optionality of movementfolk.uio.no/elenacal/wolp2017/pdf/elenatitov_wolp2017.pdf · discourse...
TRANSCRIPT
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Optionalityofmovement
ElenaTitov (UCL)
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Uneven distribution of focused constituents(1) WhodidIvankiss?
a. Ivan poceloval MARIJUIvan kissed Marija.ACC‘IvankissedMarija.’
b.# MARIJU1 Ivan poceloval t1Marija.ACC Ivan kissed
(2) DidIvankissSveta?a. (Net) Ivan poceloval MARIJU (ane Svetu)
no Ivan kissed Marija.ACC andnotSveta.ACC‘(No)IvankissedMarija (notSveta).’
b. (Net) MARIJU1 Ivan poceloval t1 (ane Svetu)no Marija.ACC Ivan kissed andnotSveta.ACC‘(No)IvankissedMarija (notSveta).’
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Problem
CF movement cannot be triggered by a strong syntactic feature relatedto [focus] or [contrast] because a strong syntactic feature consistentlytriggers movement, while a given feature cannot be optionally weak ina given language.
Possible solution
The corresponding information-structural (IS) feature is not syntactic(Reinhart 1995, 2006, Neeleman and van de Koot 2008, Titov 2017).
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Whynotsyntactic?
The postulation of discourse features such as [focus] and [contrast] insyntax requires that one stipulates that they are either stored in themental lexicon or added to constituents in the course of the derivation.
LF PF
Syntax (IS?)
Lexicon (IS?)
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Whynotsyntactic?
However, being a CF is not a lexical property — a syntactic constituentis categorized as such only when used in a specific context.
LF PF
Syntax (IS?)
Lexicon (IS?)
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Whynotsyntactic?Moreover, adding such features in the course of the derivation demands aweakeningof the InclusivenessConditionofChomsky (1995),accordingtowhichonlythosefeaturescanfigureinsyntacticcomputationsthatrepresentpropertiesoflexicalitems(seeSzendroi2001;NeelemanandSzendroi2004;denDikken2006andFanselowandLenertová2011).
LFPF
Syntax(IS?)
Lexicon(IS?)
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Discoursefeatures• Information-structuralfeaturesoperateatthepost-grammaticallevelofdiscourse(Reinhart1995,2006).• Information-structuralfeaturesareencodedviamappingofsyntacticrepresentationsontodiscoursetemplates(Neeleman andvandeKoot2008,Titov 2017).• Mappingisindirect,i.e.whatismappedontodiscourseisaPFrepresentationthatinheritsmarkedness ofthesyntacticrepresentationthatisinputtoPF(Titov 2012,2013a).• Mappingisregulatedbyinterfaceeconomy(Reinhart1995,2006,Neeleman andvandeKoot 2008,Titov 2012,2013a,2013b,2017).
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Economy• Giventwostructureswiththesamenumerationandtruth-conditionalinterpretation,theonethatcontainsanextramovementoperationissyntacticallycostly.
• Asyntacticallycostly(i.e.marked)representationischosenbytheinterfacesystemovertheunmarkedrepresentationthatdoesnotcontainmovementifandonlyifthemarkedrepresentationachievesaninterpretiveeffectthatthesimplerstructurefailstoexpress.
• Therepresentationcontainingmovementofcontrastivefocusmustbeinterpretively(i.e.information-structurally)differentfromtherepresentationwithoutmovement.
• AstructureinvolvingmovementofCFappearsinformation-structurally(andtruth-conditionally)identicaltotheonewithoutmovement.
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Aimsofthetalk
• Todefendtheinterface-basedapproachtoinformation-structuralencoding.
• TodemonstratethatCFmovementhasaninterpretivelicense.
• ToofferanaccountoftheoptionalityofCFmovement.
• Toofferaninterpretiveexplanationforthecoexistenceofmovementstructureswithdistinctlengthsofmovementchains.
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InterpretivelicenceofCFmovement• Asyntacticallycostly(i.e.marked)representationischosenbytheinterfacesystemovertheunmarkedrepresentationthatdoesnotcontainmovementifandonlyifthemarkedrepresentationachievesaninterpretiveeffectthatthesimplerstructurefailstoexpress.• However,inthecaseofCFmovement,theinterfacesystem doesnotchoosethecostlyrepresentationovertheunmarkedone.Bothrepresentationscancapturethesameinformation-structuralinterpretation,i.e.narrowcontrastivefocusontheobject(movedorin-situ),despitethefactthatchoosingthecostlyrepresentationislesseconomical.• Yet,thecoexistenceofthetwostructuresstronglysuggeststhattheyareinterpretivelydistinct.
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Interpretive licence ofCFmovement
(3)Whathappened?WhatdidIvando?WhodidIvankiss?[NIF Ivan [NIF poceloval [NIF MARIJU]]]
Ivan kissed Marija.ACC‘IvankissedMarija.’
(4)DidBillhugSue?/DidIvanhugSue?/DidIvankissSue?[CF Ivan [CF poceloval [CF MARIJU]]]
Ivan kissed Marija.ACC‘IvankissedMarija.’
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Interpretive licence ofCFmovement
(5)Whathappened?WhatdidIvando?WhodidIvankiss?# MARIJU1 Ivan poceloval t1
Marija.ACC Ivan kissed‘IvankissedMarija.’
(6)#DidBillhugSue?/#DidIvanhugSue?/DidIvankissSue?[CFMARIJU1] Ivan poceloval t1
Marija.ACC Ivan kissed‘IvankissedMarija.’
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InterpretivelicenceofCFmovement• TherepresentationcontainingCFmovementdoesnotincludeaninterpretationthatthetherepresentationwithoutmovementexcludes.• However,therepresentationcontainingCFmovementdoesnotincludealloftheinterpretationsthatareavailableforitsin-situvariant:
(7) a. [CF[NIF Ivan [CF[NIF poceloval [CF[NIF MARIJU]]]]]]Ivan kissed Marija.ACC
b. [CF MARIJU] Ivan pocelovalMarija.ACC Ivan kissed
• Interpretivedisambiguationviaanexclusionofsomeoftheinterpretationsthatthein-situvariantincludes.
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Thesyntax-discourseinterface(8) GeneralformofSyntacticStructure– ConceptualStructure
correspondencerulesSyntacticstructureX {must/may/preferablydoes}correspondtoconceptualstructureY.
Jackendoff 1997:17
(9) InterpretivelicenceforA’-scrambling(subcaseof(8))InterpretanXPinanA’-scrambledpositionascontrastive.
(10) Information-StructuralWell-FormednessConstrainta. [CP XP[+contrast]1 ...t1]b. [IP(...)XP[–contrast]]
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Thesyntax-discourseinterface
• Thereexistviolableconstraints(economyconditions)thatvalueaparticulartypeofcorrespondencebetweenLFandPFrepresentations(Bobaljik andWurmbrand’s 2008).
• Similarconstraintsoperateattheinterfacebetweensyntaxanddiscourse(Titov 2012).
• Theinteractionoftheseconstraintsyieldsa‘signatureeffect’,i.e.the3⁄4signature.Thatis,takingonesyntacticpropertyandoneISproperty,threeofthefourlogicalcombinationsaregrammatical,whichresultsintheoccurrenceofoptionality.
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Thesyntax-discourseinterface
• A’-scramblingprovidesabetterreflectionoftheinformationstructureofthesentencebydistinguishingacontrastivefocusfromanon-contrastivefocusviaplacingthefocusinapositionwherethenon-contrastivereadingisimpossible,butthetrade-offisasyntacticallycostlystructure.
• Insentencesthatcontainnon-contrastivefocus,thereisnotrade,somovementisunmotivated,andhencedisallowed.
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Abolitionofnon-contrastivereading
• Theinformation-structuralwell-formedness constraintin(10)demandsthatadisplacedfocusiscontrastiveandanin-situfocusisnon-contrastive.• Grammarproducessyntacticrepresentationsthateitherreflectthisinterpretiverestrictionornotandthereforeeithersatisfy(8)ornot.
• *MOVE forcessyntaxtoproducesimplestructures.1
1 FollowingBobaljik andWurmbrand (2008),IassumethatA’-scramblingis“free”(notfeature-drivenorrequiredforconvergence),butcostly(*MOVE).
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Table 1 IS Syntax (8) *MOVE(1a) [CPXP[+contrast]1...t1][CP ... XP[–contrast]] [CP ... XP[–contrast]](1b) *(A’-scrambling) [CPXP[+contrast]1...t1][CP ... XP[–contrast]] [CPXP[–contrast]1...t1] * *(2a) [CPXP[+contrast]1...t1][CP ... XP[–contrast]] [CP ... XP[+contrast]] *(2b) (A’-scrambling) [CPXP[+contrast]1...t1][CP ... XP[–contrast]] [CPXP[+contrast]1...t1] *
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Abolitionofthenon-contrastivereading
• Therulein(8)favoursacorrespondencebetweenthesyntacticrepresentationsin(1)and(2)andtheIStemplatein(10)andhenceservesatdistinguishingcontrastivefocusfromnon-contrastivefocusviaA’-movement.• SyntaxproducesrepresentationswithorwithoutA’-scramblingbutrepresentationswithmovementarecostly.• The3⁄4paradigmresultsfromthreeoutoffourcombinationssatisfyingatleastoneofthetwoconstraints.
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Table 1 IS Syntax (8) *MOVE(1a) [CPXP[+contrast]1...t1][CP ... XP[–contrast]] [CP ... XP[–contrast]](1b) *(A’-scrambling) [CPXP[+contrast]1...t1][CP ... XP[–contrast]] [CPXP[–contrast]1...t1] * *(2a) [CPXP[+contrast]1...t1][CP ... XP[–contrast]] [CP ... XP[+contrast]] *(2b) (A’-scrambling) [CPXP[+contrast]1...t1][CP ... XP[–contrast]] [CPXP[+contrast]1...t1] *
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Abolitionofthenon-contrastivereading
• ThestructurewithnoA’-scramblingin(1a)satisfiesbothconstraintsasitcontainsnomovementandthefocusisnon-contrastive.
• Thestructurein(1b)violatesbothconstraints,asitdoesnotonlycontainmovement,itcontainsmovementofanon-contrastivefocus.Asaresult,thestructurein(1b)failstobelicensedby(9).
• Thestructurein(2a)satisfies*MOVE,asitdoesnotinvolvemovement,butviolates(8)becauseitdoesnotsyntacticallyrepresenttheIS ofthesentence.Thatis,thereisnocorrespondencebetweenthesyntacticrepresentationin(2a)andtheIStemplatein(10).
• Thestructurein(2b)violates*MOVE butsatisfiestheISconditionin(8)asitcorrespondsto(10).
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Table 1 IS Syntax (8) *MOVE(1a) [CPXP[+contrast]1...t1][CP ... XP[–contrast]] [CP ... XP[–contrast]](1b) *(A’-scrambling) [CPXP[+contrast]1...t1][CP ... XP[–contrast]] [CPXP[–contrast]1...t1] * *(2a) [CPXP[+contrast]1...t1][CP ... XP[–contrast]] [CP ... XP[+contrast]] *(2b) (A’-scrambling) [CPXP[+contrast]1...t1][CP ... XP[–contrast]] [CPXP[+contrast]1...t1] *
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Interpretivelicence• Sofarwehaveaccountedforthecoexistenceofthetwostructuresin(11)bydemonstratingthatthe(b)structureismoreinterpretivelyrestricted(see(12)).
(11) a.SV [CFO]b. [CFO1] SVt1
(12) a.[CF[NIFS [CF[NIFV [CF[NIFO]]]b. [CFO1] SVt1
• A’-movementservesatdisambiguatingtheinformation-structuralinterpretationofthesentencebyabolishingnotonlythenon-contrastivereadingbutalsotheIP/VP-widecontrast(see(12b)).
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CFmovementtoanintermediateposition(13) IsIvanwashingthefloor?
a. Ivan moet POSUDU (a ne pol)Ivan washes dishes.ACC and not floor.ACC‘Ivaniswashingthedishes(notthefloor).’
b. POSUDU1 Ivan moet t1 (a ne pol)dishes.ACC Ivan washes and not floor.ACC‘Ivaniswashingthedishes(notthefloor).’
c. Ivan POSUDU1 moet t1 (a ne pol)Ivan dishes.ACC washes and not floor.ACC‘Ivaniswashingthedishes(notthefloor).’
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Interpretive license
Predictions
• ArepresentationwithCFmovementtoanintermediatepositionmustbeinterpretivelymorerestrictedthanastructurewithoutmovement.
• ArepresentationwithCFmovementtotheleftperipherymustbeinterpretivelymorerestrictedthanastructurewithmovementtoanintermediateposition.
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Interpretive licenseRepresentationwithnomovement– [CF[NIFS [CF[NIFV [CF[NIFO]]]
(14) Whatishappening?WhatisIvandoing?WhatisIvanwashing?[NIF Ivan [NIF moet [NIF POSUDU]]]
Ivan washes dishes.ACC‘Ivaniswashingthedishes.’
(15) IsBilldoinghomework?/IsIvandoinghomework?/IsIvanwashingthefloor?
[CF Ivan [CF moet [CF POSUDU]]]Ivan washes dishes.ACC‘Ivaniswashingthedishes.’
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Interpretive licenseMovementtoanintermediateposition– S [CF[CF O] V]
(16) Whatishappening?WhatisIvandoing?WhatisIvanwashing?#Ivan POSUDU1 moet t1
Ivan dishes.ACC washes‘Ivaniswashingthedishes.’
(17) #IsBilldoinghomework?/IsIvandoinghomework?/IsIvanwashingthefloor?
Ivan [CF [CFPOSUDU] moet ]Ivan dishes.ACC washes‘Ivaniswashingthedishes.’
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Interpretive licenseMovementtotheleftperiphery– [CF O] S V
(18) Whatishappening?WhatisIvandoing?WhatisIvanwashing?# POSUDU1 Ivan moet t1dishes.ACC Ivan washes‘Ivaniswashingthedishes.’
(19) #IsBilldoinghomework?/#IsIvandoinghomework?/IsIvanwashingthefloor?
[CFPOSUDU1] Ivan moet t1dishes.ACC Ivan washes‘Ivaniswashingthedishes.’
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Interpretive disambiguation(20)a. [CF[NIFS [CF[NIFV [CF[NIFO]]]
b. S [CF[CF O1] V]t1– abolitionofnon-contrastivereadingandIP-widecontrastc. [CF O1] S Vt1 – abolitionofVP-widecontrast
(21) Information-StructuralWell-FormednessConstrainta. [IP… XP[+contrast]1 ...t1]b. [IP(...)XP[–contrast]]
(22) Information-StructuralWell-FormednessConstrainta. [CP[CFXP1]...t1[VP… t1]b. [IP...[CFXP [VP… t1]]
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Abolitionofnon-contrastivereading(21) WhatisIvanwashing? (22) IsIvanwashingthefloor?a. Ivan moet POSUDU. a. Ivan moet POSUDU.
Ivan washes dishes Ivan washesdishesb. # Ivan POSUDU1 moet t1. b. Ivan POSUDU1 moet t1.
Ivan dishes washes Ivan dishes washes
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Table 2 IS Syntax (8) *MOVE(21a) [IP … XP[+contrast]1...t1][IP ... XP[–contrast]] [IP ... XP[–contrast]](21b) *(A’-scrambling) [IP … XP[+contrast]1...t1][IP ... XP[–contrast]] [IP …XP[–contrast]1...t1] * *(22a) [IP … XP[+contrast]1...t1][IP ... XP[–contrast]] [IP ... XP[+contrast]] *(22b) (A’-scrambling) [IP … XP[+contrast]1...t1][IP ... XP[–contrast]] [IP …XP[+contrast]1...t1] *
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AbolitionofVP-widecontrast(23) IsIvandoinghomework? (24) IsIvanwashingthefloor?a. Ivan POSUDU1 moet t1. a. Ivan POSUDU1 moet t1.
Ivan dishes washes Ivan dishes washesb.#POSUDU1 Ivan moet t1. b. POSUDU1 Ivan moet t1.
dishes Ivan washes dishes Ivan washes
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Table 3 IS Syntax (8) *MOVE(23a) [CP[CF XP1]...t1 [VP… t1] [IP ... [CF XP[VP… t1]] [IP ... XP[VP… t1](23b) *(A’-scrambling to LP) [CP[CF XP1]...t1 [VP… t1] [IP ... [CF XP[VP… t1]] [CPXP1...t1…t1] * *(24a) [CP[CF XP1]...t1 [VP… t1] [IP ... [CF XP[VP… t1]] [IP ... XP[VP… t1] *(24b) (A’-scrambling to LP) [CP[CF XP1]...t1 [VP… t1] [IP ... [CF XP[VP… t1]] [CPXP1...t1…t1] *
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SummaryInthistalkIhavedefendedtheinterface-basedapproachtoinformation-structuralencodingbyshowingthatCFmovementdoeshaveaninterpretivelicence.Thislicenseisprovidednotbyachievinganinterpretiveeffectthatthestructurewithoutmovementfailstoexpressbutbyexcludingatleastoneinterpretationthatthestructurewithoutmovementincludes.Hence,CFmovementservesatdisambiguatingtheinformation-structuralinterpretationofasentencebutthetrade-offisasyntacticallycostlystructure.TheoptionalityofCFmovementisaresultofthecompetitionoftwoconstraints– onedemandinginformation-structuralwell-formednessandtheothersyntacticsimplicity.Threeoutoffourpossiblecombinationssatisfyatleastoneoftheserequirements,resultinginoptionality.
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ReferencesBobaljik,Jonathan&SusiWurmbrand.2008.Wordorderandscope:Transparentinterfacesandthe¾
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