with government. Similarly, although academic freedom must be
guarded within appropriate limits, it cannot mean that academic staff are free to do
whatever they choose. I t must not be seen as either a 'licence for incompetence' or a
'protection from quality control' (de Moor, 1993 cit. Ajayi et al, 1996: 168).
Which 'Development'? The Mission Reconsidered
As noted in the Introduction, 'development' is a term which is not easily
defined. This chapter has focused on the problems created when universities and their
communities fail to define the mission beyond citing the importance o f 'serving o f
national development needs' o r similar vague language. Thus, although contributing
to 'development' may not, in one situation, be too broad a goal for universities to
achieve, because o f the varying definitions o f the term across countries, institutions,
and even individuals, the term is often effectively useless. I t is essential therefore, for
universities to embark upon an explicit redefinition o f their missions. J F A Ajayi, L
H Goma, and G Ampah Johnson (1996: 189-90). three senior and distinguished
academics, all with extensive experience of African universities, point out that
universities must not continue to equate their missions with that o f the state, but must
recognise that their area o f specialisation is higher education. They go on to urge that
the emphasis in African universities now be put on three key elements: qualify,
creativity, and relevance.
The key to their recommendation, of course, is not simply pointing out that
these are important goals, but in offering new definitions of them. Qualify must be
pursued at all levels of the university, by students, teachers and administrators, who
'must aim at the highest level they are capable of; they must not be afraid of the
elitism of merit.' Creativify must be in evidence in all university activities - research,
training, thinking, problem solving - and is defined as 'an aspect of quality that goes
beyond the established routine, to get at the solution that truly works.' Perhaps most
significantly, relevance must be measured 'not by how much the teacher and the
student share in the life of the village, but how much their ideas, the knowledge and
skills they produce, can transform the life of the village' (Ajayi et al, 1996: 190).
As opposed to the vague notion of 'development' then, these three goals (or
suitable variants in differing circumstances) provide a concrete starting point from
which African universities can construct a revised vision of their missions.
Developmental Subiects?
In the formulation of higher education policy, it has become quite usual to
define certain subjects as more inherently 'developmental' than others. In Namibia as
elsewhere the subjects most often identified as developmental per se are those in the
scientific disciplines. However, as King (1985: 14) points out, the ordinary teaching
of science subjects in universities is unlikely to be any more relevant to development
than that of other subjects. In fact, at undergraduate level, students are much more
likely to face development issues in humanities and social science courses than in the
hard sciences. Furthermore:
[Thel developmental applications of science and technology are dependent on post- university government policy decisions .... Apart therefore from the institutional or laculty development of science at the university itself, the development role of science will be conditional upon the science and technology policy of the stale, as will a developmental role for the social sciences .... Most universities have their work cut out in communicating effectively a rapidly changing corpus of knowledge in ways that make students reflective and critical about developments in literature or science (King 1985: 14-5).
It seems that many higher education policy makers assume that creating a faculty of
science, agriculture or medicine, or an increase in funding to an existing faculty (at
the expense of some other programme) will translate directly into applied science,
improvements in local farming skills and techniques, or great strides in community
medicine. This is simply not the case, and those espousing this 'Development
University fallacy' are just as wrong today as the proponents of the 'Vocational
School fallacy' (Foster, 1963) were over three decades ago. This is a key issue for the
current debate in Namibia, and we will return to it in the following chapters.
Institution Buildina as Develooment
Often forgotten in the rush to exploit the developmental possibilities of
African universities is the essential first stage - that of nurturing the university as an
autonomous, high quality and high-capacity institution of higher learning.
Commentators have long recognised the necessity of the two-stage approach to social
relevance: 'The long road to education for development passes through the
development of educational institutions. No one has yet found a short cut or detour'
(Thompson 1971: 403 cit. Coleman and Court 1993: 306). Institution building itself
can take many forms - indeed, entire volumes have been written on the subject -but
among the essential activities involved in such a process for universities are: the
development of local staff; the divestiture of colonial legacy in the form of curriculum
reforms and restructuring of the administration; and provision of effective teaching
and promotion of research (Coleman and Court 1993: 307). And although many
universities continue to face problems in one or more of these areas, the very fact of
their continued existence and the maintenance of a degree of public legitimacy in the
face of unstable and sometimes violent political climates and the crisis described
above may be seen as a triumph in many cases. Any social relevance achieved in
such institutions a mere thirty five years (and in some cases, far less) after their
creation must be seen in this context as mere icing on a hot-out-of-the-oven and as yet
unsettled cake.
There is, it seems, also a historical precedent for this two-stage process of
development. Although the land-grant college tradition of the United States has not
figured in this discussion, it is often cited as an appropriate model for African
universities and offered as proof of the possibility of universities (or colleges)
contributing effectively to national development. However, as Johnson (1981: 341
cit. Coleman and Court 1993: 306) points out, the effective contribution of the land-
grant colleges to development did not begin until more than fifty years after they were
established:
The colleges' own development had to precede their impact on national development. That is an oversight often found among admirers in the developing countries who are looking for importable ready-made lime-defying insmmenls of progress.
Because of the necessity of developing universities as institutions before expecting
them to contribute to national development, one of the major donors to higher
education in developing countries - the Rockefeller Foundation - has been guided by
the belief that institution building is a worthwhile goal in and of itself, and must be
accorded the highest priority (Coleman and Court, 1993). Unfortunately, many
governments, and some academics, have not seen things this way, and continue to
insist on immediate returns from - it must be said - a substantial investment.
All of this is not to say, of course, that nothing in the way of relevance can be
accomplished now, or that nothing should be accomplished now. Indeed, there is no
reason why, as research is being encouraged, that research cannot or should not be
relevant to national needs. But to return to the point made earlier, African universities
will best serve their communities in both the short and long ternls by focusing clearly
on what they do best -the provision of challenging, stimulating teaching, and
competent and thorough research, neither of which can be achieved without effective
institution building. Because of ;he University of Namibia is still only in the fifth
year of its present incarnation, this is a particularly important point to keep in mind
when examining UNAM's commitment to national development.
In the second chapter we will look at Namibia's unique characteristics, which
determine the ways in which UNAM does and does not fit into the Development
University tradition.
CHAITER TWO
UNAM IN THE AFRICAN CONTEXT
Between the time of Namibian independence in 19905, and 1993, when
UNAM was officially founded, there was a period of transition, during which time the
'university component' of the apartheid-era Academy for Tertiary Education was
transformed into the national University of Namibia. Referring to the former
institution, an observer of the transition notes:
It is an 'open secret' that at the time the academic creature was horn prematurely and apparently paranoid, of poor apartheid parentage in 1980, it was suspected ... to have k e n hrought forth as a hastard and rival institution to the then already four-year-old Lusaka-hased United Nations Institute for Namibia (UNIN) .... Against the hackground of a backward 'old era' there emerged a growing feeling that the old institution was not adequately equipped to effectively deal with the overall higher educational needs of independent Namibia (Forsythe. 1992).
Closer examination of this brief observation will reveal that contained within it are the
essential aspects of Namibia's unique political, cultural and educational history which
both connect and distinguish the country from her African neighbours. In particular,
the protracted and repressive period of colonial rule by the illegal South African
apartheid regime has had severe and lasting consequences, which necessitate specific
remedies, and which distinguish Namibia from her African neighbours from the
perspective of higher education. Equally relevant to the current situation, however, are
the educational institutions and initiatives - of which UNIN is one example - built and
undertaken by SWAP0 (the current ruling party) with the support of the international
community during the colonial period. The recognition of these realities is essential
given the vice-chancellor's and others' (see, e.g. Dodds, 1996) explicit commitment to
learn from the experience of other countries in the region as part of their commitment
to institution building at UNAM, and indeed as part of their larger commitment to
national development.
This purpose of this chapter then, is to examine the brief history of higher
education in Namibia, with specific reference to the inheritance of the Academy, and
' In 1989, following more than 100 years of colonial rule - first by Germany until 1920, and then by South Africa - Namibia (formerly known by its colonisers as South West Africa) came under a transitional United Nations administration, which was in place until elections were held in the following year. On 21 March 1990, Namihia became a sovereign republic.
to highlight those aspects of Namibia's political, cultural, and demographic realities
with specific ramifications for higher education, and UNAM in particular. The
purpose in doing so is twofold: first, to point out those areas where UNAM fits into
the context described in Chapter One, and can therefore benefit from the experience of
other African universities; and second, to underline the uniqueness of Namibia's higher
educational needs in many spheres, and the consequent need for UNAM to find its
own path in such areas. More specific comparison between the current state of
UNAM's financial, structural, and human resources and the more general situation
described in the previous chapter will also be made.
Legacies of the Apartheid Era
Because of the pervasive and complex nature of the apartheid system of rule in
Namibia, it is often neither possible nor desirable to make clear distinctions with
regard to the debilitating effects the colonial period had on the country. For the
purposes of this chapter, however, it will be useful (and, I think, possible) to
distinguish between those aspects of the colonial experience specific to higher
education, and those more general factors which, although they may fall outside the
specific realm of higher education, are nevertheless crucial to an understanding of that
which Namibia needs and expects of its university.
General legacies
As we are often reminded in policy documents and UNAM publications, the
University does not operate in a vacuum, but as part of the larger Namibian education
system. There are two principal reasons for this: first, the outputs of the school
system (graduating pupils) are received as input (incoming students) by UNAM;
second, UNAM is the main source of secondary-level teachers and, with the four
Colleges of Education, major supplier of teacher training in Namibia. This means that
the efficiency and quality of the schools have an impact on the quality of learning at
UNAM and vice-versa. Furthermore, because many current teachers were trained
under the former regime and because many of UNAM's current crop of students
began their education under that regime, the pre-independence schooling options for
Namibians continue to impact upon UNAM today.
For non-white Namibian in the pre-independence period, there were
essentially four pre-tertiary educational paths, two for those remaining in the country,
and two for the thousands of Namibians who fled the country beginning in the early
Domestic
I. State schools - The state schools were dominated by the racist and sexist curriculum of the South African Bantu education syllabus. By the late 980s. the black schools of war-torn northern Namibia had become both physical and ideological battlegrounds, with South African soldiers acting as teachers, and the schools acting as focal points for pro- independence student groups (WUS, 1987). Thus, although both sides reluctantly continued to participate in the school system, it is doubtful that much learning could take place in such an environment (Dept. of National Education, 1987).
2. Domestic alternatives - These consisted primarily of two secondary schools, Martin Luther King High School and the Gibeon School, which did not adopt the official South African syllabus, choosing instead to teach that of Botswana, Lesotho and Swaziland (Ellis, 1984: 40).
International
3. Refugee settlements - As the number of Namibian children in SWAPO's refugee camps in Angola and Zambia increased rapidly in the early 1970s. SWAPO developed its own curriculum, which was taught to school-age children in the camps 'basic education schools'. Despite major shortages of teachers, materials and classrooms, the SWAPO schools provided accessible education of standards 'vastly overshadowing those attained during decades of South African occupation' (Ndiluia, 1988: 401).
4. Secondary/tertiary/university education abroad - By 1984, approximately 5,000 Namibian had pursued post-basic education abroad, either in other African countries, in Europe or North America, or in the secondary schools maintained by SWAPO on the Isle of Youth in Cuba. The desperately low quality of the state schools was revealed as many Namibians educated to secondary level at home were unable to cope with university or even secondary education abroad without remedial or 'bridging' courses (Ellis, 1984: 58).
The implications of this situation for the University of Namibia are clear. First, the
educational background of UNAM's potential students, at independence and for the
foreseeable future until the last vestiges of the old system are erased, will be of
extremely mixed quality, and many of them will be unable to undertake university-
level study without remedial work. Second, with some exceptions, very few
Namibians were able to obtain undergraduate degrees (much less higher
qualifications) during the colonial period; this means that UNAM will have to rely
heavily on expatriate staff.
A second legacy of the apartheid era with implications for UNAM can only be
described as the attempted, and partially successful, eradication of Namibian culture.
In 1977, the authors of a UNESCO study on the effects of apartheid on education and
culture in Namibia noted:
Traditional culture has been broken, first by the onslaught of settlement and occupation. and second by the creation of a fictitious tribalism to holster the structure of the Bantustans. There is no firm base for the development of a modern culture for either blacks or whites (O'Callaghan. 1977: 159).
Efforts have been made since that time to encourage an arts culture in Namibia, and it
seems that these have been particularly successful in the visual arts. Additionally, the
struggle for independence has in some ways been translated into cultural symbols.
However, more than seven years after independence, it is still difficult to find more
than a small handful of novels by Namibian authors, or recordings by Namibian
musicians. Of all the consequences of the apartheid era, the suppression of cultural
life may prove to be the most difficult to reverse.
In this context, 'national development' must mean something significantly
broader than economic development. From this perspective, 'national development'
may, in the first instance, have to be understood literally - developing the diverse and
divided peoples of Namibia into a nation. And in this respect, UNAM's Centre for
Visual and Performing Arts may be of even greater importance to 'national
development' than its faculties of science or agriculture.
A final point to consider is Namibia's unique demography. Map 1 on the
following page reveals the highly uneven nature of Namibia's small population of
approximately 1.8 nlillion. So although Windhoek, in the centre of the country, may
be the administrative capital and, as UNAM's home, the academic centre, the northern
region is home to the majority of Namibia's people. In effect, and as a result of the
uneven development of the apartheid era, the veterinary control checkpoint dividing
the northern regions from the rest of the country - the 'red line' as it is popularly
known - marks the boundary between two worlds. Indeed, it is difficult to believe
ones of NAMIBIA
FAO ,OOq - - 2 SADC md FAOfGIEWS I997b
that southern Namibia, with the wide open spaces of white-owned farms, and the well
paved, tree-lined streets of Windhoek could be found on the same continent - much
less in the same country as the crowded and poverty stricken towns of Owamboland.
The north-south divide clearly facilitated the efforts of the colonial regime to deny
basic social services to the majority non-white population, and inevitably this
situation has persisted to a certain degree since independence. Not surprisingly, the
major population centres of the north also coincide with Namibia's main crop zones
(Map II), making it unlikely that the demographic picture will change in the
foreseeable future.
For UNAM, Namibia's unique demographic situation means facing the
challenge of providing higher education to the highly populated northern population - which has been particularly deprived of a decent basic education - from a remote,
sparsely populated centre. This is an issue which, as we will see in Chapters three and
four, has provoked much discussion at UNAM, and is reflected in the mission of the
University.
Higher Education - UNlN and the Academy
Although the broader political, cultural and educational contexts are relevant
to UNAM's relative place in the regional context, the legacy of UNAM's antecedent
institution, the Academy for Tertiary Education, is clearly the single most important
factor in any consideration of the University's current situation. Indeed, the reversal
of the Academy's many shortcomings has been widely perceived to be the most
important task facing UNAM since its inception in 1993.
As noted, the Academy was created by the South African regime in 1980, as a
not-so-well-veiled response to the United Nations Institute for Namibia (UNIN),
which had been set up four years earlier by the United Nations, in close partnership
with SWAPO, in Lusaka, Zambia (Cohen, 1994: 171). Arguably, UNIN was the
single most important institution in preparing Namibians for independence.
According to its charter, the Institute was explicitly committed to this goal (UNIN,
1985: 20), and as Paul Lusaka, the president of the United Nations Council for
Namibia, stated in his address to UNINS first graduating class:
The work of the Institute is in the field of education but i t must, of necessity, support our overall objective, which is to enable the people of Namibia to exercise their right to self-determination, freedom and independence in a united Namibia (United Nations, 1980: 4).
This goal was reflected in UNIN's English medium of instruction, and its courses in
Development Studies and Management, ~ a ~ i s t r a t e i Training, Teacher
TraininglUpgrading, and Secretarial Training, all specifically tailored to meet the
needs of an independent Namibia. Although UNIN experienced some problems -
most notably because many of its students were ill-equipped to benefit from post-
secondary education - it nevertheless 'played a crucial role in the development of
Namibia's human resources, providing the largest pool of educated Namibians from
any single institution' - providing training for roughly 1,427 students between 1976
and 1989 (Cohen. 1994: 284).
In stark contrast to this model, when the Academy for Tertiary education was
established in 1980, it was in association with the University of South Africa (UNISA)
which associated it in the perception of many Namibians with the ideology of their
South African colonisers. In contrast to UNIN, the Academy '[played] an important
role in the South African educational strategy for Namibia' (Ellis, 1984: 44). First, the
Academy was meant to attract those who might otherwise have left the country to
pursue the SWAP0 and UN-sponsored programmes of UNIN. Second, many
graduates of the Academy came to form a small, well-paid black middle class - made
up of teachers, low level government officials, and managers - from whom the
colonial regime sought collaboration.
The Afrikaans medium of instruction at the Academy - which persisted until
1988 when student protests led to a decision in favour of English - also perpetuated
the negative image. The junior academics from the South African Afrikaans-medium
universities who made up many of the Academy's academic staff further contributed to
both the political suspicions about the Academy, and the highly uneven quality of the
tuition offered. Harlech-Jones (I 989: 5-6) points out several other factors contributing
to the negative public image of the Academy on the eve of independence in 1989: the
confusing structure of the cade em^^; the lack of any previous universities in Namibia,
resulting in a lack of understanding on the part of the public about the typical
operation of such an institution; the lack of any clear national priorities or
development plans; and the low proportion of indigenous staff.
"rcm 1985, the Academy consisted of three components: the University of Namihia. the Technikon Namihia, and the College for Out of School Training. As Harlech-Jones (1989: 6) points out, the pcxxly delined distinctions hetween the three led to confusion: 'How can a university offer courses in hairdressing? How can a university register students who have not matriculated?'
In addition to the Academy's negative image, independent Namibia also
inherited an institution whose capacity was grossly inadequate to the meet both its
needs and the growing demand for higher education. The student body exhibited gross
imbalances with respect to geographic regions and ethnic groups, and the faculty and
course structures were heavily skewed toward teacher training, nursing and the
humanities and social sciences, with extremely low enrolment in the Faculty of
Science (see Table 11; Mshigeni et al, 1995: 2-3).
TABLE I1 STUDENT ENROLMENT BY FACULTY DURING ACADEMY PERIOD (1989
ACADEMIC YEAR)
Humanities and Social Sciences Nursing and Medical Sciences Science
Economics and Management Science Education
143 446
UNAM in Crisis?
Total
As noted above, undoing the legacy of the Academy has been a high priority
since independence, and since that time, significant efforts have been made with
regard to the issues addressed above. In particular, the creation of national and
university development plans, clear distinctions between the Academy's component
parts, the rationalisation of course structures, a pro-active push toward the sciences,
efforts at increasing capacity, and a staff development programme have all figured
high on UNAM's list of priorities for its first five years. Inevitably, UNAM continues
to face problems of crowded classrooms in some areas, lack of space and funmng for
laboratories and materials, an over-reliance on expatriate staff, and a shortage in
student and staffhousing which could accurately be described as a crisis. Overall,
however - although there i? little hard data to compare - UNAM compares extremely
1342 Source: Mshigeni et a1 (1995), First Five-Year Developmenl Plan 1995-1999.
favourably when compared with the dilapidated facilities and disenchanted academics
in other parts o f the continent. Indeed, UNAM's new campus, to which it moved in
1993, and staff morale appear excellent in comparison with many other universities.
One way in which UNAM does resemble other African universities, however,
i q in !ts relationship to government. Because o f the poor quality o f the institution
inherited at independence, coupled with the current government's extremely high
expectations with regard to the University's developmental role, U N A M currently
faces the dual development imperative o f increasing quality and relevance
si~nultaneously, which as noted in the previous chapter, can be problematic if not
impossible. Furthermore, as in many other countries, Namibia's head o f state is also
chancellor o f its university. I t would seem that this situation could be particularly
problematic when the ruling party is closely associated with a particular ethnic group,
as it is in Namibia. And although this situation may be acceptable at present, the
~'ormrirrl for dissatisfaction among other constituencies within the university
community is apparent. The maintenance of a separate identity for the University and
an inclusive process o f decision making are therefore essential if the university is to
maintain and improve its current level o f quality and efficiency.
I t is clear then, that although U N A M may resemble other African universities
with regard to a number o f issues with which it is confronted in the 1990s, it is also a
unique institution in a unique situation, and it must therefore chart its own course
towards both its own development and its contribution to national development. I t is
to the process o f developing the vision which has thus far informed that process in
Namibia that we turn our attention in Chapter Three.
CHAPTER THREE
DEVELOPING THE VISION, OR, A VISION FOR DEVELOPMENT
Introduction
In the debate on education in Namibia since independence, and in the effort to
right the wrongs of the colonial period, perhaps nothing has been so emphasised as
the necessity of developing and maintaining a vision, along with the further
imperative of an inclusive process in the formulation and implementation of that
vision. Reflecting on the efforts to democratise decision-making processes during the
first five years of independence, the former Minister for Education and Culture (now
Minister for Higher Education, Vocational Training, Science and ~ e c h n o l o ~ ~ ' )
asserts:
In the view of senior ministry officials, the undoing of apartheid legacies in education requires a clear vision ahout the future, a consultative process to articulate such a vision. and a national consensus on the modalities of carrying such a vision forward (Angula and Lewis. 1997: 241).
As part of this process, a number of key documents have been produced by the
ministries, and by other governmental and associated bodies, which serve as
benchmarks, periodic manifestations of the ongoing process. UNAM has often been
involved in the process of formulating and articulating this vision for the nation and
for the education system as a whole, with itself at the apex. But as an autonomous
institution, it has also undergone its own process of consensus building and decision-
making in order to develop a vision specific to its own development, both as an
institution and as a contributor to national development. This is the dual development
imperative mentioned in the previous chapter. Here we have also another kind of dual
development, in which the development of a vision for national education is also a
vision for the role of education in national development, or education as national
development.
' As part of a restructuring of the cahinet. Namibia's Ministry of Education and Culture was divided in March 1995 to form the Ministry of Basic Education and Culture and the Ministry of Higher Education. Vocational Training. Science and Technology (MHEVTST). For diagrams of the structure of Namihia's education system and of the MHEVTST, see Appendix I.
The vision of UNAM's role in national development has been expressed in
several different ways, and UNAM's place in the process of developing and
implementing the vision might be described in terms of four decreasing circles:
( i ) UNAM as a key player in the overarching plan for national development, as defined in the first National Development Plan (NDPI; Republic of Namibia, 1995);
( i i ) UNAM at the apex of the national education system, as the institution offering the most advanced level of education available in Namibia;
(iii) UNAM as part of Namibia's higher education sector, which maintains a partially distinct identity because of the splitting of the ministries;
(iv) UNAM as an autonomous institution, defining its own agenda within the context of (i), (ii) and (iii).
These distinctions are in some ways artificial, having more to do with the ways in
which the vision is expressed than with the vision itself; put differently, the
articulation of UNAM's role in national development depends in large part on the
ownership of the particular document being considered and may therefore appear
more or less important dependant upon context, while - in theory, at least - its
evolution within the larger vision is significantly more gradual. Still, although the
distinctions may be somewhat artificial, they will be useful in tracing the vision
through specific documents.
Reflecting the multi-tiered context within which UNAM's role is defined, this
chapter will trace the evolution of the vision of UNAM's role in national development
through four key documents, of which one deals with the entire national education
system, two with the higher education sector, and one specific to UNAM:
the 1991 Report of the Presidential Commission on Higher Education (Turner, 1991) Towurd Educarionji)r All ( 1993).
UNAM's Five Yeiir Developtnent Plan for 1995-1999,
and finally, a draft of the forthcoming white paper on Higher Education (MHEVTST, 1997).
The First National Development Plan (NDPI; Republic of Namibia, 1995) will not be
discussed in detail, but because its more general vision of national development is
intended to inform the sector- and institution-specific visions, it will be referred to in
the context of the other documents. Significantly, however, because NDPI was not
finalised until 1995 (it was preceded by a three-year, Transitional National
Development Plan (TNDP)), the vision for education set forth there is informed to a
significant degree by the education-specific documents preceding it.
A Note on Process
As noted, an inclusive process of consultation and consensus building is
generally felt in Namibia to be an essential part of the process of developing and
maintaining a vision; this feeling is reflected in the four documents to be examined.
Each document states explicitly that it is the product of a larger process, and in the
case of the draft white paper, it is asserted that 'the process of preparing the White
Paper may be as important as its final text' (MHEVTST, 1997: vii). This point has
also been reiterated by senior UNAM administrators, who indicate the importance of
a forum held near the time of UNAM's founding with the purposes of developing the
role of planning and involving all stakeholders - including UNAM staff, and
representatives from both the public and private sectors. The vice-chancellor points
to two crucial functions of the forum and of continuing efforts to involve stakeholders
in university planning: first, the consultative process ensures that the University does
not work in a vacuum; and second, it brings staff closer together and creates a sense
of ownership.
This sense of 'owning the vision' is certainly essential if the vision is to be
carried through to practical completion. To paraphrase a more cynical observer at
UNAM, however, an excessive emphasis on inclusion in the debate on higher
education and national development has had the result that 'national development
never happens; it is only a question of which constituencies control the debate.' This
is almost certainly overstating the case - not least because there are considerably
more factors affecting 'development' than higher education. Nevertheless, there
clearly comes a time when the consultative process must come-at least temporarily-to
an end, and the process of decision-making and implementation must begin. As
Angula and Lewis (1997: 247) point out:
It has been found that participation cannot be open-ended. I t is essential to understand people's definition of the problem but leaders must propose a solution for them to react to ... A solulion cannot he found at a rally or in conferences ... It is possible lo consult and build consensus on the vision and on proposals for carrying that vision forward. An assessment of progress on initiatives is also possible through consultative modes. But identifying solutions and working out the practicalities. in Namibia's experience, are not possible through large-scale consullation.
This has been recognised to a degree at UNAM, and as we will see in the following
chapter, there have already been significant efforts made to implement the vision
cultivated since independence.
Inevitably, however, there are discrepancies between the macro level of the
vision and the micro level of ordinary university activities. These can be ascribed in
part to the multiple filters -administrative, financial, and personal - through which the
vision must pass before reaching 'the ground'. The diagram on the following page
presents an idealised model of this process in five steps, from consensus building to
implementation:
First, consensus building requires a consultative process including all
stakeholders. In the case of UNAM, stakeholders include University staff,
both academic and administrative, students, potential students, and
representatives from ministries and from the private sector. This process will
build on earlier expressions of the vision, and input from an external consultant
might also be utilised.
After consensus has been reached on the vision, decisions on its practical
implications must be made by senior administrators. Appropriate solutions
must be identified in accordance with relevant constraints, including a suitable
time scale, and financial limitations. As noted, although this process should
build on the consensus reached through mass consultation, it must be a
separate process, and should involve co-operation between UNAM,
MHEVTST, and any other relevant ministries or funding bodies.
After identification of feasible solutions, the vision and its practical
implications must be articulated and disseminated as widely as possible,
either in the form of a document or through renewed consultation if additional
input from stakeholders is sought. On the diagram, V1, V2, VJ, etc. represent
the articulation of the vision, and each corresponds roughly to one of the
documents to be reviewed in the next section.
Following articulation of the vision, implementation takes place through the
administrative structures of UNAM and the relevant ministries, and could
include: appropriate redirection of financing; implementation of new courses,
programmes and curricula, or restructuring of existing ones; and
reconfiguration of administrative and academic staff structures.
Implementation then requires adjustment in university activities on 'the ground'
-at the level of the individual teacher, researcher or student.
, v, , , ... - .- - - i v* - .-..-............ + ; v3 " v4 vs b ; ; . b
I
I' I ' I ' I ' I \
I '\ ', '\ \ '-. ----_____--
B '', I
\ '\ v * v v v
UNIVERSITY ACTIVITIES: TEACHING, RESEARCH, CONSULTANCY, EXTENSION PROJECTS, ETC ...
udmmr.ttrufivr
Implem
structures.
zntntion
1 N.4hI und hlmr! rw stuff
Finally, feedback is necessary at every level; to be effective, this must be
encouraged and internalised rather than simply accepted. Thus we come full
circle to the ongoing process of building consensus on the vision.
This is, of course, an idealised model, and there are several factors - including an
insufficiently inclusive consultative process, lack of finance, inefficient or ineffective
administrative structures, and apathy or disenchantment on the part of some members
of staff - which could disrupt the relatively smooth route from vision to
implementation described here. Even where the influence of these individual factors
seems inconsequential when viewed from micro level, the total effect can be
substantial as problems are compounded at each level.
Perhaps the most insuperable problem other universities have faced when
attempting to produce change is conservatism on the part of academic staff. Although
many academics prefer to view themselves as 'liberal' or even 'radical' (Kerr. 1994).
and though many undoubtedly recognise the need for general change, they are less
likely to recognise that need within their own department, their own lectures, or their
own research. And one might speculate that this would be increasingly the case
among more senior-and therefore more influential-faculty members, who have
longstanding reputations to protect.
Finally, in spite of efforts to gather and utilise input from as many stakeholders
as possible, in the end each statement of the vision will be controlled to a substantial
degree by the commission, ministry, or institution responsible for it. As we trace the
vision through these key documents then, ownership will be a crucial factor in the way
in which UNAM and its role in national development are portrayed.
Higher Education in Namibia: Report of A Presidential Commission (Turner, 1991)
The Presidential Commission on Higher Education was appointed in 1991
under the chairmanship of Professor John Turner of the University of Manchester.
The Commission was international in composition, and its terms of reference are
identified in the box on the following page. Because of the Commission's broad
remit, and the urgent need to establish a new system of higher education suited to the
needs of an independent Namibia, the Report gives considerable attention to
procedural and practical matters in its recommendations. Certainly the most
important recommendation made by the Commission for the future University of
TERMS OF REFERENCE FOR THE PRESIDENTIAL COMMISSION ON
HIGHER EDUCATION (1 991)
(a) establish the needs, demands and scope of higher education [HE];
(b) determine the organization and structure of the HE system, including the nature and location of HE institutions;
(c) analyse the funding of HE, both recurrent and capital; (d) determine the qualifications for admission to and the
duration of the various HE courses; (e) define the control of HE and its relationship with the
(f) determine the range and level of programmes in the HE
(g) determine the extent of the HE system in the medium and long term, in relation to national human resource needs
(h) consider the financial support of students at Namibian and foreign HE institutions; and
(I) analyse the promotion, conduct, management and financing of the nation's research.
2. To report to the President on its findings and advise the Government on the cost, management, organization and administration of higher education.
3. To make comprehensive recommendations to the President on the matters referred to in paragraph 1.
ource: Turner (1991) cation in Namibia: Repwr of a Presidential Commission
Namibia - then still part of the Academy - was that the Academy be dissolved and
replaced by a National University of Namibia and a Polytechnic of Namibia.
The further recommendation that the new National University occupy the
campus of the Windhoek College of Education - the teacher training college for
whites under the colonial administration -rather than remain on the grounds of the
former Academy, has had two significant consequences. First, the location of all of
UNAM's primary faculties and programmes in the capital, rather than in the more
populous northern regions, means that for the foreseeable future Windhoek will
remain the focal point for research and higher learning in the country. With regard to
the possibility of decentralisation, the Commission concedes that it 'has strong appeal.
It links with ideas of outreach and extension, avoidance of ivory-towerism, and
promoting developmental growth points in the smaller centres of the country' (Turner,
1991: 74). However, the lack of appropriate facilities in other pans of the country and
a desire for the University to develop 'a coherent personality' proved more compelling
than the appeal of decentralisation:
For one thing, the institution will he fairly small for many years. and to fragment it through deliherate decentralisation would ensure that as a functioning entity each part would he even smaller. For anolher, the National University has an exceptionally important role to play in stimulating the intellectual culture of the nation, and it is no1 self-evident that this would he done best lhrough a process of distributing single bcul~ies in different parts of the country (Turner, 1991: 74).
Second, although the facilities of the College of Education were not clearly superior to
those of the Academy, the powerful symbolism of the National University taking over
an institution that represented the white privilege of the colonial period cannot be
overlooked. The Windhoek College of Education operated significantly below its
capacity during apartheid, despite the desperate need for teachers in other parts of the
country. Thus, as symbols of the new administration's commitment to stamping out
the legacies of apartheid and building the higher education system afresh, the
dissolution of the Academy and the image of a new, integrated National University
occupying the formerly white institution are powerful indeed.
The Commission's principal contribution at the vision level, however, comes in
its discussions of university governance, access and entry to UNAM, and its
recommendations regarding UNAM's faculties and programmes. In particular, careful
consideration is given to academic freedom, which is seen as essential for effective
teaching, learning, research and publication, but also 'inseparable from obligations' of
teachers to help students to learn, and of researchers to undertake responsible research
and to 'tolerate and even stimulate dissent' and debate (Turner, 1991: 76-7). Although
much space is dedicated to the role of administrative bodies and senior positions
within UNAM, the general picture of autonomy that emerges from the Report is of a
partnership between university and state, as discussed in Chapter One.
I n keeping with the general theme o f addressing the legacies o f apartheid, the
Report concludes that because so few Namibians received a decent primary or
secondary education under apartheid, entry to the university can not be reserved to
those who had passed in the normal way through the school system. Accordingly.
intensive 'access courses' are recommended in all subject areas for the following
twelve to eighteen months, while the need for 'bridging courses' in science is seen as
necessary for many years to come (Turner, 1991: 87-9).
With regard to specific U N A M faculties, the Commission recommends the
establishment o f the following:
Faculty o f Arts
Faculty o f Science
Faculty o f Social and Economic Studies
Faculty o f Education
Faculty o f Medical and Health Sciences
Faculty o f Agriculture
With several exceptions, these correspond to the current U N A M Faculty structure.'
Since its publication, the Report has played a key role in the development o f a
vision for higher education in Namibia; indeed, it is referred to in nearly every
subsequent document. The vision that emerges o f the university is on the whole
carefully considered and balances the need for long-term institutional development
with recognition o f the need for immediate action to reverse colonial legacies. And
although in many ways it would be impossible to conceive o f such a vision in the
absence o f the Development University tradition, in at least one passage the authors
flatly reject a purely functional view o f the University:
We reject any notion that the university is concerned merely with training individuals to do specific johs. Universities need to teach in such a way that the students in each particular discipline have an adequate grasp o f the theoretical concepts of the suhject to he ahle to solve new problems and adjust to new situations as these arise.. .. The time has gone i n virtually every area of work where one can assume that the skills and knowledge acquired during a first degree programme will he sufficient to guide the professional through his (a her entire working life (Turner, 1991: 93).
The proposed Faculty of Arts has hecome the Faculty o f Humanities and Social Sciences, and the Faculty o f Social and Economic Studies has hecome the Faculty o f Economics and Management Science. Additionally. a Faculty o f Law was established in 1994, and the Faculty o f Agriculture and Natural Resources came into k i n g in 1996. Faculties o f mining, engineering, medicine and veterinary sciences were not recommended and have not heen set up because o f the extremely high cost o f building and maintaining the necessary facilities for these disciplines and the relatively low prospective enrolment. Consequently, i t was deemed more appropriate to make provision for Namihians to he educated in these disciplines ahroad. (Turner. 1991: 103) See Appendix 111 for a diagram of UNAM's administrative structure.
Toward Education for All: A Development Brief for Education, Culture and Training (MEC, 1993)
Unlike similar documents in some other countries, Toward Education for All - which followed the 1990 World Conference on Education for All in Jomtien,
Thailand - devotes significant space to higher education and to university education
in particular.' This reflects an inclusive and lifelong conception of Education for All
(EFA) as encompassing all levels of education, as opposed to the more narrow view
of EFA as provision of some minimum level of education for everyone.
Running throughout the brief are the four major goals of access, equity,
quality and democracy (MEC, 1993: 32-44). These are identified as the top priorities
at every level of the education system. Again, a recurring theme is the legacy of
apartheid, and the consequent need for 'multiple entry paths'to the University.
Additionally, and significantly, there is explicit recognition here of UNAM's potential
contribution to cultural development: 'Education beyond secondary school is intended
to develop skilled human resources for our society, but also to help develop our
culture, our artistic and musical skills' (MEC, 1993: 109).
It is perhaps not surprising in a document which is, in a sense, 'owned' by the
education system as a whole, that there should be particular emphasis here on
UNAM's responsibilities to other education sectors - specifically the development of
materials and curriculum, shaping of educational philosophy, and the training of
teachers. Further importance is attached to the indigenisation of university staff and
to developing an effective programme of distance education (for further discussion of
these priorities, see Chapter Four). The discussion of university governance draws
largely upon the 1991 Report, stressing in particular the necessity of openness in
university governance, and UNAM's responsibility for the dissemination of
knowledge to society at large. It further calls upon UNAM to be accountable to
ministries, learners, and academic and professional communities.
However, although Toward Education for All raises many of the key issues
facing the higher education in the early years of Namibia's independence - the
' Educutiotl for All in Botswana (1993), for example, is dedicated almost exclusively to what is called 'hasic educaticn'. And although much is said about the conuibution of education to Development. the dtzun~enl makes little if any reference to the National University, either its function within the education system as a whole, or orher possihle contributions lo Development.
appropriate model for university-government relations, the debate over which
university programmes should be accorded the highest priority, the question of
responsibility for research - the document ultimately proposes more questions than
answers, offering only general recommendations to promote a 'continuing, open and
spirited debate' and to recognise that resources are limited and that therefore choices
will have to be made (MEC, 1993: 115). Nevertheless, Toward Education forAll
remains the strongest and most coherent statement on Namibian education to date,
and as such its influence continues to be felt at every level, including at UNAM.
First Five Year Development Plan 1995-1999 (Mshigeni et 81, 1995)
Like the other documents, the Development Plan is the product of a
consultative process, with the difference that it is concerned solely with UNAM and is
largely a distillation of detailed contributions from individual faculties and centres,
together with input from the 1994 Consultative Conference (Mshigeni et al. 1995).
Consequently, the Plan presents more specific and concrete data and plans for
UNAM's faculties, centres and programmes than the three other documents; we will
look more closely at some of these in Chapter Four.
At the broader level of the vision, the starting point is the University's mission
statement (see Appendix 11). The Plan places UNAM firmly within the Development
University tradition, pointing in its opening section to the potential contributions of
universities to national development (Mshigeni et al, 1995: 1-2). Specifically, the
scientific capabilities and contributions to economic growth of universities are
stressed, an emphasis which carries through the entire document:
Together with the student population (undergraduate and postgraduate), the lecturers and professors at the Universities constitute a powerful battalion of men and women who can help to: improve national. regional. international economic performance; alleviate and even eradicate disease. malnutrition. hunger and poverty; promote sustainahle development, management, and wise use of resources; and arrest the steepening curve of environmental degradation. the loss of biodiversity and vital genetic resources (Mshigeni et a4 1995: I ) .
The justification for the increased provision of resources for science and technology
education is twofold. On the one hand, as reflected in the above, there is the question
'What can science do for us? There is also however, a feeling that the historical
neglect of the scientific disciplines at the Academy and in the country more generally
needs to be redressed. This is reflected particularly in the mission of the Faculty of
Science, part of which is to 'address the historical problems created by colonial
regimes' (Mshigeni et al. 1995: 26).
As might be expected in a document produced by UNAM, there is significant
importance attached to institutional development. Whereas the documents produced by
other constituencies tend to emphasise the responsibilities incumbent upon the
University, UNAM itself points to the necessity of developing new faculties and
programmes, strengthening existing ones, and staff development, which are essential if
the University is to achieve its ultimate goal of contributing effectively to national
development.
Finally, although UNAM's Centre for Visual and Performing Arts (CVPA)
continues to contribute to the development of an arts culture in the country, Toward
Educationfor All's strong endorsement of the importance of cultural development
seems unfortunately to have suffered a significant demotion in the context of the
vision set forth here.
Investing in People, Developing a Country: Higher Education for Development in Namibia - Preliminary Draft for Discussion (MHEVTST, 1997)
The white paper, which is expected to be published in late 1997 or early 1998,
will be the first major statement by the new Ministry of Higher Education, Vocational
Training, Science and Technology since the division of the Ministry of Education and
Culture in 1995. That split, and the placing of higher education, vocational training,
science and technology on equal footing at the titular level, seem to indicate that -at
least at the level of the vision - tertiary education will not be synonymous with
university education, as it has largely become in the international context.1°
There is a sense that one gets from discussing the forthcoming white paper
with representatives from UNAM and MHEVTST, that this could be a key document
for the future development of all higher education in Namibia. On the other hand,
lo In general, when most commentators, agencies and scholars speak of higher education in Ahica, they are rel'erring almost exclusively to universities. and not to the other, and mae numerous tertiary institutions in Africa. As King (1991: 267) puts it, most sowces
[usel tertiary, higher and university educalion as if they were the same thing. Thwe has accordingly been too little attention given to analysing change and development in the suh-university sector. The polytechnics and technical colleges, for example, tend not to he treated in a donor study of technical and vocational education, n a do they feature in most studies of higher education.
there is a considerable amount of disagreement over the process of developing the
white paper, and if the final document is not based on true consensus, or does not take
divergent views into account, it will have minimal impact, and could lead to
ideological discord between the University and the government.
It should be emphasised that the document referred to here is a preliminary
draft for discussion, and not a policy statement as such - a 'green paper' in British
political parlance. This has both advantages and disadvantages for our purposes. On
the one hand, as it will no doubt appear considerably different in its published form, it
cannot be seen as a definitive statement, and therefore no firm conclusions can be
drawn from it; on the other, this preliminary draft lays out 'issues to address' -
unresolved issues or conflicts of opinion which will most likely be resolved or glossed
over in the final draft - which allow for a better understanding of the process at work
in the development of the white paper.
For UNAM, two of the more significant unresolved issues discussed in this
draft are (I ) national research policy and co-ordination, and (2) the 'northern question'
- the most appropriate means of providing higher education to the populous northern
region. On both of these issues, the predominant UNAM view seems to be at odds
with the MHEVTST view. With regard to the issue of research policy and co-
ordination, the draft white paper states:
While MHEVTST apparently envisions a [National Research) Council created hy and attached and accountable to the Ministry. UNAM proposes a high-status Council external to individual ministries.. .(MHEVTST, 1997: 58).
As for the northern question, UNAM is currently working toward establishing a
satellite campus in the northern town of Oshakati, while the alternate view sees a place
for a new university. possibly a University of Technology, in the north.
Like UNAM's Five Year Development Plan, this draft of the white paper is
largely a distillation of inputs from all corners of the higher education sector. As such,
the sections relevant to the University are essentially written by UNAM staff and thus
reflect for the most part that earlier document. There are, however, some new inputs
to the white paper, including the options set forth in the 'Distance and Open Learning'
section - which will be discussed in the next chapter - and the section on UNAM
Costs and Finance.
One of the distinguishing characteristics of Namibia when compared to many
other African countries is that it has no significant, long-term World Bank programme
(Williams, 1995). Somewhat surprisingly then, many of the Bank's recommendations
from its 1994 repon on Higher Education seem to have been taken on board in the
UNAM Costs and Finance section of this draft. The Bank's proposals of cost-sharing
with students, diversification of inputs and institutions, and redefining the role of
government in higher education in particular receive prominence (MHEVTST. 1997:
24-5). The observation of one senior UNAM figure that the World Bank's advice - regardless of its consequences -can be 'very seductive' to governments and
universities looking to save money, seems to be borne out here. Finally, and
regrettably, the previously mentioned demotion of cultural development as a priority
for higher education in Namibia is compounded almost to the point of extinction in
this draft of the white paper.
Thus although the documents reviewed here have clearly built upon one
another, there has nevertheless been a noticeable shift since independence to a more
utilitarian view of higher education and of the University in particular. It should be
ernphasised that this is not a sea change; but rather a more gradual shift. On the
whole, the carefully considered balance of the earlier documents is less present in the
later ones. Specifically, the apparent adoption of the World Bank's line in the current
draft of the white paper brings up the very real danger of losing sight of the important
distinction between an inclusive concept of national development and a much
narrower view of development as economic growth. The question remains however:
How does this vision affect what is happening on 'the ground? It appears that the
forthcoming white paper will raise many of the major implementation issues facing
UNAM at present. In the following chapter, we will examine some of the more
tangible changes that have already taken place, and look in more detail at the northern
question and other challenges for the future.
CHAPTER FOUR
IMPLEMENTING THE VISION: NATIONAL DEVELOPMENT AT UNAM
Up to now, we have been concerned primarily with placing the University of
Namibia in context - first in the context of the Development University tradition, then
within Namibia's unique political, economic and educational context, and finally
within the vision for national development as it has evolved in Namibia since
independence. We have seen that the University has made an explicit commitment to
contribute to national development, but the question remains of how that commitment
plays out in practice. Significantly, Namibia's unique colonial history leaves UNAM
with a difficult dual development imperative - the need for institution building
coupled with the commitment to national development. The importance and difficulty
of 'bringing life to the mission' cannot therefore be underestimated, and this is
recognised by the UNAM community:
The magnitude of this (ask is enonnous, and, subsequently. is the responsibility taken by the University community to serve the Namibian citizens and develop the nation through education, teaching, learning and research at tertiary level in cogeration with all constituency groups in the educational arena. Obviously many more challenges lie ahead as we move into the next millennium (UNAM. 1996h: 58).
As we have seen in Chapters Two and Three, undoing the legacies of apartheid has
been a major theme in Namibia's vision of national development. At UNAM, this has
led to changes in faculties and programmes, with a strong push toward the sciences
and the challenge of providing education to Namibia's scattered population through
outreach programmes. In this chapter, we will look at the changes brought about as a
result of this focus in the past five years, as well as those changes which are currently
underway or planned for the future. Specifically, we will look first at UNAM's
development goals, then at the University's new and restructured faculties - particularly the Faculty of Agriculture and Natural Resources and the Faculty of
Science - and finally at UNAM's two major outreach projects -the Centre for
External Studies (CES) and the Northern Project.
Development Goals
Just as development cannot happen without a clearly defined vision, it equally
cannot happen without effective implementation of that vision, and implementation in
turn requires clear goals. The following goals, which have been identified by UNAM
in the Five Year Developtnenr Plan (Mshigeni et al, 1995: 67-72) and in other
documents (see, e.g. 1996b: 12-43), include both institutional development and
national development, reflecting the dual development imperative. We will look
briefly at each of these - indicating that which has already been achieved, as well as
future prospects - before considering more closely the changes in UNAM's faculties
and programmes.
Improving University governance
The major changes to UNAM's administration include the addition of the two
Pro-Vice Chancellors (one for academic affairs and one for administration and
finance, see Appendix 111). and the appointment of a strategic planner and an
international relations officer. Future goals include improving information base and
flow through technological upgrading, training of administrative staff, along with
some decentralisation in order to 'short-circuit the bureaucracy' (UNAM, 1996b: 12-
5). It is unclear exactly what decentralisation might entail; one might speculate,
however, that as the regional centres (see 'Northern Project' discussion, below) grow
in stature, they would come to exercise a degree of autonomy in terms of their course
offerings and administration.
Promoting a balanced output
This goal is primarily aimed at redressing the colonial bias against science
subjects, and is thus closely linked to the changes in faculties and programmes to be
discussed in the next section. UNAM also points to the Centre for Public Service
Training (in the Faculty of Economics and Management Science) and the Justice
Training Centre (in the Faculty of Law) as examples of theu commitment to
upgrading the skills of those already in the workplace.
Strengthening research and consultancy
UNAM's Multi-disciplinary Research Centre and Human Rights
Documentation Centre (within the Faculty of Law) have been instituted to undertake
applied research and to disseminate research findings to the public. However,
research efforts, particularly within the faculties, seem to have been hampered thus far
both by a lack of funding and a shortage of highly qualified academic staff. Again,
we will return to this issue in the following section, but it seems that improvements in
research and consultancy are intimately tied to issues of staff development and
attracting external funding, both of which are identified as separate goals (see below).
Strengthening staff development
As noted, staff development links with a number of other goals - including the
strengthening of research and the overarching goal of redressing historical inadequacy
in the tertiary level education of Namibians - and has thus been accorded high priority
at UNAM. The recently introduced staff development programme has the following
objectives (UNAM, 1996b: 26-7):
(i) To create a pool o f well qualified staff to man the various sectors of the university, hoth academic and administrative.
(ii) To correct the present historical imbalance in the University's staffing pattern hetween the races and sexes in the country.
(ii i) To urgently create. through further training. attachment, understudy. and other relevant experiences, opportunities for Namibians who have heen historically disadvantaged, to attain positions of responsibility, and influence, within the hierarchy of the University.
(iv) To identify potential academic staff from among the undergraduates of this or other Universities. as well as from other sectors in the country.
As can be seen from the table in Appendix IV. Section 4, there exist already a
significant number of staff development fellows. Futhermore, as at Dares Salaam and
elsewhere in the 1960s and 1970s, the expatriate staff taken on at UNAM since
independence have not been given permanent contracts, but 3-year appointments, with
the ultimate goal of replacing the majority of these foreign staff with qualified
Namibians. However, because UNAM has very few post-graduate programmes of its
own, most staff development fellows must pursue their studies outside the country.
This means that staff development is a time-consuming and extremely costly
undertaking, and as a result UNAM will retain for the foreseeable future a significant
proportion of expatriate staff. "
Strengthening Institutional Linkages Regionally and World-wide
A number of regional and international linkages with foreign institutions are
already in place at UNAM. Some of these are the 'built-in' ties resulting from the
University's many expatriate staff, who retain formal or informal links with their
institutions at home. Other linkages include UNITWIN arrangements, a UNESCO-
sponsored chair in Democracy and Human Rights, in addition to faculty-specific
programmes. These latter include split-site master's programmes in the Humanities
and Economics faculties, in which students enrol both at UNAM and at northern
(usually European) universities. Such linkages are seen as essential in promoting
capacity building, enhancement of leadership qualities, and the establishment and
maintenance of academic credibility in the international academic community through
joint research and publication (UNAM, 1996b: 27-8).
Attracting Talented Staff
Attracting well-qualified and talented staff clearly links with issues of staff
development and indigenisation, but it is an area in which little progress has been
made. UNAM cites inadequate provision of funds for academic salaries as the reason
for their inability to attract the best and brightest Namibian candidates, who can earn
far more in other sectors, or in foreign universities. Indeed, a recent comparison
reveals that, on the whole, the average salaries offered by UNAM are between 19 and
30% lower than the market averages, the exact difference being determined by rank
(UNAM, 1996b: 33).
Strengthening the University Library and Student Support Services
For the UNAM library, the colonial legacy has presented yet another
challenge. By all accounts, the library inherited from the Academy was grossly
inadequate for the needs of a national university. In addition to acquiring many new
volumes, UNAM has made the enhancement of the library's technological capacity a
' I Although the tahle in Appendix IV, Section 4, appears to indicate a significant percentage of local staff, the percentage is reduced considerably when the staff of the Faculty of Medical and Health Sciences - who teach mainly ntm-degree level courses - are not considered.
priority. To this end, the University is now connected to the Internet, enabling it to
access significant international resources previously unavailable.
Given Namibia's poor information resource base and unique demographic
picture, information technology will be crucial to effective provision of higher
education for all Namibians. And although it is important to recognise the folly in
visions of putting a laptop into the hands of every rural Namibian, it is easy to
imagine the role IT could play in linking UNAM's regional centres to the central
campus, and from there to the rest of the 'connected' world. This is the key to
UNAM's vision of their library as a national, as opposed to a university, resource. A
part of this vision is the Human Resources Development Project (UNAM, 1996b: 33-
4), through which the University seeks to train information professionals, trainers, as
well as general users - both within and outside the University community - in the use
of information resources.
Although student support services may seem quite distant from the outreach
programmes, contributions to national policy, and fulfilment of manpower planning
usually associated with universities and national development, the effective provision
of student support is essential if UNAM is to be accessible for all segments of
Namibian society. In particular, UNAM currently faces a severe shortage of
accommodation, unable to provide adequate housing for even 40% of those requesting
it (UNAM, 1996b: 35). Without immediate action, a crisis is foreseen for the next
academic year (1 99718). When we recognise that private accommodation in
Windhoek is clearly beyond the reach of most rural Namibians, we can see that a
long-term accommodation shortage could mean that poor students would be forced to
abandon their university places, turning UNAM into the sort of elite institution that it
is struggling so hard not to be.
Work experience, and career planning and placement are further areas of
student support with implications for UNAM's development goals. For above all else,
the major impact of any university is through its graduates. UNAM's Placement
Office has been created specifically to deal with the task of linking students with the
job market, as well as providing guidance to familiarise students with the world of
work.
Finance and Diversifying Sources of Finance
As noted in Chapter One, for a university to participate as an equal partner in
its relationship with government, a degree of independence through external funding
is necessary. UNAM has recognised this, and although it currently receives the vast
majority - up to 97% including student bursaries (UNAM, 1996a: 40) -of its funding
from government, it is currently working to diversify sources of funding, including
cost sharing with students through a new loan scheme, being developed in partnership
with MHEVTST. Over the long term, UNAM proposes to increase the student
contribution to up to 25% of total revenue, with an additional 5% coming from the
private sector and contributions from international and external organisations
(UNAM, 1996b: 47-8). In order to achieve the desired end effectively and without
fostering Clitisrn however, the new scheme must include a grant component for the
poorest students, and its payback plan must be both realistic and enforceable.
UNAM, along with the rest of Namibia's higher education sector, is currently
moving away from negotiated budgets to formula funding. Although this move has
the advantage of rationalising and de-personalising the budget process, there is some
concern among UNAM staff that the move to formula funding may be premature. We
will return to this issue in the final chapter.
Faculties
None of UNAM's faculties has been left untouched by the process of change
that has taken place since independence. However, the limits of this project make a
detailed presentation of all the changes made to UNAM's faculties and programmes
since 1992 impossible. Furthermore, as noted in Chapter One, it is often neither
possible nor desirable to distinguish between institution building and national
development. While recognising that change has been pervasive, it will be necessary
for the purposes of this discussion to single out those faculties or programmes which
have experienced the most significant changes as a result of the vision expressed
since indel>endence, and which are thus seen by the UNAM communify as most
important to UNAM's revised mission.
As noted above, the primary goal of the faculty restructuring that has taken
place in the last five years is the promotion of certain subject areas which were
neglected during the Academy days. In a recent document, the promotion of the
science subjects -both pure and applied - is identified as the key lo achieving a more
'balanced output':
U N A M is currently striving towards attaining a hetter balance of her gaduate outputs. by introducing new subject areas, by increasing enrolments in the natural sciences and technology related fields, including establishing a new Faculty of Agriculture and Natural Resources. We are expanding laboratory facilities in our Faculty of Science. and huilding new laboratories for the new Agriculture Faculty ( W A M . 1996h: 17).
In many ways, science and technology have become synonymous with 'development'
at UNAM, and although it is often stressed that the new focus should not come at the
expense of other subjects, inevitably this is sometimes the case. Likewise, by
focusing on the science faculties here, we run the risk of overemphasising that which
could be considered 'developmental' at the expense of the more ordinary, more
'traditional' university disciplines and activities - which, of course, also happen at
UNAM. I think, though, that this emphasis is justified by UNAM's own focus on the
sciences, which is reflected in the vision examined in the previous chapter. If there is
change in UNAM's other, more traditional programmes - and there clearly is - it is
for the most part aimed at doing what they have always done, but doing it better. By
contrast, what we will see here are those activities and programmes which have come
into being or been radically altered as a result of the new vision.
With that in mind, the emphasis on the promotion of science at UNAM is
twofold: on the one hand, the Faculty of Science is charged with creating a 'science
culture' in the country, while on the other, the newly created Faculty of Agriculture
and Natural Resources is concerned with teaching 'applied' science and undertaking
'applied' research. However, despite the substantial attention focused upon them, for a
number of reasons these faculties are struggling in their early years to make the
contribution that is expected of them.
Faculty of Science
The foregoing quote points to the University's efforts to establish new
laboratories for the Faculty of Science as part of the new focus on the sciences. The
expansion of laboratory space and acquisition of materials alone however, are not
sufficient to fulfil the Faculty's mission. An explicit part of that mission is to 'address
the historical problems created by colonial regimes, which did not encourage and
promote effective teaching of science and mathematics, especially in the formerly
disadvantaged communities' (Mshigeni et al, 1995: 26). A product of this legacy is
the shortage of suitable candidates for degree studies in the sciences. and this has
resulted in first-year failure rates of 50% and more in some cases. The severity of the
problem - which can be seen in Table 111 - has made upgrading of knowledge and
skills at entry level the Faculty's highest priority at present.
As can be seen above, the difference between first and third-year enrolments is
significant, and is attributable almost exclusively to the high attrition rate (and not to
the rise in first-year enrolment figures, which, although real, has been far too small in
the years under consideration to explain the discrepancy seen here).
Efforts to retain students have taken three forms. First, as part of a University-
wide move from three to four-year courses in 1996 (after the graduation of most
students who had enrolled for the Academy's three-year courses), the Faculty of
Science added its extra year of instruction at the beginning of the four years.
effectively lowering admission requirements. It was hoped that this would both boost
enrolment in the Faculty - whose numbers still lag behind the more popular
Humanities Faculty (see Appendix IV) - and enable more students to complete their
courses. Second, an in-service teacher training programme has begun in conjunction
with the Faculty of Education to upgrade the teaching of science in schools, thereby
increasing the science knowledge and skills of students entering university. It will
clearly be some time before the effects of this project, for which European Union
funding is currently being sought, are felt at UNAM because of the time involved in
upgrading teacher's skills, as well as the time it will take for the students taught by the
newly upgraded teachers to reach university. Finally, the Faculty's dean believes that
many more students would ultimately complete their courses if they were allowed to
Total
124
92
32
Year l
Year 11
Year I11
Source: Mshigeni et al(1995), First Five Year Development Plan 1995-1999
Male
76
59
22
Female
48
33
10
repeat a failed first year. The bursaries scheme has not allowed this in the past, but
negotiations are currently under way with MHEVTST to change the policy.
Faculty of Agriculture and Natural Resources
UNAM's Faculty of Agriculture and Natural Resources was set up in 1995196
with an initial intake of 28 students. As noted, the Faculty's mission is very different
from that of the Faculty of Science. Among its objectives are the provision of
'advisory, consultancy and extension services on the proper and sustainable use of
Namibia's agricultural and natural resources to the communities,' the catalysis of
'increased production and productivity of Namibia's natural resources through
integrated farming systems,' and the creation of 'meaningful employment in both the
public and private sector including self-employment' (UNAM, Faculty of Agriculture
and Natural Resources, 1997: 3). Whereas the Faculty of Science is concerned with
the creation of a 'science culture' and promoting the teaching of science subjects in
schools, this Faculty is much more clearly focused on the relevant application of
science and technology to promote sustainable growth. This may be seen as a
consequence of the Faculty's ties to the Ministry of Agriculture, from which it
receives the majority of its funding, and which is likely to absorb many of the
Faculty's graduates.
The emphasis on relevance is reflected in the Faculty's curriculum. In the
process of developing the curriculum, a workshop was held with participants from the
Ministry and the private sector. and traditional leaders, resulting in a curriculum that
focuses on country-specific issues. The Faculty's leadership also point to the
emphasis on 'hand-skills' in the curriculum, reflected in mandatory student field
attachments of six weeks at the end of the second year and eight weeks at the end of
the third, in addition to student participation in ministry-funded projects.
Some at UNAM have questioned the need for programmes in agriculture and
natural resources at undergraduate level, suggesting that postgraduate programmes in
these areas for science graduates might be more appropriate. Those within the
Agriculture Faculty argue that it is needed in order to provide a national vision and to
lead the country in promoting agricultural progress; this, they say, cannot be done in
Namibia's agricultural colleges, which are simply responsible for training technicians
at sub-degree level. The Faculty has been forced to recognise, however, the poor
scientific knowledge of their incoming students, with the consequence that students
are normally required to complete a one-year bridging course in science at The
University Centre for Studies in Namibia (TUCSIN).
With the first intake of students only in their second year, it is of course far too
early to draw any conclusions about the Faculty's success in achieving its objectives.
However, the Faculty has experienced problems in attracting top students; despite the
initial intake of 28 students in the first year, only 15 of those passed into their second
year. This is attributed within the Faculty to the fact that until now, agriculture has
been seen in Namibia as a vocational, and not a degree, field. Efforts to attract quality
degree candidates include school visits, and negotiations with the private sector to
obtain scholarships. Additionally, although applied research is to be the major thrust
of the Faculty, research efforts have been hampered thus far by low staff numbers - only 10 including the dean at present - and lack of funding. Consequently, only one
project, the Zero Emissions Research Initiative (ZEN), is currently underway.
Finally, the involvement of the Ministry of Agriculture in funding, curriculum
development, and research initiatives in the Faculty of Agriculture and Natural
Resources clearly raises issues of institutional autonomy. The production of
independent and unbiased research and the maintenance of relations with the rest of
the UNAM community will necessitate a constant and vigilant pursuit of autonomy on
the part of the Faculty's leadership.
Outreach - Centre for External Studies (CES) and the 'Northern Project'
We have seen in Chapter Two that Namibia's unique demographics present
UNAM with the challenge of providing higher education to a scattered and uneven
population from a sparsely populated centre. UNAM is responding to that challenge
in two ways: first, by offering distance education through the Centre for External
Studies, and second, by establishing regional centres around the country. These
regional centres are currently little more than administrative outposts, their primary
purpose being to raise awareness about the University and provide information about
course offerings. Eventually, however, a network of 'satellite campuses' is
envisioned; the 'northern project' aims to establish the first of these in the northern
town of Oshakati.
Centre for External Studies
The Academy's Department of Distance Education was an administrative unit
within the Registrar's office which offered UNISA's 'pure and old-fashioned
correspondence courses' (Dodds, 1996: 1). When the department was inherited by
UNAM, it was renamed the Centre for External Studies (CES), at which point it was
theoretically given academic status and responsibility. However, '[i]n practiy it has
largely continued to offer the old-style courses, all at pre-degree level' (Dodds,
1996: 1). With the appointment of a new director in 1996, this is beginning to change.
CES's Distance Education Department is currently launching a new B.A. (Nursing
Science), and proposals call for the development of further B.Ed., B.A., B.Sc.,
B.Admin.. and B.Econ. distance degree programmes.
Distance education has clear advantages for Namibia. In particular, because
UNAM will be unable to meet the growing demand for higher education at its
Windhoek campus, the development of high quality distance education courses could
compensate for UNAM's relatively low capacity. Furthermore, because many
Namibians were unable to obtain tertiary education during the colonial period. many
potential students are adults who are now unable or unwilling to bear the expense or
devote the full-time attention required by a residential degree programme; the
distance of UNAM's central campus from the populous northern regions compounds
this burden.
However, there are also problems associated with distance education in
Namibia. The small population means that economies of scale are difficult to come
by in the development of new programmes; CES's director estimates that there will be
no more than 2000 distance learners by the start of the next millennium - '2000 by
2000'.12 The high cost of developing new programmes for such a small group of
students means that programmes are developed according to national needs, and there
will therefore be little choice among courses for the foreseeable future. For example,
the new nursing curriculum has been developed for distance mode because the
northern hospitals could not afford to give up nurses to go to Windhoek to obtain a
degree. Second, the CES has only a skeleton staff, forcing it to rely on the goodwill
of regular academic staff from other faculties, who are not obligated contractually to
'I This figure includes those students enrolled in UNAM and Polytechnic programmes, which until 1996 were all operated 0111 of UNAM's CES.
do any distance teaching. In many cases, this leads to the short-changing of distance
learners, who are presented with the 'challenge model' of distance education, with
little or no interaction or support from tutors. Given financial realities, CES will
remain primarily an administrative centre. So if any system of distance education is
to be effective at UNAM, individual faculties must take responsibility for the students
following courses in their disciplines.
The second component of CES is its Continuing Education Department. The
Department is charged with fulfilling UNAM's mission to disseminate knowledge
widely to all sectors of Namibian society. The department's major project to date has
been 'UNAM on Air', a weekly radio programme on 'topics of national and public
interest' (Dodds, 1996: 4). The department hopes to branch out in the near future,
providing 'lectures, debates, seminars and workshops' for the general public, both in
Windhoek and at UNAM's regional centres.
The Northern Project
The northern project links closely with CES's vision of outreach and distance
learning. As noted, UNAM's regional centre in Oshakati is to be transformed into a
satellite campus. Although conclusions about the centre's functions have not yet been
reached by the Northern Project Task Force, a recent 'vision paper' (Dodds, 1997: 1-4)
proposes the following activities:
Bridging and access courses - in English, maths and natural sciences, the purpose of which would be to prepare students for entry into UNAM's regular degree programmes;
External studies student support programmes - including two or three- times yearly week-long residential or vacation schools taught by Windhoek- based staff, in addition to more regular tutorial sessions with local tutors;
Flexible mixed-mode degree programmes - in which students would spend equal periods pursuing residential (either at Windhoek or Oshakati) and distance study;
Short specialised 'face-to-face' courses - these one-week intensive courses would be offered by all UNAM faculties, but especially by the 'key development faculties such as education, agriculture, medical and health science, and science' (Dodds, 1996: 3). It is further suggested that these might be combined with the External Studies support programmes;
Continuing education activities - these are the seminars, workshops, and lectures referred to in the CES section, along with locally-broadcast radio programmes;
Full-time UNAM courses - the full-time Nursing programmes which are currently run in the Oshakati and Onandjokwe hospitals would be moved to the regional centre, with the possibility of further full-time courses being offered in the future.
The Oshakati campus would thus offer a flexible and mixed range of services,
reflecting the diverse educational needs of the northern population. As noted in the
previous chapter, however, this vision for the delivery of university education to the
north has a rival. The MHEVTST apparently envisions a new University of
Technology in the north. Little is known about this proposal, and there seems to be
little support for the idea outside of the Ministry. It remains to be seen whether the
conflicting visions are resolved. However, many at UNAM feel that such an
institution would attract more students away from the Windhoek-based Polytechnic of
Namibia than from UNAM.
We have seen in this chapter some of the ways in which UNAM's commitment
to national development have been translated into real changes to the University's
faculties and programmes. It should be clear that, with the University only in its fifth
post-Academy year, it is still far too early to draw conclusions with regard to the
success of these changes. At this stage it is perhaps easier to say what national
development does not mean at UNAM. For example, it does not mean - as at Dares
Salaam - an Institute of Development Studies; neither does it mean a sort of
developmental 'holy spirit' meant to inform every lecture and every assignment. To
the extent that it is possible to judge at this point, the principal definition of national
development seems to be the undoing of colonial legacies. As we have seen, this has
primarily meant ( I ) an increased focus on the sciences, and (2) attempts to expand the
provision of higher education to Namibia's scattered population. However, as can be
seen from the statistics in Appendix IV, Section 1, the number of first year enrolments
in the science faculties has still not caught up with that in the other disciplines. As we
have seen, the real problem is not in attracting students, but in retaining them. Thus
while the number of first-year enrolments in the Faculty of Science may compare
favourably with that in the Humanities and Social Sciences. the total enrolment
figures for 1997 (Appendix IV, Section 2). and the number of degrees and diplomas
conferred for the 1995 academic year (Appendix IV, Section 3) reveal the result of the
Science Faculty's high failure rates.
Importantly, there also seems to be recognition at UNAM of the importance of
institutional development; to the extent that the University is obliged to produce
inttnrdiiite results, that pressure comes largely from outside the University
community. This is not to say that the process of change has been without
controversy, however. Clearly, no such process can be unproblematic, and there are
those at UNAM who feel that much has been left out of the debate on higher
education in Namibia. It is to these concerns that we turn our attention in the final
chapter.
CHAPTER FIVE
As noted at the outset, it was suggested in the course of my research that this
dissertation could contribute to the debate on higher education in Namibia, which is
still very much in progress. The recent formation of the MHEVTST, and the
forthcoming white paper mark a significant rethinking in the administration of, and
vision for Namibia's higher education sector. It seems, therefore, that any effective
contribution an outside observer could make would ( I ) address unresolved or
controversial issues identified in the latest draft of the white paper, and (2) raise issues
which have either been ignored or inadequately dealt with thus far. Furthermore, in
order that the contribution be maximally relevant, it will also be important to take into
account concerns raised by stakeholders themselves, from inside the ongoing debate.
To these ends, I will do the following in this final chapter: first, raise staff concerns
based on the interviews conducted at UNAM; and second, make a number
observations, drawing particularly on the context and perspective set forth in Chapters
One and Two.
Staff Concerns
To ask UNAM's academic staff for their thoughts either on the white paper or
on national development more generally, is somewhat akin to opening a floodgate - it r
produces a virtual torrent of opinions, concerns and recommendations. We have
already noted the divergence of views on the northern project, but while UNAM and
MHEVTST seem clearly divided on that issue, others are less clear-cut. Four points
in particular, stand out as especially pertinent: the first of these represents
dissatisfaction with the way in which the debate on the white paper has been
conducted, the second and third have to do with more specific issues identified in the
draft of the white paper itself, while the fourth is an observation, which was never
discussed explicitly in interviews, but was implicit in the comments of many
interviewees.
First, several senior UNAM figures expressed concern that the debate on
national development in Namibia has been too simplistic, that important voices have
been left out of the debate, and that the resulting vision has not taken into account
what the future society of Namibia will look like. Two examples will illustrate this
point. As noted in Chapter Two, Namibia has a small but ethnically diverse
population. During the colonial period, the South African regime sought not only to
divide white from non-white, but also to destroy any sense. of unity among non-whites
through the apartheid policy of separate development. And although the struggle
against apartheid did become a unifying force in many ways, inevitably there were
also divisions in the movement. Furthermore, the post-independence SWAP0
government - which is widely associated with the Owambo, Namibia's largest ethnic
group - has not always been sensitive to local concerns; the recent Okavango delta
controversy involving the Himba in northern Namibia is but one example of this.
Given this lack of unity, there is concern on the part of some UNAM staff that the
public debate has focused too much on 'national development' and too little on the
development of Namibia as a nation. The former, it is thought, is impossible without
the latter.
A second and somewhat related example was pointed out by a senior member
of staff in the Faculty of Humanities and Social Sciences. It has to do with tourism.
Recent figures have shown that tourism is becoming one of Namibia's leading
industries, and has already surpassed manufacturing in income (Cablevision, 1996).
Furthermore. the government is actively encouraging tourism, particularly by
Europeans and North Americans in the most profitable sectors. The potential for
Namibia's previously disadvantaged communities to profit from the tourism trade is
therefore enormous. Despite this, little attention has been given to the training of
Namibians for employment in this sector. Such training would seem especially
important given Namibia's diverse ethnic groups. Although evidence is only
anecdotal on this point, there seems to be a danger that some of Namibia's formerly
disadvantaged groups could lose out to the country's large white population in
obtaining jobs in the tourist industry, because of generally lower levels of education
and international experience among now-whites. And though the desire on the part of
white tourists to 'feel at home' wherever they go in the world may signal racism - conscious or sub-conscious -on their part, the need to cater for the cultural demands
of foreign tourists is also a consequence of Namibia's desire to develop the upmarket
tourism industry, and that requires training.
A second area of concern for UNAM staff is related to the funding formula
being developed by UNAM and MHEVTST. On this issue, the University and the
Ministry agree on the desirability of moving 'away from annual negotiated budgets to
a rational formula approach within the framework of long term financial planning'
(UNAM, 1996b: 48). The funding formula would be applicable across the higher
education sector, and would encourage adjustments in student intake in various
disciplines based on 'the human resource needs of the nation' (UNAM, 1996b: 49).
Although formula funding does have clear advantages (and although its proponents
insist the system will be flexible), some UNAM staff have expressed concern that it
may be too early in UNAM's development as an institution to introduce what they see
as a less tractable system. In particular, the dean of the Faculty of Law (and former
vice-chancellor of the University of Zimbabwe) points out that in the early years of a
university's development, a disproportionate amount of money must be spent -
especially on staff development - in order to achieve a certain level of quality. This
level must be achieved before locking into formula funding, which is designed to
produce slower growth over a long period. Others, too, have expressed concern that
UNAM has not yet 'plateaued' in terms of quality.
The third area of concern expressed by UNAM staff has to do with the control
of research policy in the country. As noted in Chapter Three. UNAM and MHEVTST
have presented different proposals for the creation of a Research Council. The
Council would possess a wide range of functions, but in general would be responsible
for defining national research priorities and co-ordinating research across institutions.
Such a council is important in Namibia ( I ) because the research tradition in the
country is underdeveloped, with much of the research carried out by visiting
international students, scholars and scientists, and (2) because research into specific
areas by government ministries and departments are not generally linked in any way, - hampering sharing of data and co-operation (UNAM, 1996b: 53). We noted in
Chapter Three that the chief difference between the two proposals arises from the
question of ownership:
While MHEVTST apparently envisions a Council created hy and attached and accountable to the Ministry. UNAM proposes a high-status Council external to individual ministries ... (MHEVTST. 1997: 58).
Clearly, this is an issue that links with issues of autonomy and academic freedom.
UNAM's proposal of an independent body - made up of professional researchers and
administrators along with policy makers and representatives from the public and
private sectors - would seem to safeguard institutional autonomy and academic
freedom of researchers, while maintaining relevance through links with various
sectors of society. It is possible, however, that the call for an independent Research
Council on the part of UNAM's senior staff is driven at least in part by a simple
desire to keep control of research policy out of the hands of MHEVTST. Given the
generally difficult relationship between university and ministry, this must be seen as a
possibility.
This brings up a final point. We have repeatedly noted Namibia's unique
dernographics, and particularly its small population. Indeed, this is perhaps
Namibia's niost immediately obvious characteristic to a foreign visitor. Windhoek is
home to approximately 150,000 people, making it the size of a largish North
American or European town, but only a small fraction the size of most of the world's
capital cities. One result of this is the personal and informal nature of many
relationships which in other places would be formal or even non-existent. Again and
again, when asked about consultancy or contributions to policy making, UNAM staff
would indicate informal visits by former students (now working in the private sector
or the ministries), but few formal or official links. Where the personal relationship is
a good or friendly one then, this situation has clear benefits in terms of efficiency.
Where the relationship is antagonistic, however, it can become an obstacle to co-
operation and, in extreme cases, lead to a complete breakdown of communication
between institutions. Several UNAM staff indicated that personal antagonisms have
led at times to a lack of communication between the University and MHEVTST. As
relationships between institutions become more complex then, and in order to
facilitate communication in some current situations, it may be necessary to formalise
some links which have hitherto been informal. As we have noted, the positive
characteristic of the inpending funding formula is the replacement of face-to-face
negotiation with a more objective approach.
Conclusions
In Chapter One, we looked at the evolution of the notion that universities in
Africa must be particularly relevant to the societies in which they operate and of
which they are a part. We noted that many African universities share similar
characteristics and face similar issues and problems because of their common origins,
the metropolitan models on which they are based. We also noted however, the
diversity among African universities. In the following chapters we looked at UNAM.
one African university, and we have seen that it is indeed like its neighbours in some
ways; but it is also unique because o f Namibia's history and its current political,
cultural and educational context. Perhaps the most accurate point that can be made
about UNAM's development - including the commitment to national development -
is that it is an institution which is still very much in transition; the same is true of
higher education policy in Namibia more generally. As such it is difficult to draw
firm conclusions.
However, given what we have said earlier about the future o f African
universities requiring a new approach to university developmentalism and the need to
address unresolved issues, several key points can be made regarding UNAM's current
and future development:
We have seen that to a large extent national development in Namibia means addressing and undoing the legacies of apartheid. In the pre-independence period and in the several years following independence - up to and including the publication o f Toward Educationfor All in 1993 - there was important recognition in policy documents and briefs o f the importance o f including a cultural component in the vision for national development, including a substantial role for UNAM in the development o f cultural, artistic and musical skills (MEC, 1993: 109). Because of Namibia's unique historv and the active suppression o f cultural expression during the colonial period, the encouragement o f the 'arts' - defined as broadlv as ~ossible - must be seen as < .
crucial to Namibia's growth as a nation. I n UNAM's Five Year Development Plan and in the current discussion draft of MHEVTST's forthcoming white paper, however, this cultural component of national development seems regrettably to have suffered a significant demotion. The vision presented in these later documents marks a shift toward a more utilitarian view o f university education, with an emphasis on the promotion of science and technology. Even more recently, significant attention has been focused upon distance and open learning through UNAM's Centre for External Studies and the Northern Project.
Autonomy and academic freedom link with a number of other issues at UNAM. I n general, university autonomy in Namibia may be seen as the partnership between university and state, discussed in Chapter One. To paraphrase once again the dean o f UNAM's Faculty o f Law, the University has significant freedom to develop its own courses and programmes, but a lesser degree o f autonomy in choosing and creating new ones. In a number of areas - including the new Faculty of Agriculture and Natural Resources, and the control of research policy - the maintenance of a reasonable degree of autonomy and academic freedom will require the vigilant pursuit of independence by UNAM's staff.
UNAM's youth as an institution means that institution building - including btaff development, designing and implementing new faculties, courses and programmes, and the re-organisation of administrative and staff structures - has been a key priority, and will continue to be important. Significantly, however, UNAM is faced with a dual development imperative: because the institution inherited at independence - the Academy for Tertiary Education - was of generally sub-standard quality, UNAM must develop into a high- quality institution of international standard, while subsequently fulfilling the expectation that it contribute to national development, a goal to which it is committed in its mission statement.
Finally, we noted in Chapter One the fallacy of designating certain subjects as more inherently 'developmental' than others. In the 1960s Foster (1963) refuted the 'Vocational School Fallacy', pointing out that training people in certain fields does not necessarily create growth or jobs in those sectors. UNAM's growing emphasis on the promotion of science and technology places it in danger of falling into the same trap. Although the colonial legacy does necessitate an improvement in the teaching of science subjects, the avoidance of this Development University Fallacy will require recognition that the mere creation of a new Faculty of Agriculture, or the redirection of funds to the Faculty of Science will not be sufficient to create economic growth or to develop a 'science culture' in the country. As King (1985) points out, the developmental role of science will depend much more on government policy than on the ways in which science subjects are taught in universities.
Thus while it is difficult at this point to draw firm conclusions about UNAM's success
in translating its commitment to national development into visible change, we have
been able to identify the key issues involved in the ongoing process of bringing about
that change. By focusing on this process within a single institution in a unique
context, we have been able to understand the ways in which the issues facing many
African universities over the past three decades currently apply at the local level.
Finally, given that the debate on higher education is still in progress in Namibia, and
that there seems to be a genuine desire to learn from and build upon the experience of
other countries - as well as the experience gained in exile during the colonial period - it is hoped that the exploration of the issues undertaken here will be of more than just
academic interest, and will in fact contribute to more effective policy-making in
Namibia's higher education sector.
APPENDIX 1, SECTION f
The following diagrams are taken fiom the Ministry of Higher Education,
Vocational Training, Science and Technology's Mission Statement and Investment
Plan (1995). The first depicts the relationshjps between the various levels of the
education system. The institutions and sectors under the direction of the MHEVTST
are shown in blue.
ClNAhl
POLYTECHNIC TEACHER EDUCATION COLLEGES A
t A t t t
VOCATIONAL EDUCATION SENIOR SECONDARY AND TRAINING LEVEL
ADULT, CONTINUING
AND NON- FORMAL SYSTEM
A
L r 1 T
~n - 0 - !a - 7 - - c.
5 - A - 1 - 7 - 1
I
A
f 3
MASS SKILLS DEVELOPMENT
I i ?-------------------------------------------------l
BASIC EDUCATION SYSTEM GRADES 1 - 10
,--------------------------------- I
I
I I
/ SPECIALEDUCATION I I 1 - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - n
Entry Points EARLY CHILDHOOD EDUCATION
APPENDIX I, SECTION 2
INTERNAL STRUCTURE OF MHEVTST
The Ministry of Higher Education, Vocational Training, Science and
Technology was established in 1995 with the following structure:
,------------- OFFICE OF THE ------------- I MINISTER I
I
I I
I
, !
OFFICE OF THE PERMANENT SECRETARY
I
1
v
+ DIRECTORATE OF
HIGHER EDUCATION
D I R ~ R A T E OF SC WCE AND TECHNOLOGY
DIRECTORATE OF VOCATIONAL
EDUCATION AND TRAINING
BURSARIES AND QUALIFICATION^
UNIT
APPENDIX I1
MISSION STATEMENT OF THE UNIVERSITY OF NAMIBIA
' At the installation ceremony, on April 23. 1993, the Founding Chancellor of UNAM, 1 His Excellency Dr. Sam Nujoma, made the following statement:
... I see the University of Namibia as a centre of higher lwning, served by dedicated men and women of quality, and producing @uatw determined to uplitt the standard of living of our pcopie. I sce the Univmity of Namibia taking its righffil place in Southern mca in particular. Africa in general, and the world at large, and making its contribution in every area of the world body of knowledge.. .
This statement encapsulates the motto of UNAM: education, service and development.
Within the broad framework of this motto, and the general roles of University institutions, the broad mission of the University of Namibia is to:
* sene u a centre ol hlgher laming and research, and to train high levd rpcclalirb in critical areas necessary for national development;
t provide hciiitiea which are appropriate to a Unlvenity characterized by standards of excelkncc, and edncation which b responsive to the n 4 r of the counhy; and abo which are accwribk to ail the people, mgardiwr of their ethnk background, gender, nwd religion, social statuh or physical condition;
r r v e a8 a repository for the pmervation, development, and articulation of Namibian v d u u m d culture, through the promotion of Namibian history, vduer, and languages;
I t undertake baric ard applied rwurch. with a view to eonbibuting to the social, economic, crltuml. .ad political dwelopment of tbe people of Namibia; I
4 enconrap and promote the endogenous development of mcience and technology &n the country;
t r w e both rural and urban communitier, and provide extension and advisory rrvices to the communitk. with a v i m to up!Uting their education a d technical know-how;
t promote national, regional, and international unity a d undentanding;
+ promote and dercnd democraq, scsdemlc M o m , a culture of excellence, debate and coarimctive criticism, and regular self-evaluation and peer aarmmeat; and to
t safeguard and promote the principle of Univenity rutonomy, with a v i m to providing the appropriate r h n ~ p h e n and opportunitkr for schohn to punue the development of their intellectual potential to the highrat level.
Thus the UNAM community has a crucial role to play in national, regional, and international development activities.
Source: Mshigeni et a1 (1995) First Fiw Yeor Dewlqpmcnt P h 1995-1999 (Windhoek).
APPENDIX 111
ADMINISTRATIVE STRUCTURE OF UNAM
OFFICE OF THE VICE-CHANCELLOR
V I C E - C W C E ~ ~ R
PRO VIC&-CHANCELU)R
UNAM FOUNDATION FACULTY OF ACRICULT. & BOARD OF TRUSTEES NAT. RESOURCES
DEAN I -
CE OF THE BURSAR I FACULTY OF ECONOMICS & MCMT SCIENCE
Centre for Public Service Tnining
I DEAN
CENTRE FOR
CENTRE FOR VISUAL & PERFOUIING ARTS
7, I-
COMPUTER CENTRE
-
FACULTY OF EDUCATION
I DEAN I FACULTY OF HUMANITIU &
SOCIAL SCIENCES Fhmenicdl Institute for Namibia
I DEAN I
-
-
7 1 LANGUAGE CENTRE
I-
-
-
FACULTY OF LAW Human Righta & Doaunenttn Centre
Justice Training Centre
DEAN I FACULTY OF MEDICAL &
-
MULTIDISCIPLINARY RESEARCH CENTRE
HEALTH SCIENCES
I DEAN
e YearDevelopmenf Plan IS 16)
74
FACULTY OF SCIENCE
I DEAN d
APPENDIX IV, SECIlON 1
F'IRST-YEAR ENROLMENT BY FACULTY
Agriculture 8 Natural Resources NIA NIA NIA 52
Economics 8 Management Science 178 193 235 208
Education 249 294 373 339
Humanities 8 Social Sciences 206 181 21 5 119
Law NIA 23 26 43
Medical 8 HeaCth Sciences 244 208 167 328
Science 75 67 82 121 -- - - - - - - - - --
Total 952 966 1098 1210
Source: UNAM Registrar's Office
First-Year Enrolment by Faculty (1997)
400
350
~. - I,- _ - .. .....
. . . ~. ~ . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
~L
- .*.7..~.> . - .. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
. . ... - . - < . . - - . - . . . . . . -. . : -= -
. . _ : . . - . . --. ~. . . . . .
. . . . - . . . . . . . . . -. - . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . - .. - .x . - . - . . - . . . . . . . . . . . .... ....... , , > : 3. ...:. ,-; -;-..- < .......... .*.. - . : .:.. 2: . - - . . - . - . . . .
- ..: - : . . . . .->--*.. -- .> . - . .,: . - >& -;, < < -. :-: =.<:
. . . . . . . . . . : ..... . ....:.. 8 . . . . - . . . . . . : - -. . .~ -. - - . _ . . . - . -%-?<- .- :; - -:-; .- . . - -. . . -1 +Agriarnum 6 Natural
R m m s
+Economics B Manwmnt
-t EducPtion
' - . +Medcsl6HsalthScienms
. +science
. .
. ..... 1 I I
Economics & Management Science 55
Education 45
Humanities & Social Sciences 100
Medical & Health Sciences 23
Law
Science 18
Centre for Vmual& Performing Arts
Total 241 354 2466
Source: WAMAmual Report 1995 &INAM, 1996a).
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