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Okakura Kakuzo's Nostalgic Journey to India and the Invention of Asia

Inaga Shigemi

Many works in English by Tenshin, Okakura Kakuzo (1862-1913), deal with female figures. One such work could have been his graduating thesis for Tokyo Imperial University, if it had not been burned by his frustrated young wife, Motoko (1867-1924). In Okakura1s final years, his intimate letters. with an Indian poet, Priyambada Devi, became well known, and Fred Notehelfer rightly detects in them a kind of amae, or emotional dependence on a maternal figure (317). In a recent biography of Isabella Stuart Gardner, The Art of Scandal, Okakura is frequently mentioned, if not without some confusion (Shand-Tucci 254-257). The author, Douglas Shand-Tucci, concludes that "Okakura Kakuzo's finest English poems were addressed to Isabella Gardner" (257), but does not refer to Okakura1s White Fox (1913), a verse drama which he dedicated to Gardner shortly before his death. It is not unreasonable to presume that in the case of The Book of Tea (1906), its first supposed reader was none other than Isabella Gardner, even though it is formally dedicated to the painter John LaFarge. Several months before the publication of the book, she had written to Bernard Berenson: "I am still full of the sentiment and flower of the great Tea Ceremony, the Chano-yu, which was performed here yesterday at 5 PM (candlelight) by Okakura" (January 22,-. 1905). In the guise of an address to Ko-chan, the cat which Isabella Gardner had given to him, Okakura wrote: "You and I know that wonder is the secret of bliss and that with reason comes the death of the beautiful" (October 4, 1911). "You" here implies, of course, Isabella Gardner, no less than the cat itself.

In this paper, my first proposition is to examine Okakura's "structure of dependence" on the maternal figure in The Ideals of the Orient (1903) and in the manuscript written in 1902 during his stay in Calcutta and only posthumously published as The Awakening of the East (1939). To what extent was Okakura's invention of" Asia" as "one" and a "united living organism" related to his journey to India? Is Okakura's (re-)invention of the "Orient" better understood in connection with his discovery of Indian motherhood? How was his nostalgia for the lost glory of India responsible for his political stance? What was the role played by foreign patrons and mediators in his Indian experience? To

“Okakura Kakuzô’s Nostalgic Journey to India and the Invention of Asia, in Susan Fisher (ed.), Nostalgic Journeys: Literary Pilgrimages between Japan and the West, CJR Japan Research Series, 2001, pp.119-132”

Okakura Kakuzo's Nostalgic Journey to India and the Invention of Asia

Inaga Shigemi

Many works :in English by Tenshin， Okakura Kakuzo (1862-1913)， deal with female figures. One such work could have been his graduati.ng血es白 forTokyo Imperial University， if it had not been burned by his仕us仕atedyoung wife， Motoko (1867-1924). In 0倣ka誌kura白伽1叫aly戸ea訂rs島， hおinti出宜1旧at旬:eletters. with an Indian poe叫t，Pr苛苛也ri匂i勿yambad伽aDevi， became well knOWll， and Fred Notehelfer rightly detec旬並1them a kind of amae， or emotional dependence on a maternal figure (31η. In a recent biography of Isabella Stuart Gard悶・，The Art 01 Scandal， Okakura白

仕equentlymentioned， if not without some confusion (Shand-Tucci 254-25η. The au血or，Douglas Shand-Tucci， concludes血at"Okakura Kakuzo's白nestEnglish poems were addressed to Isabella Gardner" (257)， but does not refer to Okakura's White Fox (1913)， a verse drama which he dedicated to Gardner shortly before his death. It is not unreasonable to presume血at加 thecase of 刀zeBook 01 Tea (1906)， i包白rstsupposed reader was none other than Isabella Gardner， even though it白 formallydedicated to血epainter John LaFarge. Several months before血epublication of the book， she had written to Bernard Berenson:“1 am still full of曲目白出lentand flower of the great Tea Ceremony，出eChano-yu， which was performed here yesterday at 5 PM (candlelight) by Okakura" Ganuary 22，-.1905). In the guise of佃

address to Ko・chan，the cat which Isabella Gardner had given to him， Okakura wrote: "You and 1 know血atwonder is the secret of bliss and 出atwith reason comes the death of the beauぽul"(Oc句ber4， 1911). "You" here implies， of course， Isabella Gardner， no less than the cat i包elf.

In白白 paper，my白rstproposition白 toexamine Okakura' s "s仕uctureof dependence" on the maternal白gurein刀zeIdeals 01 the Orient (1903) and in the manuscript written in 1902 during his stay in Calcutta and only posthumously published as The Awakening 01 the East (1939). To what extent was Okakura's invention of" Asia" as "one" and a "united living organism" related to his journey to India? Is Okakura's (r・e-)invention of the "Orient" better understood in connection with his discovery of Indian motherhood? How was his nostalgia for the lost glory of India responsible for his political stance? What was the role played by foreign pa甘onsand mediators in his Indian experience? To

...

120 Nostalgic J oumeys

answer these questions, we must focus on two particular women, Josephine MacLeod and Margaret E. Noble (known as Sister Nivedita).

I. Josephine MacLeod

Okakura's first book in English, The Ideals of the East with Special Reference to the Arts of Japan (written in 1901, published in 1903), was based on the lectures he had given to English and American women in Tokyo. Among them was Josephine MacLeod (1858-1949), who was responsible for Okakura's trip to India in 1901-02. She was also closely linked with Nivedita of Ramakrishna Vivekananda, who wrote an important introduction to The Ideals of the East.

Josephine MacLeod was the daughter of a wealthy American family and became devoted to Vivekananda (1863-1902) from the time of her first acquaintance with him in New York . around 1894. Her financial, material, and spiritual support played an important part in the first publication of Vivekananda's hagiography, and she was active in propagating Vivekananda's ideas in the West. The Greek writer Nikos Kazantzakis was later supported by her: In his diary of life in England (written ill MacLeod's house in Stratford-on-Avon, said to have once belonged to Shakespeare's daughter), Kazantzakis expresses his amazement at MacLeod's insatiable curiosity, even in her eighties, about the world around her. She used to say with a laugh, "Learning is my religion" (Atmaprana 109-110; Kazantzakis 250).

MacLeod was mainly responsible for Okakura's first trip to India and his meeting with Vivekananda. Okakura left Japan on December 5, 1901, disembarked at Colombo on December 29, and after a brief stay in Madras, arrived in Calcutta on January 6, 1902. He encountered Vivekananda the very same day (Horioka, Okakura Tenshin ki5102-103).

Of their encounter, Jo·sephine MacLeod leaves the following memory:

One of the happy moments of my life was when after a few years at Belue [where Vivekananda resided], Mr. Okakura' said to me rather fiercely, "Vivekananda is ours. He is an Oriental. He is not yours." Then I knew that there was a real understanding between them [Okakura and Vivekananda]. A day or two after, Swami [Vivekananda] said to me, "It seems as if a long lost brother has come" ... And when Swami said to him, "Will you jOin us?" Mr. Okakura said, "No, I haven't finished with this world yet." (qtd. in Atmaprana 104).

Anothe! biographer comments about this meeting: "Okakura'S work for Asian unity and the preservation of Japan's traditional arts had just begun" (Prabuddhaprana 123).

Here is a sense of division of labour, so to speak. Okakura said that if the Indian excels in spirituality, and China is proud of its ethics,

Okakura Kaku

in Japan it is our national suppose that what Viveka Vivekananda) later, on July scholars hay! Vivekananda the Chicago V 210) may haVE American pul 1904, entitlec Standpoint," ( the strongest comparison w obvious simi American put same. OkakUJ (whom we she

Western should ill true hom accumula means til machine (Collected

If we replace "Hinduism" (a parallels with ,

Okubo Ta has already an of Advaitism (J a holistic parad every religion I

Were, in an OF Advaitism whi( explain the pri there is a funda his idea of the " from a hymn: different place~ different paths though they

120 N ostalgic J oumeys

answer' these questions， we must focus on two particular women， Josephine MacLeod and Margaret E. Noble (known as Sister Nivedita).

1. Josephine MacLeod

Okakura's白rstbook in English， The ldeals 01 the Eastωith Special Rφrence to the Arts 01 JIαpan (wri仕:enin 1901， published in 1903)， was based on血electures he had given to English and American women血

Tokyo. Among them was Josephine MacLeod (1858-1949)， who was responsible for OkakuIぜs仕ipto India in 1901-02. She was also c10sely linked with Nivedita of Ramakrishna Vivekananda， who wrote an important in仕oductiontoηze ldeals 01 the East.

J osephine MacLeod was the daughter of a wealthy American family and became devoted to Vivekananda (1863-1902)仕omthe伽 eof her first acquaintance with him in New York. around 1894. Her

financial， material， and spiritual support played an important part白

血efirst publication of Vivekananda' s hagiography， and she was active in propagating Vivekananda's ideas in the West. The Greek writer Nikos Kazantzakis was later supported by her: In his diary of life in England (wri仕enin MacLeod's house in S凶ぜOrd-on-Avon，said to have once belonged to Shakespeare' s daughter)， Kazantzakis expresses his amazement at MacLeod' s insatiable curiosity， even in her eighties， about the world around her. She used to say with a laugh， "Learning is my religion" (A也laprana109-110; Kazan包akお250).

MacLeod was mainly responsible for Okakura' s白rst仕ipto India and his meeting with Vivekananda. Okakura leftJapan on December 5， 1901， disembarked at Colombo on December 29， and after a brief stay in Madras， arrived in Calcutta on January 6， 1902. He encountered Vivekananda出every same day (Horioka， Okakura Tenshin ko 102-103).

Of their encounter， Josephine MacLeod leaves the following memory:

One of the happy moments of my life was when after a few ye訂 sat Belue [where Vivekananda resided]， Mr. Okakura、saidto me rather h悶 ly，"Vivekananda is ours. HeおanOriental. Heおnotyuurs."τ百T五'he児e

a 1 knew血a叫t血e悦r詑ewas a real understanding between血em[0似ka誌kura釦 dVi討.ve怯kana釦nd白a].A day or two after， Swami [Vivekananda] said to me， "1t seems出 ifa long lost brother has come" ... And when Swami said to him， "Will you join us?" Mr. Okakura s泊d，"No， 1 haven't 白山hedwi血血isworld yet." (qtd. in A凶 aprana104).

Another biographer comments about仕由 meeting:"Okakura'S work for Asian uni句Tand血epreservation of Japan's廿aditional紅白

had just begun" (Prabuddhaprana 123). Here ~ a s~nse of div~ion of l;bour， so to speak. Okakura said

出atif the Indian eχcels in spirituality， and China is proud of i包 ethicS，

ular women, ter Nivedita).

st with Special in 1903), was

can women in 49), who was as also closely ho wrote an

thy American from the time

md 1894. Her >ortarit part in she was active

Greek writer liary of life in A von, said to :akis expresses n her eighties, ll, "Learning is

5t trip to India ill December 5, ter a brief stay e encountered in ko 102-103). the following

'" years at me rather lIS." Then [Okakura

lal said to .en Swami I haven't

.g: "Okakura's Taditional arts

Okakura said Id of its ethics,

Okakura Kakuzo's Nostalgic Journey to India and the Invention of Asia 121

in Japan it is "Art [that] is the expression of the highest and noblest of our national culture" (Collected English Writings 2:16). It is easy to suppose that Okakura was planning to realize in the artistic world what Vivekananda was realizing in the spiritual world. However, Vivekananda, who had been ill for some time, passed away six months later, on July 4, 1902, while Okakura was still in India. Some Japanese scholars have already suggested that the legendary success that Vivekananda had. enjoyed at the International Religious Parliament at the Chicago World's Fair in September 1893 (Vivekananda, Swami 194-210) may have inspired Okakura in his promotion of Japanese art to the American public. Okakura's own lecture at the St. Louis World's Fair in 1904, entitled "Modern Problems in Painting-from a Japanese Standpoint," can be interpreted as an "imitation" of Vivekananda (in the strongest sense of following the same path) and is worthy of comparison with the Chicago lectures by Vivekananda. Apart from the obvious similarity of two Oriental intellectuals addressing the American public, the principal doctrine of both lectures was much the same. Okakura told Americans that for "conservatives" in Japan (whom we should not directly identify with Okakura himself):

Western society is not necessarily the paragon which all mankind should imitate. They believe in the homogeneity of civilization, but that true homogeneity must be the result of a realization from within, not an accumulation of outside matter. To them, Japanese paintings are by no means the simple weapons to which they are likened, but a potent . machine invented to carry on a special kind of aesthetic warfare. (Collected English Writings 2: 78; Notehelfer 337).

If we replace "art" with "religion" and "Japanese paintings" with "Hinduism" (as a token of "tolerance and universal acceptance"), the parallels with Vivekananda's lectures are obvious.

Okubo Takaki, in his prize-winning book on Okakura Tenshin, has already analysed how Okakura appropriated Vivekananda's idea of Advaitism (199). The initial monistic idea of eternity and the ideal in a holistic paradigm - by which Vivekananda had preached toleration of every religion (Vivekananda, Swami 195-210) -was transformed, as it were, in an opposite direction by Okakura into the "spirit of living Advaitism which welcomes the new without losing the old" (Ideals 8) to explain the principle of the development of art in Japan. Moreover, there is a fundamental metaphor common to both thinkers. To illustrate his idea of the "universal religion," Vivekananda is said to have quoted from a hymn: "As the different streams having their sources in

.J different places all mingle their water in the sea, so 0 Lord, the different paths which men take through different tendencies, various though they appear, crooked or straight, all lead to Thee"

Okakura Kakuzo' s Nostalgic Journey to India and血.eInvention of Asia 121

in Japan itおUArt[出at]白血eeχpressionof the highest and noblest of our national c叫ture"(Collected English WritJゆ 2刈.Itお easyto suppose血atOkakura was planning to realize白血eartistic world what Vivekananda was realizing白血espiritual world. However， Vivekananda， who had been ill for some time， passed away siχmonths later， on July 4， 1902， while Okakura was still in India. Some Japanese scholars have already suggested出atthe legendary success血atVivekananda had. enjoyed at the Intemational Religious Parliament at the Chicago World's Fair in September 1893 (Vivekananda， Swami 19ι 210) may have inspired Okakura in his promotion of Japanese art to血eAmerican public. Okakura's own lecture at血eSt. Louis World's Fair in 1904， entitled uModern Problems in Painting-from a Japanese Standpoint，" can be interpreted as an U imitation" of Vivekananda (担保ぬongestsense of following the same 抑制 and白 worthyof comparison with the Chicago lectures by Vivekananda. Apart台om出eobvious similarity of two Oriental intellectuals addressing the American public，出eprincipal doc仕ineof bo出 lectureswas much the same. Okakura told Americans血atfor U conservatives"首1Japan (whom we should not directly identiちrwith Okakura himse的:

Westem s促 iety白 notnecessarily the paragon which all mankind should imitate. They believe in出ehomogenei句7of civilization， but血at凶 ehomogenei句7must be the result of a rea1ization from wi血in，not an accumulation of outside matter. To them， ]apanese paintings訂 ebynomeans the simple weapons to which血eyare likened， but a potent machine invented to carry on a special kind of aesthe位cwarfare. (Collected English Writings 2: 78; Notehelfer 33η.

If we replace U art" wi血 ureligion"and uJapanese paintings" with UHinduおm"(as a token of Utolerance and universal acceptance")，出eparallels with Vivekananda' s lectures are obvious.

Okubo Takaki， in his prize-winning book on Okakura Tenshin， has already analysed how Okakura appropriated Vivekananda' s idea of Advaitism (199). The凶 tialmonistic idea of eternity and the ideal in a holistic paradigm -by which Vivekananda had preached toleration of every religion (Vivekananda， Swami 195-210)-was仕ansformed，as it were， in an opposite direction by Okakura into血eusp廿itof living Advaitism which welcomes the new without losing the old" (Ideals 8) to explain血eprinciple of the development of art in Japan. Moreover，仕lere白afundamental metaphor common to both仕lInkers.To illus仕atehis idea of the uuniversal religion，" Vivekananda白saidto have quoted from a hymn: U As the different s仕eamshaving出¢廿 sourcesin different places all mingle their water in the sea， so 0 Lord， the different pa出swhich men take仕uoughdifferent tendencies， various though they appear， crooked or s廿aight，all lead to Thee"

122 Nostalgic Journeys

(Vivekananda, Complete Works 654). In the actualization of Oriental art, Okakura claimed that Japan is located at the point where all the different currents mingle.

There is an evident symmetry between Vivekananda's spiritual synthesis of world religions and Okakura's idea of self-realization and the actualization of Oriental art history. And undoubtedly, Okakura's idea that" Asia is one" which appears in the opening of The Ideals of the East owes part of its inspiration to Vivekananda's Advaitism, which Okakura explains as follows:

The word advaita means the state of not being two, and is the name applied to the great Indian doctrine that all which exists, though apparently manifold, is really one. Hence all truth must be discoverable in any single differentiation, the whole universe involved in every detail. All thus becomes equally precious. (Collected English Writings 1:128).

II. Sister Nivedita

Sister Nivedita (1867-1911) was born Margaret E. Noble in Ireland. Her encounter with Vivekananda in London in 1895 ultimately led her to become his disciple and she travelled to India in 1898. There she met MacLeod. In 1899, she published several articles, such as "Ideals of Hindu Women," and "Mother Worship," which "were highly appreciated" in some circles but also" attacked scathingly, particularly by the supporters of Pcffidita Ramabai, a Christian convert" (Nivedita, Complete Works 2:36). In 1900, Swan Sonnershein & Company of London published her first book, Kali the Mother, which remains an English-language classic on Indian motherhood. She also wrote entlmsiastically about Kropotkin's social and political ideas in 1900. Before Okakura's arrival in Calcutta in 1902, she had just published "Lambs amopg Wolves" in reply to missionary attacks -against Indian culture (published in Westminster Review, April issue; also published as a book in 1903). Sister Nivedita, then aged thirty-four, was devoted to social reform and women's education in Bengal.

Josephine MacLeod and Sister Niveditacarried on a sustained corrrespondence. The Letters of Sister Nivedita (of which the third of three volumes is still unpublished) shows that more than one-third of Nivedita's published letters were sent to Josephine MacLeod. On average, "Magot" wrote every five days to "My Dear Yum Yum." Nivedita met Okakura in March 1902, and in her letters to MacLeod, Okakura's name first appears on April 19, 1902. (The published edition indicates that Nivedita began corresponding with Kakaju [sic] Okakura in 1901, but unfortunately no letter between Nivedita and Okakura appears in the first two volumes.)

Okakura Kaku:

On April and his team found life at I Monday the Consulate in ( weight of org, "The Chieftair hinting at the on July 2nd, l' your friend [0 my surroundir [Japan] in whic

This last Hope, can be ( which Niveditc children, and t1 (Nivedita, Lette Yokohama in ~

rapid and stei military systen cleanest people! to send one 0 :

" Anywhere-out Guha-Takurta ] rejuvenated Ja1 denationalizatio Asia (182). Nive better understoo show Asia, as N fragments that '" dependent on aU (Collected EnglisJ Nivedita found which would re moderniz~d Hinl ready to exercisl national unity in at that time unde and put into demonstrations ill


(Vivekananda， Complete Works 654). In the actualization of Oriental ar七Okakura claimed出atJapan白 locatedat出epoint where all the di丘erentcurrents mingle.

There is an evident symme仕ybetween Vivekananda' s spiritual syn血esisof world religions and Okakura' s idea of self-realization and 出eactualization of Oriental art history. And undoubtedly， Okakura's idea that U Asia白 one"which appears in the opening of The ldeals of the East owes part of its inspiration to Vivekananda' s Advaitism， which Okakura expl出nsas follows:

百leword advaita means the state of not being two， and is血ename applied to the great Indian doc凶 e血atall which e加，血oughapparently manifold， is really one. Hence all廿uthmust be discoverable in any single di丘町entiation，the whole universe involved in every detail. A1l血usbecomes equally precious. (Collected English W耐・ngs1:128).

II. Sister Nivedita

Sister Nivedita (1867-1911) was bom Margaret E. Noble in Ireland. Her encounter with Vivekananda血 Londonin 1895 ul出 latelyled her to become his disciple and she仕avelledto India in 1898. There she met MacLeod. In 1899， she pub1ished several articles， such as Uldeals of Hindu Women，" and uMo出erWorship，" which uwere highly appreciated" in some circles but also U attacked sca血ingly，particularly by血esupporters of Pandita Ramabai， a Christian convert" (Nivedita， Complete 'Works 2:36). In 1900， Swan Sonnershein & Company of London pub1ished her f凶 tbook， Kali the Mother， which remains an Eng1ish-language classic on Indian motherhood. She also wrote en仕msiasticallyabout Kropotkin' s social and political ideas血 1900.Before Okakura' s arrival in Calcutta in 1902， she had just pub1ished ULambs amo.ng Wolves" in replyωmissionary a仕acks.against Indian culture (pub1ished in Westminster Review， April白sue;also pub1ished as a book in 1903). Sister Nivedita， then aged血irty-four，was devoted to social reform and women' s education in Bengal.

Josephine MacLeod and Sister Nivedita carried on a sustained corrrespondence. The Letters 01 Sister Nivedita (of which the third of 血reevolumes白 stillunpub1ished) shows血atmore血釦 one-血irdof Nivedita' s pub1ished le仕erswere sent to J osephine MacLeod. On average， UMagot" wrote every白vedays t句ON吋i討vedi出tamet Okμak初ura百air血1March 1902， and in her letters to MacLeod， Okakura' s name fust appears on Apr日19，1902. (百lepub1ished edition indicates血atNivedita began corresponding with Kakaju [sic] Okakura in 1901， but unfortunately no letter between Nivedita and Okakura appears in血efirst two volumes.)

of Oriental art, where all the

anda's spiritual '-realization and dIy, Okakura's The Ideals of the vaitjsm, which

the name ts, though iscoverable d in every sh Writings

t E. Noble in 1895 ultimately

in 1898. There tides, such as h "were highly Iy, particularly ert" (Nivedita,

Company of ·ch remains an e also wrote ideas in 1900. just published ,against Indian o published as as devoted to

n a sustained h the third of

one-third of MacLeod. On r Yum Yum." s to MacLeod, blished edition

[sic] Okakura and Okakura


On April 19, 1902, Nivedita calls her Japanese guest "Rhinoceros," and his team "Chieftain and his party": "The Chieftain and his party found life at Buddha Gaya frightfully hot, and while I was dressing on Monday the 28th [April] he suddenly appeared here [at the US Consulate in Calcutta]." She also complains, "How you even bore the weight of organising these Indian journeys, I do not know," and adds, "The Chieftain looks well," to the relief of her correspondent, and also hinting at the illness suffered during the journey. From Bagh Gazaar, on July 2nd, Nivedita writes "to Miss J. MacLeod" that "I never saw your friend [Okakura] look so lively or so natural. Perhaps he thought my surroundings bare - but he set himself to talk of 'the land of hope' Uapan] in which he lived-in a way that did me gpod."

This last passage, in which Okakura sees in Japan his Land of Hope, can be contrasted with the following lament by Vivekananda, which Nivedita recorded: "Our country is the graveyard of her own children, and the Paradise of every bully who chooses to outrage her!" (Nivedita, Letters 1:199; July 28, 1902). Indeed, travelling from Kobe to Yokohama in 1892, Vivekananda had remarked that as well as the rapid and steady industrialization and Westernization in Japan's military system and transportation, "the Japanese are one of the cleanest peoples on earth. Everything is neat and tidy," and he wished to send one of his younger brothers either to America or Japan, "Anywhere-out of Bengal" (Nivedita, Letters 1:199; July 28, 1902). As Guha-Takurta has judiciously suggested, "the patriotic fever of a rejuvenated Japan" and "a deep crisis of self-identity at the denationalization in India" were two sides of the same coin of Modern Asia (182). Nivedita's preface to Okakura's The Ideals of the East can be better understood in this particular context: "[I]t is of supreme value to show Asia, as Mr. Okakura does, not as the congeries of geographical fragments that we imagined, but as a united living organism, each part dependent on all the others, the whole breathing a single complex life" (Collected English Writings 1: 11). In this "united living organism," Nivedita found what she called the "all-pervasive syncretic force," which would realize the "Indian synthesis" under the guidance of modernized Hinduism. Clearly, Okakura's slogan, "Asia is one," was ready to exercise a direct political impact upon the aspirations for national unity in the Indian subcontinent. As a matter of fact, India was at that time under the threat of Bengal Partition, which was announced and put into effect in 1905, provoking massive anti-British demonstrations and boycotts, known as the Swadeshi Movement.


On April19， 1902， Nivedita caIIs her Japanese guest "Rhinoceros，" and his team "Chieftain and his party": "The Chieftain and his par句rfound life at Buddha Gaya仕ighぜullyhot， and while 1 was dressing on Monday the 28出 [April]he suddenly appeared here [at血eUS Consulate in Calcutta]." She aIso complains， "How you even bore the weight of organising these Indian joumeys， 1 do not know，" and adds， "The Chieftain looks well，" to the relief of her correspondent， and aIso h恒也19at the illness suffered during the journey. From Bagh Gazaar， on July 2nd， Nivedita writes "to Miss J. MacLeod"出at"1 never saw your friend [Okakura] look so lively or so natural. Perhaps he thought my surroundings bare -but he set himself to talk of 'the land of hope' Uapan] in which he lived-in a way出atdid me gpod."

This last passage， in which Okakura sees in Japan his Land of Hope， can be con仕astedwith the following lament by Vivekananda， which Nivedita recorded: "Our coun仕y白 thegraveyard of her own children， and the Paradise of every bully who chooses to ou甘ageher!" (Nivedita， Letfers 1:199; July 28， 1902). 1ndeed，仕avellingfrom Kobe to Yokohama in 1892， Vivekananda had remarked血atas well as血erapid and steady indus仕ializationand Westernization in Japan's military system and仕ansportation，"the Japanese are one of the cleanest peoples on earth. Every仕lIng白 neatand tidy，" and he wished to send one of his younger brothers either to America or Japan， 11 Anywhere-out of Bengal" (Nivedita， Letfers 1:199; July 28， 1902). As Guha-Takurta has judiciously suggested， "the pa仕ioticfever of a 吋uvenated Japan" and "a deep cr白色 of self-identity at 血edenationalization in India" were two sides of the same coin of Modern Asia (182). Nivedita' s preface句 Okakura's The Ideals 01仇eEast can be better understood血白色 particularcontext: "[1]t包ofsupreme value to show Asia， as Mr. Okakura does， not as the congeries of geographical fragmen匂血atwe imagined， but as a united living organism， each part dependent on all the others， the whole brea仕lInga single compleχlife" (Collected English Writings 1: 11). In出担、nitedliving organism，" Nivedita found what she called the "all-pervasive syncretic force，" which would realize the "Indian synthesis" under the guidance of modernized Hinduism. Clearly， Okakura' s slogan， "Asia白 one，"was ready to eχercise a direct political impact upon出easpirations for national unity in the Indian subcontinent. As a matter of fact， India was at血attime under血e仕ueatof Bengal P

I

I I [


III. The Publication of The Ideals of the East

Until now, scholars have had difficulty in determining the extent of Nivedita's contribution to the publication of Okakura's first book. Nivedita's own confessions shed light on this unsettled matter. In a long letter dated September 14, 1902, Nivedita talks about the editor's " discretion in cutting up the book": "The first excision ... was peculiarly unfortunate, spoiling the whole music, and the sentence was restored in proof." Here is a detail which suggests difficulties in the editing of Okakura's forthcoming book. Her introduction (which we have quoted from) is ready and she hopes that her correspondent will be satisfied with it (Nivedita, Letters 1:507). She reports that Okakura is still 'Working hard on another manuscript (probably the one to be published in 1939 as The Awakening of the East) and when tired or ill, he comes from time to time to her house for "visiting" and to be taken care of: "I fear he is working as hard as ever. It is that burning self-sacrifice in little things as well as big. No indeed, I do not need help in order to see the greatness of the man you brought" (Letters 1:504).

Nivedita's solicitude for her Japanese guest bears witness to Okakura's "structure of dependency" on a maternal figure. In fact, in Nivedita's letters to Josephine MacLeod, she refers to Okakura as "Your dear child," or "Nigu," or simply "N." In her "long letter about Nigu" where "He" indicates Vivekananda, who has just passed away, and "he" means Okakura, Nivedita even confesses to MacLeod that "Nigu and I play at his being I a bad boy with a wonderful Mother'and I am she." She also reports "how he is worshipped, by all who really know him." We are informed by Nivedita that Okakura was called "Khalki," or even "Krishina," by the local boys.

After Okakura's return to Japan in October of 1902,Nivedita was further engaged wi,th his work. A letter to MacLeod in November 1902 reveals that Okakura was insisting upon her coming to Japan:

About Japan for my little one. I have a feeling that that was Nigu's plan-but it was never mentioned between us. And I hope if it comes it will be his spontaneous doing. I never saw anyone so generous and so thoughtful and at the same time with such a power to move men at his will, as Nigu, But I would hate him to be urged or persuaded on this point. (Letters 1: 518; letter 212, Nov. 1902).

She adds, "If I go to Japan at all, it must be as an Oriental!" At that time, Okakura ' was on the verge of giving up his dream of organizing the Second International Parliament of Religion in Kyoto with the collaboration of Oda Tokuno (1866-1911) who had joined Okakura in Vivekananda's residence in Belue in April 1902. Evidently Okakura was inviting Nivedita for this purpose. The following letter reflects a certain anxiety ab~>ut Okakura's spontaneity, and hints at forebodings

OkakuraKc

about the j

may have should no1 succeeded phrase refl, India. The f "And our f1 bestowed, ii for him!" (L(

At firsl Okakura's n eternal Mot] mean the Su gave special Still, "Mothe editor of Ni, making the j

suspicious al activities in I Japanese agel later.

In Febru. (address unid

Do you 1 author a publishe, indicatinl East and produce published service all

[Vivekana very thou, even the It

Evide~tly, great a respor However, this " misunderstand important page what the problt: remark at the er letter-childish a: attitude towards Okakura has n(

124 Nostalgic Joumeys

111. The Publication of The ldeals 01 the East

Unti1 now， scholars have had difficulty in determining the extent of Nivedita' s con仕ibutionto出epublication of Okakura's first book. Nivedita' s own confessions shed light on出 sunse仕ledmatter. In a long letter dated September 14， 190乙Niveditatalks about the editor' s " discretion in Cl蜘 gup the book": "The白rstexcision ... was peculia均unfortunate， spoiling the whole music，但ldthe sentence was restored in proof." Here is a detail which sugges匂 dif白cultiesin出eediting of Okakura' s forthcoming book. Her in仕oduction(which we have quoted 仕om)白 readyand she hopes出ather correspondent will be satisfied wi血抗 (Nivedita，Lefters 1:507). She repor包出atOkakura白 s凶Iworking hard on ano血ermanuscript (probably the one to be published in 1939 as The Aωakening of the East) and when tired or ill， he comes 台omtime to time to her house for "visiting" and to be taken care of: "1 fear he白 workingas ha1;'d as ever. It白血atburning self-sacri白ce血

litt1etlせngsas well as big. N 0 indeed， 1 do not need help in order to see 出egrea恒essof the man you brought" (Let伽 s1:504).

Nivedita's solicitude for her Japanese guest bears witness to Okakura's "s仕uctureof dependency" on a matemal figure. In fact， in Nivedita's le仕ersto Josephine MacLeod， she refers to Okakura as "Your dear child，" or "Nigu，" or simply IIN." In her "long letter about Nigu" where "He" indicates Vivekananda， who has just passed away，紅 ld"he" me但 18Okakura， Nivedita even confesses to MacLeod血at"Nigu and 1 play at his being I a bad boy with a wonderful Mother'-and 1 am she." She a1so repor匂 "howhe白 worshipped，by ，all who really know him." We are informed by Nivedita出atOkakura was called"即日lki，"or even IIKrishina，" by the local boys.

After Okakura's retum to Japan in October of 1902， Nivedita was further engaged w~th his work. A le仕erto MacLeod in November 1902 revea1s出atOkakura was insisting upon her coming to Japan:

About Japan for my li仕leone. 1 have a feeling血at血atwas Nigu' s plan-but it was never mentioned between us. And 1 hope if it comes it will be his spontaneous doing. 1 never saw anyone so generous and so 血oughぜ叫訂ldat血esame time with such a power to move men at his w出， as Nigu， But 1 would hate him to be urged or persuaded on仕出

point. (Letters 1: 518; le仕er212， Nov. 1902).

She adds， IIIf 1 go to Japan at all， it must be as an Oriental!" At血attime， Okakura was on the verge of giving up his dream of organizing the Second International Parliament of Religion in Kyoto with the collaboration of Oda Tokuno (1866-1911) who had joined Okakura担

Vivekananda's residence in Belue in April 1902. Evident1y Okakura was inviting Nivedita for白白 purpose.The following letter reflec包 acertain anxie句Tabeut Okakura' s spontaneity， and hints at forebod加gs

East

Ling the extent 'a's first book. i matter. In a ut the editor's was peculiarly vas restored in the editing of e have quoted ill be satisfied ;akura is still ) be published . ill, he comes ken care of: "I elf-sacrifice in in order to see

rs witness to He. In fact, in ) Okakura as tg letter about passed away, MacLeod that ~ful Mother l

-

d, by all who Okakura was

Nivedita was ovember 1902 Jan:

IS Nigu'S t comes it IS and so len at his d on this

uta!!" At that of organizing roto with the d Okakura in ntly Okakura ~tter reflects a It forebodings

Okakura Kakuz6's Nostalgic Journey to India and the Invention of Asia 125

about the failure of Okakura's planning: "[(B)ecauseof his illness] N. may have more difficulty in organizing things than he expected. I should not be surprised if a year of two of quiet work in Japan succeeded all his efforts and loss of health here [in India]." This last phrase reflects some concern about his overwork during his stay in India. The following comment also suggests their delicate relationship: " And our friendship and confidence are very poor. Poor too is the help bestowed, if we cannot feel that any good work is the Mother's work for him!" (Letters 1:519; letter 213, Nov. 19, 1902).

At first sight, this seems to suggest her role as a proofreader of Okakura's manuscript. Also intriguing is his attachment to a notion of eternal Motherhood. "The Mother" with capital letter "M" seems to mean the Supreme Grace in the Order of Ramakrishna, and Nivedita gave special importance to Indian Motherhood in her own writing. Still, "Mother's work" seems to conceal far more political meaning. The editor of Nivedita's letters was probably referring to this passage in making the following comments: "November 19 [Nivedita] becomes suspicious about Okakura's real intention behind his revolutionary activities in India. Ultimately [Nivedita] thought that Okakura was a Japanese agent" (1:39). We will examine the relevance of this comment later.

In February 1903~ The Ideals of the East finally appeared. In a letter (address unidentified), Nivedita remarks:

Do you know, it seems to me that Swamiji [Vivekananda] was the real author of the little Kali-book [Kali the Mother, Nivedita's first book, published in 1900], and that then I had to help the Bairn [probably indicating her running of the Girls' school], and then the Ideals of the East and that only after three servings we were allowed, you and I, to produce this book [probably indicating The Webs of Indian Life, published on Sep. 1903]7 I love to think that it is the flower of long service and help. Above ali, I like to think that I did something for Him [Vivekananda] first. That consecrates everything. Though indeed the very thought of service is itself as a veil of consecration as I think-and even the least sacred is as sacred as the most. (Letters 2: 705-706).

Evidently, in the course of her intellectual life, Nivedita felt as great a responsibility for Okakura's publication as for her own. However, this letter also suggests that during the process, some "misunderstanding" occurred between them. (Unfortunately, an important page of this letter is missing, and we cannot say for sure what the problem was.) Incidentally, Nivedita slips in the following remark at the end of the same letter: "from Mr. OK [Okakura] a sweet letter-childish again," a further confirmation of Okakura's dependent attitude towards his female mediator in India. (The letter in question by Okakura has not been published and its present whereabouts are

Okakura Kakuzo' 5 N ostalgic J ourney to India and the Invention of Asia 125

about the failure of Okakura's planning: "[(B)ecause of his illness] N. may have more di血cultyin org倒せzing吐血gs出anhe expected. 1

should not be surprised if a year of two of quiet work in Japan succeeded all his efforts and loss of health here [in India]."百出 lastphrase reflects some concern about his overwork during his stay in India. The following comment also sugges匂 theirdelicate rela.tionship: "And our仕iendshipand con白denceare very poor. Poor too白血ehelp bestowed， if we cannot feel出atany good work白血eMo血er'swork for him!" (Letters 1:519; le抗er213， Nov. 19， 1902).

At first sight，出白 seemsto suggest her role as a proo仕eaderof Okakura' s manuscript. Also in仕iguing白 hisattachment to a notion of etemal Motherhood. "The Mother" with capital le仕er"M" seems to mean血eSupreme Grace in the Order of Ramakrishna， and Nivedita gave special importance to Indian Motherhood in her own writing. Sti11， "Mo血er's work" seems to conceal far more political meaning. The editor of Nivedita' s letlers was probably referring to仕rispassage in making the following comments: "November 19 [Nivedita] becomes suspicious about Okakura' s real intention behind his revolutionary activities in India. Ultimately [Nivedita] thought出atOkakura was a Japanese agent" (1:39). We will examine the relevance of白白 commentlater.

In February 1903， The Ideals of the East finally appeared. In a le仕:er(address unidentified)， Nivedita remarks:

Do you know， it seems to 脱出atSw担 uji[Vivekananda] was血ereal author of the little Kali-book [Kali the Mother， Nivedita' s first book， pub1ished in 1900]， and血atthen 1 had旬 helpthe Bairn [probably indica也市 herrunning of the Girls' school]， and then the ldeals 01 the East and血atonly after仕立eeservings we were allowed， you and 1， to produce血isbook [probably indicating 市川bs01 lndian L俳，pub1ished on Sep. 1903]7 1 love to白血k血atit is血eflower of long service and help. Above all， 1 like to仕由lk血at1did some仕ungfor}也m[Vivekananda] first.百latconsecrates every白血g.百loughindeed血every thought of service is itself出 aveil of consecration出 I仕由lk-andeven the least sacred is as sacred as the most. (Letters 2: 705-706).

Evidently， in the course of her intellectual life， Nivedita felt as great a responsib出句T for Okakura' s publication aS for her own. However，白色 letleralso suggests that during血eprocess， some "misunderstanding" occurred between them. (Unfortunately， an important page of白色 letleris missing， and we cannot say for sure what the problem was.) Incidentally， Nivedita slips in the following remark at the end of the same le仕er:"仕omMr. OK [Okakura] a sweet letler-childish again，" a further confirmation of Okakura' s dependertt attitude towards his female mediator in India. (百lele仕erin question by Okakura has not been pub1ished and its present whereabouts are


unknown.) To understand what this letter implies, we need to consider the political activities Nivedita was involved in.

IV. Nivedita and the Indian Nationalist Movement

During Okakura's stay in India, Nivedita recorded his nationalistic attitudes and his worship of the Emperor. The following passage reflects the slight but decisive difference in their attitudes. When it came to gossip about the English royal family and Edward VII's "misfortune," Nivedita records that "N [Okakura] almost persuades me that sovereigns have not always and everywhere been vulgar and rich ,and self-indulgent and grasping at the show of power" (Letters 1:130; end July: Letter 197). Clearly, Okakura implies here either the Japanese Imperial family or some idealized "grandeur of Asoka." This reaction by Okakura also reminds us of a passage in The Ideals of the East:

The glory of Asia ( ... ) lies in that vibration of peace that beats in every heart; that harmony that brings together emperor and peasant; that subliine intuition of oneness which commands all sympathy, all courtesy, to be its fruits, making Takakura [Godaigo], Emperor of Japan, remove his sleeping-robes on a winter night, because the frost lay cold on the hearths of his poor, or Taiso [T'ai-tsung], of T'ang, forgo food, because his people were feeling the pinch of famine. It lies in the dream of renunciation that pictures the Bodhisattava as refraining from Nirvana till the last atom of dust in the universe shall have passed in before to bliss. (Collected English Writings 1: 130)

In reaction to Okakura's idealized 'vision of Asiatic" oneness," Nivedita makes her position clear. After recording Okakura's response, Nivedita continues:

But certairily in Victorian England with wealth and flattery unlimited, and manly activity cramped on every side, a Prince of Wales cannot be blamed for dissoluteness! Our Royal Family seems to me the most entirely appropriate summit of our Imperialistic system that could possibly be imagined. (Letters 1:130; end July: Letter 197)

It is evident that Nivedita did not shrink from criticizing Western imperialism.

Shortly after Vivekananda's death on July 4, 1902, she officially left the formal membership of the Ramakrishna Order and publicly declared her entire independence from the Order. The passage quoted above, written at the end of July, certainly reflects her accelerated antiBritish attitude (Mukherjee 222-223). And it was precisely during the period when Okakura was staying in Calcutta that Nivedita was also experiencing her own transformation as a public figure. Is it a simple

Okakura Kal

coincidence Unity of Inc was busy p own prefao lectures, N: unity" that ' kind ofmut is one" was

Amon~ (unsigned) Indian cha: (published : into East Be July, 1905 a protest and an active rol direct enga movement · recalled thaj motherhood itself over t1 the once wi( ideal of nat recent studiE depth of her claiming tha brands - inel admired he1 closely re-eXi

Howev! criticized as rna terial riel Marxist-nati< debatable w] foreign, bloo( supporter, , MacLeod ant The "white' '\ studying thE Asia. A rece Gayaraman ] study (Roy : apologetic at

second-hand


unknowh.) To understand what白白 le仕白血lplies，we need to consider

出epolitical activities Nivedita was involved in.

IV. Nivedita and the Indian Nationalist Movement

During Okakura' s stay in India， Nivedita recorded his nationalistic attitudes and h臼 worshipof血eEmperor. The following passage reflec匂 theslight but decisive difference in their attitudes. When it came to gossip about the English royal family and Edward VII's um白fortune，" Nivedita records 血at uN [Okakura] a1most persuades me血atsovereigns have not always and everywhere been vulgar and rich .and self-indulgent and grasping at the show of power"

(Letters 1:130; end July: Letler 197). Clear砂，Okakuraimplies here either the Japanese Imperial family or some idealized "grandeur of Asoka." This reaction by Okakura also reminds us of a passage in刀zeldeals of the East:

官官 gloryof Asia (…) lies in血atvibration of peace出atbeats in every he訂 ti血ath訂 mony血atbrings toge出eremperor and peasanti血atsubliine intuition of oneness which commands all sympathy， all courtesy， to be its仕凶ts，m誌ingTakakura [God出go]，Emperor of Japan， remove his sleeping-robes on a winter night， because the仕ostlay cold on the he紅白sof his poor， or Taisoπ1出品ung]，of T'ang， forgo food， because his people were feeling the pinch of f町山e.It lies in the dream of renunciation出atpictures出eBodhisattava as refraining from Nirvana till the last atom of dust in the universe shall have passed in before to bliss. (Collected English Writings 1: 130)

In reaction 1:0 Okakura' s idealized vision of Asiatic "oneness，" Nivedita makes her position c1ear. After recording Okakura's response， Nivedita con也lues:

But certainly in Victorian England with wealth and flattery unli凶 ted，and manly activi守crampedon every side， a Prince of Wales cannot be blamed for dissoluteness! Our Royal Fami1y seems to me the most entirely appropria恒 sumnutof our Imperialおticsy此 m血atcould possibly be imagined. (μtters 1:130i end July: Letter 19η

It is evident出atNivedita did not shrink仕omcriticizing Western

imperialism. Shortly after Vivekananda's death on July 4， 1902， she of:白cially

left the formal membership of the Ramakrishna Order and publicly

dec1ared her entire independence from the Order. The passage quoted above， written at the end of July， certainly reflec匂 heraccelerated釦佐

British attitude (Mukhe司ee222-223). And it was precisely during the period when Okakura was staying in Calcutta出atNivedita was also experiencing her own仕ansformationas a public白gure.Is it a simple

.d to consider

vement

'ecorded his lhe following leir attitudes. and Edward

(ura] almost ywhere been )w of power" :es here either lr of Asoka." 1 The Ideals of

in every ant; that lthy, all peror of the frost n.g,forgo es in the ing from lassed in

~ss," Nivedita Inse, Nivedita

rilimited, annat be the most at could

zing Western

she officially and publicly

lssage quoted :elerated anti~ly during the ~dita was also Is it a simple


coincidence that Nivedita was giving a series of public lectures on "The Unity of India" in Bombay, Madras, and other cities in India while she was busy proofreading Okakura's book on Asian unity and adding her own preface (August-September 1902)? Interestingly enough, in these lectures, Nivedita was making use of such expressions as "organic unity" that were also used by Okakura. We can certainly presume some kind of mutual influence between Okakura and his proofreader. "India is one" was the political slogan used by Nivedita.

Among her many activities, Nivedita is remembered for her (unsigned) protest against Lord Curzon's disrespectful remarks on Indian character in his Calcutta University Convention Address (published February 13, 1905). The administrative partition of Bengal into East Bengal (now Bangladesh) and West Bengal was announced in July, 1905 and implemented on October 16. It provoked widespread protest and boycott. In this Swadeshi-Boycott movement, Nivedita took an active role. In the following years, until her death in 1911, Nivedita's direct engagement with the Swadeshi (literally, national product) movement was later described as prominent. Rabiridranath Tagore recalled that "We had not seen before an embodiment of the spirit of motherhood which, passing beyond the limits of the family, can spread itself over the whole country" (qtd. in Atmaprana 201). It is true that the once widely believed view that Nivedita first gave the Indians the ideal of nationalism seems to be historically untenable, according to recent studies by Indian historians (Mukherjee 223). The extent and the depth of her social influence are still to be determined, and statements claiming that contemporary Indian nationalists , of different sects and brands - including extremists · and revolutionaries - unanimously admired her for her sincere devotion to the patriotic cause must be closely re-examined.

However, if her high estimation of ancient Indian spirituality is criticized as one-sided on the grounds that it overlooks ancient India's material richness, such a criticism simply betrays an underlying Marxist-nationalist tendency in this critique of Nivedita. It is also debatable whether admiration for her was maintained "in spite of her foreign blood" (Mukherjee 223). On the contrary, the roles of mediator, supporter, and apostle played by white women like Josephine MacLeod and Sister Nivedita are worthy of systematic re-examination. The "white· woman's burden" in the colony must be scrutinized when studying the formation of nationalistic ideology in the modernizing of Asia. A recent re-evaluation of Sister Nivedita by an Indian scholar Gayaraman 1991) and a critical approach to the issue based on gender study (Roy 1995) need to be carried farther, as the former remains apologetic and the latter purely speculative (and totally relying upon second-hand sources). But it is clear that Nivedita's and Okakura's

Okakura Kakuzo's Nostalgic Joumey to India and the Invention of Asia 127

coincidence出atNivedita was giving a series of public lectures on "The Unity of India" in Bombay， Madras， and other cities in India while she was busy proo仕eadingOkakura' s book on Asian uni句Tand adding her own preface (August-September 1902)? Interestingly enough， in these lectures， Nivedita was making use of such expressions as "organic 山首句，"出atwere also used by Okakura. We can certainly presume some kind of mutual influence between Okakura and his proofreader. "India 担one"was the political slogan used by Nivedita.

Among her many activities， Nivedita白 rememberedfor her (回国igned)protest against Lord Curzon' s d臼respec伯11remarks on Indian character in his Ca1cutta Universi匂T Convention Address (pubIished February 13， 1905).百leadminis仕ativepartition of Bengal 加toEast Bengal (now Bangladesh) and West Bengal was announced in July， 1905 and implemented on October 16. It provoked widespread protest and boycott. In血白Swadeshi-Boycottmovement， Nivedita took an active role. In the following ye紅色 untilher death in 1911， Nivedita's direct engagement with the Swadeshi (literally， national product) movement was later described as prominent. Rabindranath Tagore recalled出at"We had not seen before an embodiment of血espirit of motherhood which， passing beyond the limits of the fami1y， can spread i匂elfover the whole coun仕y"(qtd. in A凶 aprana201). It白甘ue出at世leonce widely believed view血atNivedita白rstgave the Indians the ideal of nationaIism seems to be historically untenable， according to recent studies by Indian historians (Mukh吋ee223). The extent and the depth of her social influence are still to be determined， and statements cla也由19血atcontemporary Indian nationaIists. of different 使命 andbrands -inc1uding ex仕emis匂 and revolutionaries -unanimously admired her for her sincere devotion to血epa仕ioticcause must be closely r・e-eχamined.

However， if her high estimation of ancient Indian spirituality白

criticized as one-sided on the grounds血atit overlooks ancient India' s material richness， such a criticism simply betrays an underlying Marxist-nationaIist tendency in仕由 critique of Nivedita. It is also debatable whether admiration for her was maintained 11 in spite of her foreign blood" (Mukherjee 223). On the con仕ary，the roles of mediator， supporter， and apostle played by white women like Josephine MacLeod and Sister Nivedita are worthy of systematic re-eχamination. The "white' woman' s burden" in the colony must be scr・utinizedwhen s


views were closely related, and our understanding of The Awakening of The East should take into account the Swadeshi anti-British Movement.

Okakura's manuscript "We are One," published as The Awakening of the East (1939), is believed to have been prepared during his stay in India in 1901-02. Undoubtedly Okakura's most violently nationalistic writing in English, it was never published in his lifetime. And it was only in 1936 that it was suddenly" discovered" by the family and then printed, not in the English original, but in a Japanese translation in 1938, two years p;rior to the national celebration of the 2500th anniversary of the mythological foundation of Japan. These circumstances gave rise to a general post-war tendency among Japanese intellectuals to connect this writing directly with Japanese ultra-nationalism. Indeed, the publication of this work in 1938 must have been closely related to the contemporary situation, and it is undeniable ' that Okakura's manuscript could well have served the purposes of a militaristic state. Still, Okakura's initial intention can be better understood when it is seen in relation to Nivedita's political engagement in the Swadeshi movement. (In this interpretation, I agree, in principle, with Okakura Koshiro's relevant analysis; see Sofu Okakura Tenshin.) .

Jayasree Mukherjee, a specialist in Indian socio-political history, is critical of "misinformation and exaggeration in the literature [on Nivedita] published by the Ramakrishna· Order," and insists on the importance of Nivedita's Anglo-Irish background, linking it to the Sinn Fein movement (which she qualifies as "almost identical with our Swadeshi movement") and argues that "contact with the Anarchist leader Kropotkin and the Japanese revolutionary Okakura turned her into a s~unch votary of nationalism" (222).

Apart from possible exaggeration on the part of Mukherjee, especially in terms of Okakura's ideological influence on Nivedita's political activities, it is remarkable that Okakura's nationalism can be regarded as "revolutionary" in the context of Bengali culture under British rule, and equally remarkable that such an interpretation still prevails among Indian scholars today (d. Mitter 262-6). But this Bengali context at least offers a better understanding of the background of The Awakening of the East, which was clearly addressed to contemporary Indian people. And as Surendranath Tagore reminds us, it was written in the midst of heated discussions that Okakura had with young Indian male intellectuals in the Tagore family (65-72). However, this manuscript was also destined from the beginning to be read and corrected by his female proofreader, who was no other than Sister Nivedita. I think it is necessary to insist on this fact. I would venture that this manuscript was written for the sake of Nivedita, directly and

Okakura Kaku

personally ac moderninCaI

The rea1 East was not actual Englis: publisher, it particular, tl1 worked. The between aka collaboration nationalistic j

was to be opt Japan (1905), peninsula ani War to WestE East is now c Awakening of Asia was irre' for Okakura enthusiasticaI one" was no the Asian pE overshadow ( final book in Okakura says indulged in t began to cor (Collected Engl self-indulgenc resignation. TI international I tea ceremony. counted Nive alongside Lafc he had concei Hearn or thai Oriental dark] English Writin~

Judging j

political or idl last years of (which continl have had tim, Okakura. To F


views were closely related， and our understanding of The Aω伽 ti昭 ofηze East should take into account the Swadeshi anti-British Movement.

Okakura' s manuscript "We are One，" published as刀zeA削除ningof仇eEast但939)，白 believedto have been prepared during his s恒yinIndia in 1901-02. Undoubtedly Okakura's most violently nationalistic writing in English， it was never published in his lifetime. And it was only in 1936出atit was suddenly "discovered" by the fami1y and then printed， not in the English original， but in a Japanese甘anslationin 1938，れ""0 years p;rior to血enational celebration of the 2500th 紅 miversary of the mythological foundation of Japan. These circumstances gave rise to a general post-war tendency among J apanese intellectuals to connect仕由 writingdirectly with Japanese ultra-nationalism. Indeed， the publication of this work in 1938 must have been closely related to the contemporary situation， and itお

undeniable出atOkakura' s manuscript could well have served the purposes of a militaristic state. Still， Okakura' s initial intention can be be仕erunderstood when抗白 seenin relation to Nivedita' s political engagement in the Swadeshi movement. (In白白血terpretation，1 agree， in principle， with Okakura Koshiro' s relevant analysis; see Sゆ OkakuraTenshin.)

Jayasree Mukh叫ee，a specialist in Indian socio-political history，白critical of "misinformation and exaggeration in the literature [on Nivedita] published by the Ramakrishna.Order，" and insists on the 也lportanceof Nivedita's Anglo-Irish background， linking it to the Sinn Fein movement (which she qualifies as "almost identical with our Swadeshi movement") and argues that "contact with the Anarchist leader Kropotkin and the Japanese revolutionary Okakura turned her into a s旬unchvo恒ryof nationalism" (222).

Apart仕ompossible exaggeration on the part of Mukhe司ee，especially in terms of Okakura' s ideological influence on Nivedita' s political activities， it白 remarkable血atOkakura' s nationalism can be regarded as "revolutionary" in the context of Bengali culture under British rule， and equally remarkable血atsuch an interpretation s凶Iprevails among Indian scholars today (cf. Mitter 262-6). But白白Bengali conteχt at least offers a be仕erunderstanding of the background of 刀zeAwakening of the East， which was clearly addressed 旬

contemporary Indian people. And as Surendranath Tagore reminds us，抗waswritten in the midst of heated discussions血atOkakura had with young Indian male intellectuals in the Tagore fami1y (65・

vakening of ovement. Awakening his stay in ationalistic lild it was If and then nslation in he 2500th ill. These cy among 1 Japanese 1938 must

and it is served the tion can be (s political on, I agree, Jfu Okakura

I history, is !rature [on ,ists on the to the Sinn I with our ~ Anarchist turned her

Mukherjee, . N ivedita' s Lism can be Lture under etation still .). But this background ldressed to reminds us, lra had with ). However, be read and than Sister

uld venture directly and


personally addressed to this Western woman, who to Okakura was the modern incarnation of the spiritual Mother of India.

The reason why the original manuscript of The Awakening of the East was not published remains to be investigated. Judging from the actual English text, it was hastily written. (Were it not Jor a Japanese publisher, it could not have been published as it is in English.) In particular, the conclusion looks uncertain and must have been reworked. The fragment of the letter which suggests some disagreement between Okakura and Nivedita could account for the end of their collaboration on the final version of the manuscript. Okakura's nationalistic tone, in contrast with Nivedita's hatred of imperialism, was to be openly manifested in his next publication, The Awakening of Japan (1905), in which he justifies Japan's intervention in the Korean peninsula and tries to justify Japan's position in the Russo-Japanese War to Western readers. Japan as the hope of Asia in The Ideals of the East is now changed into Japan as an imperial superpower. With The Awakening of Japan, Okakura's solidarity with the colonized people of Asia was irrevocably lost. From this time on, it was out of the question for Okakura to publish the propaganda for agitation that he wrote enthusiastically during his stay in India. The declaration of "We are one" was no longer tenable because Japan was no longer "one" with the Asian people. This sense of loss of Asian identity seems to overshadow Okakura's final years. The Book of Tea (1906), Okakura's final book in English, also reflects this loss. "The average Westerner," Okakura says, "was wont to regard Japan as barbarous while she indulged in the gentle arts of peace: he calls her civilized since she began to commit wholesale slaughter on Manchurian battlefield" (Collected English Writings 1: 270). This ironical statement is not a sign of self-indulgence but could be read rather as a bitter confession of resignation. The Book of Tea is also regarded as Okakura's escape from international power politics and retreat into the aesthetic world of the tea ceremony. Still, it must be noted that in the same book, Okakura counted Nivedita as one of the exceptional Western writers who, alongside Lafcadio Hearn, could touch the heart of the imaginary . Asia he had conceived: "It is rarely that the chivalrous pen of a Lafcadio Hearn or that of the author of The Web of Indian Life enlivens the Oriental darkness with the torch of our own sentiments" (Collected English Writings 1:272).

Judging from the circumstances, and apart from her supposed political or ideological disagreement with Okakura, Nivedita, in her last years of restless political activities in the Swadeshi Movement (which continued until her premature death in 1911), could no longer have had time to devote herself to any further collaboration with Okakura. To put it another way, the wide success of The Ideals of the


personally addressed to出 sWestern woman， who to Okakura was the modem incarnation of the spiritual Mother of India.

The reason why the ori伊 almanuscript of The Awakening of the East was not pub1ished remains to be investigated. Judging from血eactual Eng1ish text， it was hasti1y written. (Were it not 伽 aJapanese pub1isher， it could not have been pub1ished as抗白血 Eng1ish.)In particular， the conc1usion looks uncertain and must have been re-worked. The fragment of the letter which sugges匂 somedisagreement between Okakura and Nivedita could account for the end of血d

collaboration on出e白nalversion of血emanuscript. Okakura' s nationa1istic tone， in con仕astwith Nivedita' s ha仕edof imperia1ism， was to be openly manifested in his next publication， The Awakening of ]apan (1905)， in which he justi白esJapan's intervention in the Korean peninsula and仕iesto jus尚TJapan's position in the Russo-Japanese War ωWestern readers. Japan as the hope of Asia in The Ideals of the East白 nowchanged into Japan as an imperial superpower. Wi血刀zeAwakening 01 ]apan， Okakura' s solidarity wi血血ecolonized people of Asia was irrevocably lost. From白白 timeon， it was out of the question for Okakura句 pub1ishthe propaganda for a'gitation出athe wrote enthusiastically during his stay in India. The dec1aration of "We are one" was no longer tenable because J apan was no longer "one" with the Asian people. This sense of loss of Asian identity seems to overshadow Okakura's final years. The Book of Tea (1906)， Okakura's final book in Eng1ish， a1so reflec包白色 loss."The average Wester~er，" Okakura says， "was wont to regard Japan as barbarous while she indulged in the gentle ar包 ofpeace: he ca11s her civilized since she begail. to commit wholesale slaughter on Manchurian battlefield" (Collected English Writings 1: 270). This ironical statement is not a sign of self-indulgence but could be read rather as a bi仕erconfession of resignation. The Book 01 Tea is a1so regarded as Okakura' s escape仕ominternational power politics and re廿eatinto血eaesthetic world of the tea ceremony. Still， it must be noted血atin仕lesame book， Okakura counted Nivedita as one of血eeχceptional Westem writers who， alongside Lafcadio Hearn， could touch the heart of出eimaginary. Asia he had conceived: "It白 rarely血atthe chivalrous pen of a Lafcadio Heam or血atof the au血orof The防 bolIndian L併 enlivensthe Oriental darkness with the torch of our own sentiments" (Collected English Writings 1:272).

Judging from the circumstances， and apart台omher supposed political or ideo

130 Nostalgic J oumeys

East would not have been possible were it not for MacLeod's encouragement and Sister Nivedita's devotion to the cause of the Asian people. The book was indeed the "flower of long service and help," and its slogan of "Asia is one" was not an empty fantasy but a realistic political manifesto in the social and historical context of colonized Asia at the beginning of the twentieth century.

To conclude, . let' us quote from Henri Focillon, who shared the same dream with Okakura between the two world wars:

De II oeuvre des philosophes, des poetes et des artistes de toute I'Asie, Ie Japonais Okakura degage Ia continuite, peut-etre fictive, mais geniale camme structure, d'une pensee . organique, un patrimoine commun, Ie patriotisme d'un continent stimUle par une race toujours tendue, en pleine possession de ses vertus. (iii)

Works Cited

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Benerji, Debashish. "Homologies of Cultural Resistance in Turn-of-theCentury Japan and India: A Comparative Study of Okakura Kakuzo and Abanindranath Tagore. " UCLA Workshop on Okakura Tenshin, Los Angeles. 22 Jan. 1999.

Guha-Takurta, Tapati. The Making of A New Indian Art. Cambridge: Cambridge UP, 1992.

Focillon, Henri. Hokousaf. 2nd ed. Paris: Librairie Felix Alcan, 1925.

Foxe, Barbara. · Long Journey Home: A Biography of Margaret Noble. London: Rider, 1975.

Horioka Yasuko. "Okakura and Swami Vivekananda." Prabuddha Bharata, Advaita Asrama, Mayavati Jan. 1975: 30-34; Mar. 1975: 140-45.

-. Okakura Tenshin kG. Tokyo: Yoshikawa kobunkan, 1982.

Inaga Shigemi. "Okakura Tenshin, Yanagi Soetsu, Luxun: On the Asian Idea of Art." [in Japanese]. Comparative Literature. Proceedings from the 1st Conference on East Asian Comparative Literature, Korea. 1998. 125-145.

Kojita Yasunao. Nihonshi no shisG. Tokyo: Kashiwa shobo, 1997.

Jayaraman, Lalitha. "Sister Nivedita's Vision of India." Perspectives on Ramakrishna-Vivekananda Vedanta Tradition. Ed. Sivaramkrishna

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Okakura Kak vols. Toky

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Okakura Ko bijutsushu

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Shand-Tucci, [ Stewart Gar,

130 NostalgiじJoumeys

East would not have been possible were it not for MacLeod' s encouragement and Sister Nivedita' s devotion to the cause of the Asian people. The book was indeed the "flower of long service and help，" and its slogan of "Asia臼 one"was not an emp句rfantasy but a realistic political manifesto in the social and historical context of colonized Asia at出ebeginning of出etwentieth c印刷ry.

To conclude， 'let us quote from Henri Focillon， who shared the same dream with Okakura between the two world wars:

De 1'oeuvre des philosophes， des po金teset des ar出tesde toute l' Asie， 1e Japonais Okakura degage 1a con也lUite，peut-e位efictive， m司sgeniale corr盟国 S仕uch江e，d'une pensee.9rganique，山1pa甘曲loinecommun， 1e pa出otismed'国 1continent stim叫epar une race toujours tendue， en p1eine possession de ses vertus. (副)

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A凶 aprana，Prav叫ika.Western Women in the Footsteps of 印刷iVivekananda. New Delhi: Ramakrishna Sarada Mission， 1995.

Bene司i，Debashish. "Homologies of Cultural Resistance in Turn-of-血e-Century Japan and India: A Comparative Study of Okakura Kakuzo and Abanindranath Tagore. " UCLA Workshop on Okakura Tenshin， Los. Angeles. 22 J an. 1999.

Guha-Takurta， Tapati. The M，αking of A New Indian Art. Cambridge: Cambridge UP， 1992.

Focillon， Henri. Hokousai. 2nd ed. Paris: Librairie Felix A1can， 1925.

Foxe， Barbara. Long Journey Home: A Biography of Margaret Noble. London: Rider， 1975.

Horioka Yasuko. "Okakura and Swami Vivekananda." Prabuddha Bharata， Advaita Asrama， Mayavati Jan. 1975: 30-34; Mar. 1975: 140-45.

一.Okakura Tenshin ko. Tokyo: Yoshikawa kobunkan， 1982.

Inaga Shigemi: "Okakura Tenshin， Yanagi Soe匂u，Luχun:On the Asian Idea of Art." [in Japanese]. Comparative Literature. Proceedings jヤomthe 1st Conference on East Asian Compαrative Literature， Korea. 1998. 125-145.

Kojita Yasunao. Nihonshi no shiso. Tokyo: Kashiwa shobo， 1997.

J ayaraman， Lali血a."S白terNivedita' s Vision of India." Perspectives on Ramakrishna-Vivekanαnda Vedanta Tradition. Ed. Sivaramkrishna

for MacLeod's use of the Asian ~ and help," and

but a realistic f colonized Asia

who shared the

lte I' Asie, Ie lais geniale commun, Ie tendue, en

~steps of Swami .on, 1995.

! in Turn-of-the)kakura Kakuz6 p on Okakura

rt. Cambridge:

\lcan, 1925.

Margaret Noble.

lda." Prabuddha Mar. 1975: 140-

)82.

m: On the Asian Proceedings from '.lre, Korea. 1998.

), 1997.

, Perspectives on Sivaramkrishna


Sumita Roy. Hyderabad: Ramakrishna-Vivekananda Seva Samiti, 1991.

Kazantzakis, Nikos. England: A Travel Journal. New York: Simon and Schuster, 1965.

Mukherjee, Jayasree. The Ramakrishna-Vivekananda Movement: Impact on Indian Society and Politics (1893-1922). Calcutta: Firma KLM, 1997.

Mitter, Partha. Art and Nationalism in Colonial India 1850~ 1922. Cambridge: Cambridge UP,1994.

Nivedita of Vivekananda of Ramakrishna. Commemoration Volume. Ed. Amiya Kumar Mazumdar. Calcutta: Vivekananda Janmotsava Samiti, 1968.

-. The Complete Works of Sister Nivedita. 4 vols. Calcutta: Ananda, 1967.

-. The Letters of Sister Nivedita. 2 vols. Calcutta: Nababharat, 1982.

-. Preface. The Ideals of the East. By Okakura Tenshin.

-. Sister Nivedita's Lectures and Writings. Calcutta: Sister Nivedita Giils School,1975.

NoteheIfer, Fred G. "On Idealism and Realism in the Thought of Okakura Tenshin." Journal of Japanese Studies 16.2 (1990): 309-354.

Okakura Kakuz6. Collected English Writings. Ed. Sunao Nakamura. 3 vols. Tokyo: Heibonsha, 1984.

-. The Ideals of the East. London: Murray, 1920.

Okakura Koshir6. Sofu Okakura Tenshin. Tokyo: Chft6k6ron bijutsushuppan, 1999.

Okubo Takaki. Okakura Tenshin. Tokyo: Ozawa shoten, 1987.

Ooka Makoto. Okakura Tenshin. Tokyo: Asahi shimbunsha, 1975.

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Roy, Parama. "As the Master Saw Her." Cruising the Performative: Interventions into the Representation of Ethnicity, Nationality, and Sexuality. Ed. Sue-Ellen Case, Philip Brett, and Susan Leigh Foster. Bloomington and Indianapolis: Indiana UP, 1996: 112-129.

Shand-Tucci, Douglas. The Art of Scandal: The Life and Times of Isabella Stewart Gardner. New York: Harper, 1997.

Okakura Kakuzo's Nostalgic Journey to India and仕leInvention of Asia 131

Sumi旬 Roy. Hyderabad: Ramakrishna-Vivekananda Seva Samiti， 1991.

Kazan包akお， Nikos.England: A Travel ]ournal. New York: Simon and Schuster， 1965.

Mukhe司ee，Jayasree.刀zeRamakrishna-Vivekananda Movement: Impact on Indian Society and Politi・cs(1893-1922). Calcutta: Firma KLM， 1997.

軒目仕er，Partha. Art and Nationalism in Colonial India 1850~1922.

Cambridge: Cambridge UP，1994.

Nivedita of Vivekananda of Ramakrishna. Commemoration Volume. Ed. Amiya Kumar Mazumdar. Calcutta: Vivekananda Janmo包avaSamiti，1968.

ー.The Complete陥 rksof Sister Nivedita. 4 vols. Calcu伽:Ananda， 1967.

ー.The Letters of Sister Nive必ta.2 vols. Calcu伽 :Nababharat， 1982.

ー.Preface. The Ideals of仇eEast. ByOk山 raTenshin.

ー.Sister Nivedita' s Lectures and Writings. Calcutta: Sister Nivedita Girls School，1975.

Notehelfer， Fred G. "On Idealism and Realism in the Thought of Okakura Tenshin." ]ournal of]apanese Studies 16.2 (1990): 309-354.

Okakura Kakuzo. Collected English Writings. Ed. Sunao Nakamura. 3 vols. Tokyo: Heibonsha， 1984.

ー .The ldeals of the East. London: Murray， 1920.

Okakura Koshiro. Sofu Okakura Tenshin. Tokyo: Chuokoron biju匂ushuppan，1999.

Okubo Takaki. Okakura Tenshin. Tokyo: Ozawa shoten， 1987.

Ooka Makoto. Okakura Tenshin. Tokyo: Asahi shimbunsha， 1975.

Prabuddhaprana， Pravrψa. Tantine:取 L俳 of]osephine MacLeod， Friend of Swami Vivekananda. Calcutta: Sri Sarada Math， 1990.

Roy， Parama. "As the Master Saw Her." Cruising the Peφrmative: Interventions into the Representation of Ethnicity， Nationality， and Sexuality. Ed. Sue-Ellen Case， Ph出pBre仕.，and Susan Leigh Foster. Bloomington and Indianapolis: Indiana UP， 1996: 112-129.

Shand-Tucci， Douglas. The Art of S抑制 : 取 L併 andTimes of Isabella Stewart Gardner. New York: Harper， 1997.


Tagore,· Sutendranath. "0kakura: Soine Reminiscences." The VisvaBharati Quarterly. Aug.-Oct. 1936: 65-72.

Vivekananda. 'Complete Works of Swami Vivekananda. Calcuta: Advaita Ashrama, 1992.

-. Swami Vivekananda: A Hundred Years . since Chicago: A Commemorative . Volume. Belur, West Bengal: Ramakrishna Math and Ramakr.ishna Mission, 1994.

"

"

Japan,c in D. T

TakaoB

D.T. SUZl

modern Japan Suzuki's life a "East,"l mode: work center OJ

American sens odd years he Ii . By the ti

twenty-sixJ Su master Shaku ~

senses: it is rad the bottomless in its incorporc verbally expre: spite of this lat Zen seems to rooted in the radicalness, .on to criticize Suz cultural and/ hoax. These cri difference bern two kinds of 1).

In the foU selection of W, will also shed journeys" to modern West). such criticism existential hoa (233). The poin against Suzuki

132 Nostalgic Joumeys

Tagore，. Sutendranath. "Okakura: Soine Reminiscences."ηze Visva-

Bharati Quarterly. Aug.-Oct. 1936: 65-72.

Vivekananda. . Complete Works of Swami Vivekananda. Calcuta: Advaita Ashrama， 1992.

ー .Swami.Vivekanαnda: A Hundred Years.since Chicago: A Commemdrative

Volllme. B.elur， West Bengal: Ramakrishna Ma出 andRamakr.ishna M白sion，1994.

--

Copyright © 2001 by the Institute for Asian Research, University of British Columbia

All rights reserved. The use of any part of this publication reproduced, transmitted in any form or by any means, electronic, mechanic at photocopying, recording, or otherwise, or stored in a retrieval system, without the prior written consent of the publisher-or, in the case of photocopying or other reprographic copying, a licence from Canadian Copyright Licensing Agency - is an infringement of the copyright law.

National Library of Canada Cataloguing in Publication Data

Main entry under title:

Nostalgic Journeys

Papers from a conference held at the University of British Columbia, Sept. 1999.

Includes bibliographical references. ISBN 0-88865-750-1

1. Japanese literature-20th century-History and criticismCongresses. 2. East and West in literature-Congresses. 3. Travel in literature-Congresses. I. Fisher, Susan, 1948- n. University of British Columbia. Institute of Asian Research.

PL703.N66 2001 895.6'09355 C2001-911212-2

Cover: Design by Val Speidel. Images from Hokusai, Fugaku Hyakkei (One Hundred Views of MtFuji). The Spencer Collection, The New York Public Library, Astor, Lenox and Tilden Foundations.

Copyright @ 2001 by the Institute for Asian Research， University of British Columbia

All rights reserved. The use of any part of出 spublication reproduced，仕ansmittedin any form or by any means， elec仕onic，mechanical~

photocopying， recording， or otherwise， or stored in a re仕ievalsystem， without the prior written consent of出epub1isher-or， in the case of photocopying or other reprographic copying， a licence from Canadian Copyright Licensing Agency -is an infringement of the copyright law.

National Library of Canada Cataloguing in Publication Data

Mainen仕yunder tit1e:

N ostalgic J ourneys

Papers仕oma conference held at出eUniversi句Tof British Columbia， Sept. 1999.

Includes bibliographical references. ISBN 0-88865-750-1

1. Japanese literature-20th century-History and criticism-Congresses. 2. East and West in literature-Congresses. . 3. Travel in literature-Congresses. 1. Fisher， Susan， 1948-n. University of British Columbia. Institute of Asian Research.

PL703.N662001 895.6'09355 C2001-911212-2

Cover: Design by Val Speidel. Images from Hokusai， Fugaku Hyakkei (One Hundred Views of MtF吋i).The Spencer Collection， The New York Public Library， Astor， Lenox and Tilden Foundations.

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