on the origin and evolution of the contrast between tautosyllabic and heterosyllabic sequences of...

On the origin and evolution of the contrast between

tautosyllabic and heterosyllabic sequences of vocoids in

Romance

Ioana Chitoran José Ignacio HualdeDartmouth College University of Illinois, Urbana-Champaign

USA

PaPI 2005 Barcelona

Chitoran & Hualde, PaPI 2005, Barcelona 2

Cross-Romance typology of glide-vowel variability

Goals• Understanding the presence or absence of variability in the

production of vocalic sequences (iV, jV) in Romance languages.

• The comparative study of variability provides an insight into the historical evolution of a phonological system.

HypothesisVariability is related to:

• The presence of the glide [j] from other historical sources• The effects of prosodic structure on the realization of

linguistic units


Latin iV sequences Catalan,

Portuguese

French Spanish Romanian(Italian)

‘short-sighted’

bjela] [biela] ‘rod’

[medjan] ‘median’ [italjana] [italjana] ‘Italian’f.

diphthong sequence

(jV) (iV)


Historical diphthongsLatin /’ptra/

French Spanish Romanian Portuguese p[jrre d p[ja]trp[]dra

• Standard French: iV sequences contract to jV, merging with historical diphthongsExceptions: after complex onsets (l[j]er vs. pl[i].er); across a morpheme boundary (tr[wa] ‘three’ vs. tr[u.a] ‘he dug’)

• Castilian Spanish: iV sequences contract to jV, merging with diphthongsExceptions: across a morpheme boundary (boqu[i-a]ncho) (Navarro Tomás 1977; Hualde 1997); paradigmatic effects (l[i.á]mos ‘we tie’ cf. l[í.a]s ‘you tie’; sometimes in word-initial position; Aguilar 1999; Colina 1999; Hualde & Prieto 2002; Chitoran & Hualde 2002)


• Romanian: iV maintained, contrast with historical diphthongs jV (Chitoran 2001; Chitoran & Hualde 2002)

• Portuguese: - no historical diphthongs- iV maintained, jV possible in casual/fast speech (Mateus & d’Andrade 2000; Mateus et al.2003)Same scenario for Catalan (Cabré & Prieto 2004)


Differences in historical details

RomanianDiphthongs in limited context, after labials:

PETRA > pjatr ‘stone’

Palatalization of coronals and velars, glide absorbtion:

TERRA > tsar ‘land’

SEPTEM > apte ‘seven’

DECEM > zete ‘ten’


Other sources of glides

Romanian and Italian

Stop-liquid clusters:

PLENA > It. pjena ‘full’ f.

CLAMARE > It. kjamare ‘to call’

Rom. kjema


iV sequences

Diphthong production (jV) vs. hiatus sequence production (iV)

• Native speaker syllabification judgments:– tautosyllabic (jV) vs. heterosyllabic (i.V)

• Acoustic duration:– shorter vs. longer duration

(Hualde & Prieto 1999, Chitoran & Hualde 2002)


Effects of prosodic structure

• Lengthening at prosodic boundaries (in a syllable onset at word and phrase boundary)

• e.g., Fougeron & Keating 1997, Turk & Shattuck-Hufnagel 2000, Fougeron 2001, Cho & Keating 2001

• Relative timing of gestures is affected by the proximity of prosodic boundaries

• Byrd 2000


Romance vocalic sequencesTwo types of prosodic effects

• Position in the word– Sequences tend to be longer word-initially than

word-internally

• Position with respect to stress– Sequences tend to be longer the closer they are to

the main stress syllable, preceding it


Word position effect – Romanian

- 4 speakers, 7 repetitions, total 560 words- Control for stress, no of syllables, segmental context- Measured: acoustic duration of iV sequence (Praat)

Carrier phrase: Spúne __ de trei órj ‘say __ three times’

Examples: word-initial word-internal(orthography) ca-n pión campión

ce piós copiósce viábil serviábildin Diána mediánavezj tiáre vestiáresi ca liána italiána


Results – Romanian

iV sequence duration by position

217

202 202200

185 182

222

209

170

180

190

200

210

220

230

Sp1 Sp2 Sp3 Sp4

speakers

ms

word initial

word medial

iV sequences longer word-initially than medially (p<.0001)


Word position and stressCastilian Spanish

- 4 speakers, 4 repetitions, total 528 wordsCarrier phrase: Dígo __ porque sí ‘I say __ just so’

Initial-stressed fiórdo ‘fiord’

diéta ‘diet’

diána ‘Diana’

Medial-stressed cordiál ‘cordial’

italiána ‘Italian’ f.

Initial-unstressed piolét ‘axe’

diagonál ‘diagonal’


Results – Spanish initial-stressed > medial-stressed > initial-unstressed

(p<.001) iV sequence duration (means)

172

153

140

161

138

97

109

119

152

129135

115

80

100

120

140

160

180

Sp1 Sp2 Sp3 Sp4

speakers

ms

initial-stressed

initial-unstressed

medial-stressed


Word position effect – French

5 speakers, 7 repetitions, total 630 wordsCarrier phrase: Dis-nous __ de nouveau ‘tell us __

again’

Examples: word-initial word-internal(orthography) une pionne championne

la viole raviolele diol s’étioleta nielle Daniellemes Dianes médianetes lierres bélièreta liasse alias


Results – French iV sequences longer word-initially than medially (p<.05)

iV sequence duration (French)

164159

127131

160158150

120 117

155

100

110

120

130140

150

160

170

Sp1 Sp2 Sp3 Sp4 Sp5

speakers

ms word-initial

word-medial


Portuguese – No word position effect

European Portuguese (EP) Brazilian Portuguese (BP)

- 4 speakers, 7 repetitions - 5 speakers, 3 repetitions- total 502 words - total 269 words

Carrier phrase: Digo ___ porque sim ‘I say __ just so’

Examples: word-initial word-internal(orthography) a liana aliada

que viavel enviavelda Diana medianaa miada amealha

No word position effect (p > .05)


Cross-Romance patternsDifferent patterns with respect to “degree of contrast” between glides and vowels

glide / vowel contrast

Romanian yes

Spanish partial

French no - all glides

Portuguese no - all vowels

Factors:

• The presence of glides (diphthongs) from other historical sources

• Prosodic effects on the duration of vocalic sequences


Presence of diphthongs Contrast Position effect

(initial / internal)

French yes no (p < .05)

Spanish yes partial (p < .001)

Romanian yes, but in yes (p < .0001) limited context

Portuguese no no no position effect


Proximity to stress effects

• Spanish, Romanian, Portuguese Immediately pretonic syllables tend to have greater duration than other unstressed syllables further to the left

(Hualde & Chitoran 2003)

stressed # V* #

pretonic # V * #pre-pretonic # V * # * indicates stress


Proximity to stress effects in iV sequences

- Same speakers (3 Spanish, 4 Romanian, 4 EP, 5 BP)- Same carrier phrase, randomized list- Measured duration of word-initial iV sequence

stressed pretonic pre-pretonicSpanish/diáspora diamánte diapasónPortuguese diácono diabétes diagonál

diatríba diametrálRomanian diáspora diamántu diapazón

diáconu diabéturj diagonáldiatríba diametrál


Resultsstressed > pretonic > pre-pretonic 2 Sp, 2 R, 1 EP

stressed > pretonic, pre-pretonic 1 Sp, 1 R, 3 EP

stressed, pretonic > pre-pretonic 1 R

(p < .05)

/iV/ sequence - Proximity to stress effects

164197

121

175

104

164

0

50

100

150

200

250

Spanish Romanian

du

rati

on stressed

pretonic

pptonic


European Portuguesestressed > pretonic > pre-pretonic p < .05

E Portuguese /iV/ sequences - Proximity to stress effects

252

156137

0

50

100

150

200

250

300

dura

tion stressed

pretonic

pptonic

BP word-internal: stressed > pretonic > pre-pretonic

word-initial: stressed > pretonic, pre-pretonic p < .0001


Proximity to stress effects in vowels

- Same speakers- Test words: 5 triplets (Sp), 6/7 (Rom), 7 pairs (EP), contrasting

in location of stress- Measure duration of vowel in word-initial syllable

stressed pretonic pre-pretonicSpanish célebre celébre celebré

lámina lamína lamináRomanian pátima patína patiná

répede repéde repetáEPortuguese habíto habitóu

debíto debitóu


Results – Spanish

stressed > pretonic > pre-pretonic 3 speakers (p < .05)

V duration - Proximity to stress effects (Spanish)

7868

7465

566359

52 54

0

20

40

60

80

100

Sp1 Sp2 Sp3

du

rati

on

stressed

pretonic

pptonic


Results – Romanian stressed > pretonic > pre-pretonic 3 speakers

stressed > pretonic, pre-pretonic 1 speaker (p < .05)

V duration - Proximity to stress effects (Romanian)

119

90 9584

9376

897883

66

84 78

0

20

40

60

80

100

120

140

Sp1 Sp2 Sp3 Sp4

du

rati

on

stressed

pretonic

pptonic


Results – European Portuguese

pretonic > pre-pretonic 3 speakers (p <. 05)

EPortuguese V duration - Proximity to stress effects

60

72

605862

54

0

20

40

60

80

Sp2 Sp3 Sp4

du

rati

on

initial

medial


Summary

• Vowels in immediately pretonic syllables tend to be longer than other earlier vowels (at least in words bearing pitch accent)

• The duration differences correlate with the distribution of heterosyllabic vowel sequences (exceptions) in Spanish. These exceptions are reported for the most part in stressed and pretonic syllables.


Distribution of languages with respect to the acoustic duration of iV sequences (means)

SpFr

Rom

EP

BP

100

120

140

160

180

200

220

240

260

280

300

dura

tion

shorter (medial)

longer (initial)


Conclusions

• We established the presence of variability in the degree of contrast between glides and vowels in several Romance languages.

• The variability can be explained by the interaction of two factors:- The presence of glides/diphthongs in the lexicon from other

historical sources, acting as “lexical attractors” for the reduction of sequences (in agreement with Cabré & Prieto – to appear)

- Independent prosodic effects – which can slow down the merging tendency between iV sequences and diphthongs in certain positions (word-initially, in a stressed syllable, and closer to main stress).

• The comparative study of variability in the glide/vowel production reveals information about the way in which different systems have evolved with respect to the glide-vowel contrast.


ReferencesAguilar, L. (1999) Hiatus and diphthong: Acoustic cues and speech situation

differences. Speech Communication 28, 57-74Cabré, T. & P. Prieto (2004) Prosodic and analogical effects in lexical glide

formation in Catalan. Probus 16:2, 113-150.Cabré, T. & P. Prieto (to appear) Exceptional hiatuses in SpanishChitoran, I. (2001) The phonology of Romanian: A constraint-based

approach. Berlin, New York: Mouton de GruyterChitoran, I. & J.I. Hualde (2002) Variability in hiatus resolution: a phonetic

study of [CiV] sequences in two Romance languages. LabPhon 8 poster, Yale University and Haskins, 2002.

Cho, T. & P.A. Keating (2001) Articulatory and acoustic studies on domain-initial strengthening in Korean. Journal of Phonetics 29, 155-190

Fougeron, C. & P.A. Keating (1997) Articulatory strengthening at edges of prosodic domains. JASA 101, 3728-3740

Fougeron, C. (2001) Articulatory properties of initial segments in several prosodic constituents in French. Journal of Phonetics 29, 109-136

Frota, S. & M. Vigario (2001) On the correlates of rhythmic distinctions: The European/Brazilian Portuguese case. Probus 13:2, 247-275

Hualde, J.I. (1997) Spanish /i/ and related sounds: An exercise in phonetic analysis. Studies in the Linguistic Sciences 27: 61-79


Hualde, J.I. (1999) Patterns in the lexicon: Hiatus with unstressed high vowels in Spanish. In J. Gutierrez-Rexach and F. Martinez-Gil (eds.) Advances in Hispanic Linguistics, 182-197.

Hualde, J.I. & M. Prieto (2002) On the diphthong/hiatus contrast in Spanish: some experimental results. Linguistics 40(2), 217-234

Hualde, J.I. & I. Chitoran (2003) Explaining the distribution of hiatus in Spanish and Romanian. Proceedings of ICPhS 15.

Mateus, M.H. & E. d’Andrade (2000) The Phonology of Portuguese. Oxford University Press

Mateus, M.H. et al. (2003) Gramática da Língua Portuguesa. 5th edition, Caminho: Lisbon

Navarro Tomás, T. (1948) Manual de pronunciación espanola, 19th edition, Madrid: CSIC

Recasens, D. (1991) Timing in Catalan. ICPhS XII, Aix-en-Provence, 230-233Turk, A.E. & S. Shattuck-Hufnagel (2000) Word-boundary-related duration patterns

in English. Journal of Phonetics 28, 397-440

Authors’ contact: [email protected]@uiuc.edu

on the origin and evolution of the contrast between tautosyllabic and heterosyllabic sequences of...

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