Organizational identification and commitment of members of a human development

organization

The purpose of this paper is to understand how identification and commitment can be sustained

among members of a development organization where high performance is of paramount

importance and success has important human consequences. This study examined members'

identification and commitment with in a development organization patterned after the Grameen

model. This organization is based on a set of values by which the members can work hard to

overcome their situation caused by poverty. Members of Amanah Ikhtiar Malaysia (AIM) were

interviewed to analyze the characteristics that make AIM special, to gain a deeper understanding

of the dynamics of members' interactions, and to explore how members influence and control

one another. The approach used in the study yields interesting insights into members'

identification and commitment in a human development organization; and how this identification

and commitment are linked to the members' success as well as the organization's success.

Purpose - To understand how identification and commitment can be sustained among members

of a development organization where high performance is of paramount importance and success

has important human consequences. This study examined members' identification

and commitment within a development organization patterned after the Grameen model.

This organization is based on a set of values by which the members can work hard to overcome

their situation caused by poverty.

Design/methodology/approach - Members of Amanah Ikhtiar Malaysia (AIM) were interviewed

to analyze the characteristics that make AIM special, to gain a deeper understanding of the

dynamics of members' interactions, and to explore how members influence and control one

another.

Findings - The approach used in the study yields interesting insights into members' identification

and commitment in a human development organization; and how this identification

and commitment are linked to the members' success as well as the organization's success.

Practical implications - The insights to organizational identification and commitment should

assist the field of management development to sustain and improve identification

and commitment towards the organization and towards other organizational members. Female

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organizational members can also achieve economic success when they are given an opportunity

in their rural villages.

Originality/value - This study applies western theories in a non-western environment. The

findings contribute to the conceptual understanding of the subject. Areas for future research were

also suggested.

Keywords Job satisfaction, Control systems, Human resource development, Communication

Paper type Case study

Introduction

Human development organization needs strong identification and commitment from its members

to achieve its goal, whether it is poverty alleviation, or enhancement in any facet related to

quality of life. The fact that grassroots participants remain in human

development organization despite their membership costs may be explained by the concept of

organizational identification and commitment. Therefore, understanding the nature of

identification and commitment and factors that influence members' identification

and commitment to human development organization is critical to assure the continual existence

of the organization.

Purpose of the study

In the present study, the researcher examine members' identification and commitment within a

development organization patterned after the Grameen model that utilizes some form of

concertive control system. Since the backbone of development organizations is the individual

members themselves, it is particularly important to focus on members' identification

and commitment.

This study also seeks to increase the usefulness of concertive control theory to explain the

workings of a development organization that relies on peer pressure and peer support as

advanced during the mid 1990s. The secondary purpose is to determine if there are any

similarities or differences in terms of identification,commitment and concertive control found

between the Grameen Bank and Amanah Ikhtiar in Malaysia. Examining these differences

provides insight into the effectiveness of each program as well as raise questions about the

difficulties of sustaining development organizations. In addition, there is limitation of

generalizability due to the context where this qualitative study is carried out. Comparing the

results with previous studies in similar organizations will allow the researcher to gain further

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confidence regarding the validity of making such generalizations about organizational

identification, commitment, and concertive control in development organizations. The researcher

will also be able to gain a deeper understanding of how development organizations function and

build on the existing theory of communication in organizations.

Specifically, a certain level of organizational identification and commitment is necessary for a

human development organization to survive. Organizational identification and commitment are

also important factors in concertive control systems as organizational members are continuously

subjected to the rules systems, discipline structures and processes of the organization.

Furthermore, there are various types and levels of identification and commitment in concertive

control systems.

Research questions

The research questions in this study are:

RQ1. How do members of Amanah Ikhtiar Malaysia display their organizational, task, and

interpersonal identification through stories, accounts, and metaphors?

RQ2. How do members of Amanah Ikhtiar Malaysia display their

organizational commitment through stories, accounts, and metaphors?

Implication of the study

This is one of the first (if not the first) studies on a Grameen replication from a communication

perspective. In a development organization such as the Grameen Bank, the core technologies are

simple and easily implemented, and group formation is the only means for members'

participation and empowerment. For instance, the Grameen Bank is based on a set of values: that

people basically have the capacity to solve their problems, to work hard, and to be honest

(Holcombe, 1995), while group formation (into groups of five people) is the first step in

becoming a Grameen Bank member. Given the enormous success of the Grameen Bank, it is

time to examine replication efforts so that we can determine whether or not the Grameen model

can work outside of Bangladesh. This is perhaps, the most important value of this research. To

understand how identification and commitment can be sustained among members of a

development organization who have to work so hard to succeed is of paramount importance

when success has such important human consequences.

Replicating a study often leads to validation of previous research results. Although the present

study is not solely a replication effort, parts of this study which examine the identification

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and commitment of members in a development organization are similar to Papa et aL's (1995,

1997) research. This examination can serve as reinforcement, revision, and perhaps help to bring

about a greater understanding of social and economic development through human

communication.

From a heuristic perspective, this investigation may motivate the continued examination of

identification,commitment and concertive control in other organizations. While this descriptive

study is important in itself, a more significant issue is providing organizational scholars and

experts with an insight to organizational identification and commitment of members in a human

development organization. The findings may be useful for Malaysian scholars and critics

particularly, in light of the barrage of sharp criticism against non-governmental

organizations and their effectiveness in Malaysia (see also Balasegaram, 1997). The findings

from this qualitative research may also be useful for generating hypotheses that can be tested

quantitatively (Barton and Lazarfeld, 1961). The study of a human

development organization using the perspectives of identification,commitment and concertive

control is thus justified.

Concepts and theories used

Theoretical background

The insights of this study are drawn from the concepts and theories of

identification, commitment and concertive control. Numerous studies have indicated that

identification in an organization is multi-faceted, while commitment is closely linked to

identification. For instance, Tompkins and Cheney (1987, p. 209) indicated that there is

significant overlap between identification and commitment. They contend that the term

identification is more "descriptive and embracing" than commitment, but also suggested that

there is great value in studying commitment along with identification. In fact, they argue that

both terms fit together as do form and substance. Concertive control theory (Tompkins and

Cheney, 1985) an unobtrusive form of control, also contains elements of identification because

organizational members must be able to identify with one another to act together. Thus,

concertive control theory can also help provide insights into identification and

commitment among members and workers in an organization.

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Organizational identification

Scholars study organizational identification because it is an important concept which helps us to

"make sense of our experience, in organizing our thoughts, in achieving decisions, and in

anchoring the self' (Cheney, 1983a, p. 342). Organizational identification has also been linked

either theoretically or empirically to a variety of work attitudes, behaviors, and outcomes

(Cheney, 1983a; Van Dick et al, 2004; Van Dick and Wagner, 2002).

For example, organizational identification was not positively related to intention to remain

within the organization (Wan-Huggins et al, 1998), job satisfaction and organizational

identification related positively to assimilation (Myers and Oetzel, 2003) while work-group

identification was a stronger correlate of job satisfaction, turnover intention, job involvement,

and job motivation than organizational identification (Van Knippenberg and Van Schie, 2000).

The literature also revealed that organizational identification is a multidimensional construct

consisting of different foci and dimensions (Van Dick et al, 2004) and there were suggestions

that other foci of identification may be more important in day-to-day organizational life than the

organization as a whole (Van Knippenberg and Van Schie, 2000). Furthermore, identification

was found to be distinguishable from four related commitment concepts (i.e. affective,

continuance, normative, and attitudinal commitment) (Gautam et ai, 2004). Therefore, studying

identification can provide insight into why individuals link themselves to

contemporary organizations.

Studying organizational identification can help to explain the impact of a variety of

organizational policies and activities; understand better the basis of "referent power"

in organization settings; and give a better answer for the ethical questions of whether

participation in modern organizations is destructive of "individuality", personal values, and

strivings (Cheney, 1983a). Besides, the practices in human development organizations are highly

communicative. For instance, in the Grameen Bank, bringing the poor into an organizational

framework, providing them with necessary training, and motivating them to sustain their

membership involves a substantial amount of interpersonal communication. The communicative

practices and organizational patterns of the Grameen Bank provided "evidence of meaningful

empowerment for organizational members who recognize that they have the ability and

opportunity to reach desired goals by acting together" (Papa et al., 1997, p. 26). In addition,

when members act together, they will experience peer pressure to be loyal to their group. The

5

pressure to identify can increase the intensity of member's identification to the group, and the

strength of identification will increase the longer the members work together (Barker and

Tompkins, 1994). As such, it is very natural for a high degree of identification to surface in

development organizations.

Barker and Tompkins (1993, p. 224) indicated that identification "directs our attention to the

intricate process by which an individual becomes a functioning member of an organization" and

"allows us to cope with the demands the organization places on us and, on the other hand, pushes

us to act" (Barker and Tompkins, 1994, p. 225). They also indicated that the team environment is

"a highly intensive arena for identification" (Barker and Tompkins, 1994, p. 226). Thus, group

members must be willing to risk their dignity or be made to feel unworthy when they resist the

team's control (Barker, 1993). This suggests that for development organizations to succeed, the

members of the organization have to assume their appropriate roles, exhibit their identification,

and display their commitment.

Organizational commitment

Organizational commitment is linked to identification. For example, a

person's commitment towards the organization is "an affective response (attitude) resulting from

an evaluation of the work situation which links or attaches the individual to the organization"

(Mottaz, 1988, p. 468). When a person has favorable attitudes toward an organization he or she is

likely to be attached to the organization. This suggests a relationship between identification

and commitment although the two concepts are "distinct" (Cheney and Tompkins, 1987, p. 9).

Commitment involves a willingness to exert considerable effort on behalf of the organization,

and acceptance of the values and goals the organization portrays (Ingersoll et al, 2000).

Organizational commitment is influenced by such factors as individual and organizational

characteristics (Angle and Perry, 1983; Mottaz, 1988). For example, organizational members

continued commitment towards an organization could be influenced by such factors as benefits,

status, monetary and/or interpersonal rewards. For instance, affective

organizational commitment has been linked to positive employee behaviors such as

organizational citizenship behaviors and helping behaviors (Meyer et al, 2002). There is also

association between lateness and commitment (Koslowsky and Dishon-Berkovits, 2001; Dishon-

Berkovits and Koslowsky, 2002), collaboration, organization commitment, and teamwork

(Tschannen, 2004), high sacrifice, low alternatives and turnover intentions (Meyer et al, 2002),

6

climate and organizational commitment (Ingersoll et al., 2000), levels of commitment and team-

orientation of employees (Gossett, 2002), and levels of organizational commitment and conflict

with superiors (Frone, 2000). The positive relationship between empowerment and

organizational commitment however, disappears when employees experience higher levels of

conflict with superiors (Janssen, 2004).

Studies have indicated that there may not always be a positive correlation between identification

and commitment (Bullis and Bach, 1989a; Cheney and Tompkins, 1987). For example, a person

may identify with the organization but not be committed to it (such as identifying oneself as a

loyal employee but not attending any company function) and conversely, a person may be

committed to an organization but not identify strongly with it (such as a person who works as a

coupler but does not approve of gambling) (Cheney and Tompkins, 1987). There are also

indications that organizational commitment seems to lead to behaviors that exceed formal or

normative expectations (Mowdy et al, 1974). As such, the present focus on identification and

commitment in a development context is particularly important to examine in order to

understand the dynamics of organizational membership.

Concertive control systems

Concertive control systems are part of the Grameen model. In

development organizations patterned after this model, empowerment represents the sharing of

control, entitlement and the ability to participate, or influence decisions on resource allocation.

This form of sharing of control is unobtrusive, and is often referred to as concertive control.

Grameen Bank for example relies on concertive control by empowering members and

establishing a system in which they monitor and control each other's behavior (Papa et al, 1997).

Concertive control occurs when members use their identification to act "in concert with each

other to control their own behaviors" (Barker and Tompkins, 1994, p. 226). This suggests that

the extent to which members in development organizations identify with the organization can

influence how they control each other. For instance, when members are empowered to create

their own norms and rules for the execution of economic and social development programs, they

will also determine ways to handle problems such as loan defaulters. So, control may include

pressuring one another to repay loans.

For concertive control systems to work however, varying types and levels of identification are

required. For example, members may:

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* identify with the organization because the organization provides them with the loans;

* identify with the tasks that serve their economic goals;

* identify with other group members to feel a sense of belonging; or

* identify with the cause of the organization through their continued membership.

In other words, the concept of identification is clearly linked to concertive control systems (Papa

et al., 1997). Barker and Tompkins (1994) also asserted that identification plays a pivotal role in

concertive control systems.

Furthermore, concertive control characterizes grassroots organizational interaction (Papa et al.,

1995). In these systems, the locus of control shifts from management to members who

collaborate to create the rules and norms that govern their behavior (Papa et aL, 1995,1997). The

Grameen Bank, for example, uses unobtrusive concertive control systems which empower the

members (Papa et al., 1995). To achieve this, a delicate balance is created between "peer

pressure" - such as investing their loans wisely, making timely repayment; and "peer support" -

such as having concern for members and their projects. These systems are empowering since

members can decide by themselves who should receive the loans first or the kind of projects they

should work on. On the other hand, these systems are controlling in that members have to

observe the discipline imposed by other members. As such, members are subjected to a

disciplinary system that both punishes and rewards them.

As a member-sustained system, development organizations such as the Grameen Bank in fact

depend on the powerful effect of concertive control systems. By giving members opportunities to

empower themselves through their own decisions and determining their own courses of actions

(Papa et al, 1997), members are able to use skills and knowledge they already possess. Even

though loans are given to the individual, the group is held accountable for the repayment.

Furthermore, the Chairman of a group is responsible for the discipline in the group while the

center chief (an elected member) conducts the weekly meetings, recommends loans proposals,

supervises loan activities, and assists bank workers in their work (Gibbons, 1992).

The aforementioned indicates that group members use identification to control each other's

activity. When members use such control, instead of being freed from Weber's iron cage of

rational control, group members will draw the iron cage tighter and constrain the members more

powerfully (Barker, 1993). For example, the micro-techniques of discipline to regulate and

normalize the members and their collective actions (Papa et al, 1997) become more powerful,

8

less apparent, and more difficult to resist (Barker, 1993). Research also suggests that members in

concertive control systems often give in to the group demands even though the group demands

more loyalty than the organization (Barker and Tompkins, 1994).

Control theorists have suggested that organizational control in a concertive or participatory

system will actually be more powerful than in bureaucratic systems (Edwards, 1981;

Tannenbaum, 1986; Tompkins and Cheney, 1985; Papa et al, 1995, 1997). Amanah Ikhtiar

Malaysia, which is based on the Grameen Bank model, relies on concertive control. Therefore,

the study of human development organizations using the theory of concertive control is

particularly relevant since organizations are increasingly turning to control systems that are less

obtrusive and demand higher levels of identification from members.

In sum, for concertive control systems to be effective, members must identify with the individual

and collective outcomes, and realize that what a person does can make a difference to other

group members. For instance, how a member feels about the organization can have a contagious

effect upon the feelings of other members. A member who refuses to repay his or her loans can

also jeopardize the other group members' future application for loans. Thus, the interplay among

emotional experiences of members, their identification and commitment can not be

underestimated.

How organizational members identify with their organization, the kind of commitment they have

towards the organization, how they change or shape each other's behavior, how emotional

attachment to the group affects interaction, and what is expected from fellow members in a

concertive control system is worth investigating. Thus, studying the various types and levels of

identification, commitment and concertive control in a human development organization can

help us to gain a deeper understanding of how development organizations function.

Limitation of previous work

Studies on organizational identification have largely focused on the administration of the

Organizational Identification Questionnaire (OIQ) developed by Cheney (1982) (Barker and

Tompkins, 1994; Bullis and Bach, 1989a, b, 1991; Bullis and Tompkins, 1989; Cheney, 1983a,

b; Cheney and Tompkins, 1987; Tompkins and Cheney, 1983). These studies do not focus on

interpersonal identification and task identification although Cheney (1983a) looked at how

individual's identification influences on-the-job decision making. By using the Likert-type scale

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questionnaire, these studies normally measure the level of identification with one target, which is

the organization (Barker and Tompkins, 1994).

Besides, the studies on organizational identification have largely been conducted in

industrial organizations, and individual graduate departments within universities (Bullis and

Bach, 1989a, b, 1991; Bullis and Tompkins, 1989; Cheney, 1983a, b; Cheney and Tompkins,

1987; Tompkins and Cheney, 1985). These scholars have largely ignored

development organizations. Identification in grassroots development organizations has not been

examined until recently by Papa et al. (1995, 1997). This clearly shows that organizational

communication scholars have neglected an important context in which to conduct their research.

Few researchers have addressed the issue of identification and commitment in a development

context. Although Papa et ai. (1995, 1997) looked at various forms of identification in a human

development organization, they did not address the members' and workers' commitment directly.

There is limited literature on concertive control other than studies conducted by Papa et al.

(1995,1997). As indicated by Barker and Tompkins (1994) a comparative approach to

understanding examples of concertive control holds much usefulness for future research.

Furthermore, the results presented by Papa et al (1995, 1997) also raised some serious questions

for future research. For example, can the results achieved by the Grameen Bank be replicated in

another nation? And if the answer is yes, then, what factors lead to identification

and commitment with this organization? It is too early to conclude the general replicability of the

Grameen Bank approach in the absence of a thorough understanding of how organizational

members identify and remain committed to their organization. This study then, may have some

practical applications for other replication efforts in the international arena and for

organizations that rely upon some form of concertive control systems to sustain

member commitment.

Method

Subjects and sites selection

The 70 subjects in this study were participants in the Ikhtiar Loan Scheme (ILS) in Peninsula

Malaysia. The subjects consist of members from two branch offices covering five villages in the

State of Selangor and Penang. A total of 27 subjects participated in the individual interviews and

43 subjects participated in the focus groups interviews.

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Both random and purposive sampling was used in the selection of the sites where interviews

were conducted. The villages in Penang were randomly chosen, while those in Selangor were

purposive due to the fact that Selangor is the only state in the Peninsula with male members. The

selection of sites was made following discussion with the branch managers in the respective

states. Discussions were held with field workers in the absence of the branch manager.

Sampling of respondents

The nature of the study made it impractical to use a random sample of respondents. Instead, non-

random sampling was used. This procedure does not ensure that each respondent has an equal

chance of being selected due to the cost constraints involved in conducting the interviews and the

nature of the study.

Network sampling, also called the "snowball technique", was used to locate respondents to

participate in the personal interviews. This method requires the respondents to refer the

researchers to other people who could serve as respondents for this study. For example, the first

respondent interviewed was asked to identify another two suitable interviewees. Following this

procedure, the "list of respondents grows, or 'snowballs', as they go along" (Frey et al., 1991, p.

243). The next respondent to be interviewed by the researcher was chosen from the list of names

identified by previous interviewees. Directions to these respondents' homes were also obtained.

Interview

The respondents were asked questions concerning their membership, including the significance

of their membership and their perceptions about their group membership. The questions in the

nondirective survey followed the funnel format whereby broad, open questions were used to

introduce the interview, followed by narrower, closed questions that seek more specific

information (Frey et al, 1991). The interview instrument, designed for the study was used to

guide the intensive interviews. It is a 25-item nondirective survey interview instrument.

Multiple methods of data collection were employed, specifically personal interviews, focus

group interviews, participant observation and unobtrusive methods. The personal interviews

were the key method of data collection in this study. All the interviews were conducted during a

face-to-face meeting. The researcher took the stance that the interviewees were truthful and

attempts were also made to established rapport with the interviewees to allow fuller and more

honest answers (Frey et al, 1991). The interviews were tape-recorded and subsequently

transcribed for content analysis.

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Five focus group interviews were conducted to complement the personal interview data. The

focus group interviews were conducted in four villages - Kampung Pelet, Kampung Baru,

Kampung Tebuk Jawa and Kampung Bagan Nahoda Omar. The focus groups vary in size,

consisting of five to 17 respondents who were willing to participate in the interviews. The

average size of the focus group was eight persons.

The focus groups were assembled with the help of the field workers at the respective branch

offices. The focus group interviews took place in an identified open area, such as in the

compound of the mosque or in the public halls in the village.

Altogether, the researcher accumulated approximately 28 hours of tape-recorded responses that

served as the primary data (Herndon, 1993) from both the in-depth interviews and the focus

group interviews.

Observations

Both obtrusive and unobtrusive observation was used in this study. The researcher observed a

total of five meetings: four local center meetings for the members (two male centers and two

female centers) and a staff meeting conducted in the branch office. The researcher was aided by

hardware such as audiotapes and a camera since the methods of observation included

audiotaping of conversations and taking photographs.

Unobtrusive methods were chosen to supplement the data gathered through the interviews, focus

group discussion, and participant observation. The indirect observation used in this study

included the examination of communication artifacts. This includes the annual reports,

unpublished reports prepared for management meetings, pamphlets and bulletin published by

the organization, and local newspapers and periodical such as the Newsweek and Time

Magazine. Reviews on minutes of meetings, announcements, formal policy statements, and

letters were also found to be useful to develop an understanding of the member perceptions and

behaviors (Marshall and Rossman, 1995).

Data analysis

The recorded dialogue from the field interviews was transcribed from Bahasa Malaysia (Malay

language) directly into English; however, word for word transcription of all recordings was not

made. The personal interviews and focus group interviews were analyzed in the same manner.

The researcher listened carefully and thoroughly to the recorded interviews and took extensive

12

notes. The particularly important comments were transcribed verbatim. The recordings were

retained for reference.

The tapes were analyzed for recurring themes to find out exactly how members describe their

identification and commitment with Amanah Ikhtiar Malaysia and how they enact concertive

control systems through their communication. This process required identifying specific themes,

stories, and metaphors that were commonly used by the respondents. Broad definitions of these

three concepts were used to guide the identification of the themes so that no account was missed.

After the interviews were transcribed, the researcher thoroughly examined each transcript to

identify the direct and indirect statements that illuminate aspects of commitment, identification,

and concertive control. The stories, themes, and metaphors or comments providing insight

into commitment, identification, and the enactment of concertive control systems were analyzed

in order to interpret how the respondents perceive their identification, commitment, and how

they understood the concertive control systems operative within their group.

Results and discussion

This study explored how organizational members of a human

development organization described their identification and commitment. By focusing on

organizational identification and commitment, two research questions were explored.

Research question one

The first research question addressed the organizational members' identification with

the organization, group, and tasks they perform. Specifically, the research question explored how

organizational members described their identification with each of these targets.

The organization stressed its values in the borrowers pledge and organization's principle, and

members use the organization's philosophies and shared beliefs to 1 interpret their organizational

life. The respondents reported a number of parallels between their personal values and

the organization's values. This helped the organizational members to build

their commitment towards the organization, other organizational members, and the task they

perform, and to maintain a sense of similarity and belonging in their group and organization.

This can be seen in the way they use their loans, and their discipline to meet the obligation of

repayment, savings, and to change their life.

The significant theme that arises from the analysis is the theme representing relief from shame,

bondage, hunger and poverty itself. Generally, respondents felt that they would not be able to

13

make such significant changes within such a short period without the assistance and support from

the organization, field workers, and their fellow group members. In other words,

the organization helps to provide them a route to escape from poverty.

The second theme represents the cooperation among members. This theme results from the close

interpersonal relationship among the organizational members. Because members feel thankful

and indebted to the organization for the economic and social empowerment, they cooperate with

one another by giving each other their commitment to endeavor. They advise and consult one

another. Some have started to work on group projects. As one respondent said: "Previously I

asked myself why we must attend the meeting every week. Now, I know we can meet every

week because we can discuss about our project and have good projects to work together."

All the respondents demonstrated high levels of organizational identification in their stories

because:

* through their membership, they are able to feel relief from living in poverty as revealed in their

stories of relief and life transformation; and

* they could also increase their household expenses on food and basic necessities, have a more

positive view of their abilities and self-improvement through helping one another, being more

self-reliant as well as sustaining their projects.

The members demonstrate high organizational identification when they revealed that they are

proud to be a member of AIM; have warm feelings towards the organization; find it easy to

identify with the organization's values; have a lot in common with other organizational members

(i.e. same ethnic group, social class, same sex, and share similar ambition although they join at

different time), and have personal friends in their group; felt the organization cares for them;

describe AIM as a large "family"; talk up AEVI to non-members that ATM is a

good organization to belong to; and encourage non-members to join the organization so that they

too can be more "successful". In addition, they did not report any changes that should be made

regarding the rules and regulations of the organization, or those of the centers to which they

belong.

A high level of task identification is necessary for organizational members to work hard in their

chosen project and to increase their net income because they must meet their obligations towards

the organization and their group members. For instance, without an observable increase in their

14

net income, organizational members will not be able to meet their weekly repayment, and hence

become a financial burden to their fellow group members.

In this organization, a high level of task identification occurs because organizational members

were given assistance to develop more pride in their task as well as the opportunity for creativity

to make their task meaningful. For example, all the respondents who are using the loans either by

themselves or sharing it with a household member identify strongly with their projects. Most

respondents wanted to increase the size of their projects, or buy a vehicle or electrical equipment

for their house. For example, one respondent revealed: "I used the first loan to sell laksa [noodle]

from house to house. Now, I want to have a shop to sell fried banana crisp, laksa and drinks."

They were able to demonstrate high task identification and commitment because they select only

activities or projects based on their skills, experience and knowledge. As several members

reported, they have been doing their project for many years, even before they joined

the organization.

Generally, the respondents reported their group and interpersonal identification as "there are no

problems in the group", "the feelings in the group is good", "our group is functioning well", "all

our group members are very good", "it is not breaking up", and so forth. All the respondents are

satisfied to be in their group because:

* they trust their fellow group members;

* they are satisfied with their group membership;

* they cooperate with one another, and follow the group norms such as not delaying their

repayment; and

* they are all very close and have high responsibility so that they "can repay, and can qualify for

more loans".

Respondents also do not have any feeling of being rejected by their fellow group members, felt a

strong sense of being included in the activities, and have a great sense of belonging to their group

and center. They know their responsibilities towards one another and further indicated that they

try not to be a burden to their group members by observing the rules and regulations.

A high level of group and interpersonal identification occur because:

* the groups are purposefully formed;

* the structure of the loans compels them to identify strongly with one another and to monitor

each other's activities since group members are their own guarantor;

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* "everything [attendance and repayment] is recorded every week by the field worker"; and

* their willingness to learn from one another.

Furthermore, they are happy because they have gained collective strength since they have a

group savings, and they could now borrow from their group savings at times of emergency,

instead of relying on external sources such as their relatives.

Because the members identify with each other so strongly, when a member is not present for a

meeting, other group members will automatically "pay first" on behalf of the absent member so

that the group can have a good repayment record. They have a forum or hold discussion to

analyze and reflect what is best for them to do whenever they have any problems. In addition,

they use unified symbols such as "we", "us", and "ours" in all the interviews. Several respondents

also used the metaphors of "being related" to one another to describe their relationship such as:

"we are like a family", "we are like relatives", "mother and child", or "we are like siblings".

The respondents revealed the organizational values help them to become more identified with

their group. For example, the emphasis on regular attendance promotes solidarity and

participation among the members at both the group and center level. This emphasis also

promotes mutual support and peer pressure to ensure:

* that there is smooth processing of loan applications;

* that loans are properly utilized; and

* that repayments are made promptly.

The pressure for regular attendance also ensures their continuous access to the organization's

facility.

In this organization, identification occurs as a result of organizational members:

* understanding one another's beliefs, attitudes, and values;

* empathizing with one another;

* sympathizing with one another's problems, pleasure or pains;

* working together to achieve a common goal; and

* several other factors, including putting peer pressure on their peers or supporting them when

necessary.

Research question two

The second research question explored how organizational members described

their commitment. Organizational commitment refers to the relative strength of member's

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identification with, and involvement in the organization (Mowdy et al, 1979). AIM emphasizes

the religious and spiritual obligations by incorporating some religious values in the borrowers'

pledge and principle.

Members demonstrate their commitment towards each other and to the organization in several

ways, including reciting their pledge as a group in public during their meeting. Reciting the

pledge serves to remind them of good work and behavior at all times. They also reported that

they must carry out their organizationalcommitment stated in their pledge or verbal contract

because their subsequent loan application and disbursement will be affected if they do not follow

the rules and regulations stipulated by the organization. Generally, at all the centers observed, the

sahabats recite the borrowers pledge while the field worker recites the staff pledge before the

meeting starts. The meetings also end with the borrower's and staffs pledge. Other rituals

incorporated into the center's meetings by the members to further reinforce their identification

andcommitment includes "singing" of nasyid [Islamic religious songs], prayers, slogans, or

reading certain passages from the Quran before or during the meeting.

The members depicted strong commitment, particularly when several respondents reported that

they have no other sources to rely on for loans for their project; that their present state of life is a

result of their membership; that their success is the organization's success; that they are satisfied

with their project; that it is an honor to be a member in the organization; and having the fear of

falling back to poverty like some of their sahabats who had left the organization.

Most respondents reported that the organization inspires the best in them. They added that

membership is a way of acquiring social status, and there are a lot of benefits for them to be a

member. They also behave in a way consistent with the values of the organization such as

borrowing according to their needs although they qualified for bigger loan.

The respondents demonstrated high commitment to the organization's goal by using the loans to

capitalize their skills, to increase income, and to become more self-reliant. Most respondents

reported or demonstrated high organizational commitment, group and interpersonal commitment,

and high task commitment. All the respondents reported that they have no intention to leave their

group or their organization. Most respondents said they will continue to take further loans to

expand their existing projects.

The members were able to demonstrate high task commitment because they chose the project by

themselves. They are able to concentrate on specific tasks by capitalizing on their skills to

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increase their productivity and efficiency. This approach for task selection promotes

responsibility and self-reliance as they could not blame anyone for their project failure. They are

committed to their task because they may lose face among their peers if they fail in their project

and become a defaulter. Therefore, they use their loans diligently to increase their productivity

and to improve their living conditions. Organizational members demonstrated their

taskcommitment when they stated that they want to enlarge their projects, and they want to make

their projects successful.

Commitments towards group members were reported by many members. For instance, observing

the organization's rules, regulations and group norms was reported as very important. They are

very cautious about their actions because they do not want their friendship of long duration to be

shattered as a result of not adhering to behavioral norms. The members also revealed they are

making a great effort to demonstrate their commitment towards their group and organization by

their participation in the center's meeting which seems to be just for the recording of attendance,

collecting loan repayment, submitting loan proposal, and loan approval or disbursement if any.

Examples include: "when I am sick I have to get up to attend the meeting. When I have a

headache, I also come for the meeting," "there is no one who purposely want to test the other

members. When they do not come, they also send their money. For example, just now, after we

have paid for the sahabat, her husband came to send her money for the repayment before the

meeting ends," "I bring my daughters to the meeting because she wanted to follow me. There is

no one to look after my children at home," and personal observation of another respondent who

came early for her meeting, prepared the sarong which hangs from a rope from the ceiling beside

her seat in the center and "rock" her baby to sleep before the meeting started.

The respondents also demonstrated their commitment towards one another in their groups. They

reported that they are cooperative, work as a team, look out for one another, will lose some self-

respect if their group fails, that it could be their turn next to need help or assistance, and they

needed the peer support in all proposals. They revealed that they felt it is their responsibility to

help their peers because one of the organizational values states that they should help one another.

They further indicated that they have well understood but unwritten rules concerning their

conduct, have no fear to express their opinions, and are subjected to strict discipline.

They know their attendance is important because one organizational value on collective

responsibility stated that there will be no approval or disbursement of loans in the absence of a

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complete group. They want to maintain a good record among their peers to prevent their access

to future credit from being threatened. As such they can not let down their group members by

being absent. In fact, they put a lot of pressure on one another to attend weekly meetings and

maintain the high repayment rate so that their performance record is perfect. Beside respondents

who reported: "I do not want to trouble anyone," the 100 percent repayment rate is so important

to them that they will find a solution to help members who could not make their repayment. Such

high pressure in the group also ensures that their centers are view positively by the field workers.

These results support the earlier findings of Papa et al (1997) in that the respondents are willing

to place extraordinary pressure on their peers to maintain their commitment towards

the organization and one another.

The high commitment of the group members gives the group energy and motivates them towards

positive personal and group outcomes. They are willing to accept each other, learn from and

listen to each other, participate in the group and center's activities, protect the group and increase

each other's organizational, task, and interpersonal identification. They build fellow

members commitment by developing standards and codes of conduct to regulate the behavior of

their members. Members developed their own rules to govern each other's behavior and actions

in order for them to achieve their personal motives and goals for joining the organization, and to

deal with members who are not adhering to the discipline such as whether to penalize them with

micro-techniques of discipline such as reading the pledge alone, or whether to "throw" them out

of their group. They also develop norms, such as what they should do when a member does not

attend the meeting, or how to handle defaulters or absenteeism by themselves, while other norms

such as regular repayment and attendance are dictated by the organization.

In essence, the organizational members' actions and behaviors are also restricted although they

reported that they do not mind such restriction. As a respondent said: "even if it is strict, it is

good." Members had to be punctual for meetings, and attain at least an 80 percent attendance

record even though numerous organizational members have no one to watch over their young

children when they attend their weekly meeting. Thus, members' children, their feeding bottles

and sometimes even a sarong (for their baby to sleep) are often part of the meeting.

The restrictions and constraints are similar to Papa et al.'s (1995, p. 203) observations that

members of the Grameen Bank have to "surrender some individual freedom in order to gain

access to the resources of the collective". This suggests that peer support and peer pressure is an

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effective way to ensure organizational members active participation, and their strong

identification and commitment with their group and collective goals.

The strong identification coupled with strong commitment in terms of their loyalty towards

the group goals, organizational goals, and values is essential for the organization's

continual existence. Such strong relationships between organizational members and

their organization are in fact expected as the organization had provided them access and

hope which no other organizations provides.

This study revealed that organizational members and the organization mutually influence each

other's existence, attitude and commitment. In fact, they are interdependent on each other. For

instance, AIM needs strong identification and commitment from its members to achieve its goal,

which in this case is poverty alleviation. However, in order for the continual existence of all the

groups (currently consisting of five members each) of organizational members, all members

must be able to derive some benefits from their membership.

The members are "functionally interdependent" (Marby and Bames, 1980, p. 250). Members

were found to be responsive to each other's needs, share the fate of their group and center

members, and submit themselves to the systems that control them. Since any deviation of an

unsatisfied member can destroy the group and center's effort, organizational members have to

remain identified, committed as well as being cohesive and accepting each other's influence. By

being involved and interconnected in their group, they are also able to overcome problems which

can affect their future application. Thus, the greater involvement and concern for each other's

activities help them to feel more identified with and committed to one another and their

organization.

This study revealed that the organization influences the process of identification through

motivational talks which are followed by a one week compulsory training, and that

organizational members must identify with and be committed to the rules, regulations, and

demands made on them by their group and center in order to continue their membership in

the organization. AM's members are grateful for the economic and social empowerment. In

return, they give their "complete commitment" to their group and center members, and the

organization by observing the norms, rules and regulations.

The study suggests that an organizational member's behavior and performance is highly related

to their level of organizational identification and commitment. The findings provide support for

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the idea of helping organizational members to become identified and committed with

the organization through the socialization process when new members join the organization (see

Jablin (1986)). Studies by Sheldon (1971) and Moch (1980) show that the opportunities for

social interaction at work increases organizational commitment. Similarly, Ikhtiar's members'

close proximity in the same village allows them a lot of opportunities for social interaction which

strengthens their relationship with one another.

High level of organizational commitment is associated with lower intention to leave

the organization or lower rate of turnover (Steers, 1977; Porter et al, 1974). For example, several

members not taking loans still attend meetings while several successful organizational members

also indicated that they "want to stay on to be an example for other poor people" because "I feel

thankful for Projek Ikhtiar because it is through this project that I can improve my living

standard. If possible, I do not want to leave [the organization]. If I do not join now, I am alright,

but I want to be an example to encourage the poorer people to join." In other words, these

members want to be "living proof of what Projek Ikhtiar and AIM have done to their lives.

Consistent with earlier literature, organizational commitment was found to be strongly related to

members' intention and desire to remain in the organization, their attendance, and turnover. This

suggests that an organizational member's behavior and performance is highly related to their

level of organizational identification and commitment. Further, member's task satisfaction is

found to be related to their task, group and organizational commitment. More specifically,

task commitment has a positive effect on members' organizational commitment, and is not

associated with absenteeism.

In addition, high organizational identification and commitment are negatively related to

organizational members' intention to leave. Highly identified and committed members indicated

that they will:

* retain their membership;

* attend their weekly meetings; and

* continue to contribute to their group funds, even when they have no intention to borrow.

Identification and commitment in this organization supports Cheney and Tompkins (1987)

notion that organizational identification and commitment are interrelated. As Tompkins and

Cheney (1983) suggested, the respondents do perceive the organization's values or interest as

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relevant in evaluating the alternatives of choice when they make their own decision in their

group and center.

The results also support the notion that identification and commitment changes over time (Bullis

and Bach, 1989b). Some new organizational members reported their identification

and commitment increases over time while some members need to be asked to attend meetings.

This could be due to their initial decrease in identification and commitment towards

the organization, or as a result of a "bad" experience, or an inability to meet their expectations,

needs or motives, or due to project failure. The findings of this study, in general, provide support

for the idea of helping organizational members to become identified and committed with

theorganization through the socialization process when new members join the organization.

The study showed that organizational members' identification and commitment towards

the organization is affected by how they identify with one another in their group and their center,

and how identified and committed they are interpersonally with one another. In addition, the

organizational members identification with the organization and their commitment towards

the organization is closely related to how they value the task they perform to achieve their

economic goals. In other words, their fellow group members can help them to maintain their

identification and commitment with the organization by applying peer pressure and peer support

whenever necessary.

Pragmatic implications

The study provides evidence that organizational socialization has an impact on how

organizational members increase their identification and become committed towards

the organization, with one another, and with the task they perform. The feeling of loyalty and

pride also explains the high identification with and commitment to the organization. It appears

that organizational identification and commitment has a lot to do with the members' motives. In

this case, joining the organization to meet a specific purpose - which is social and economic

empowerment.

The findings suggest that AIM should also be concerned with minimizing the organizational

members cost of participation. Since members have to make various sacrifices to maintain their

membership, this study suggests that it is unlikely for a human development organization to meet

all the needs of the members.

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The female organizational members have also proven that they are not only good in the kitchen

or around the house but can achieve economic success when they are given an opportunity in

their rural villages.

Limitations and recommendations

The limitations of the study include the difficulties in locating members who dropped-out of

the organization's program. Also, the specific findings cannot be generalized to other human

development organizations or organizations in a different social-cultural context. Future studies

should consider incorporating qualitative and quantitative methods to provide broader insight,

and studying human development organizations in a low context culture to determine the cross-

cultural validity of the present findings. Furthermore, researchers should not expect similar

treatment as those in Bangladesh such as "bouncing over dirt roads on the back of a motorcycle

or bicycle" (Holcombe, 1995, p. 181) but be very flexible with their itinerary, be familiar with

moving around the rural areas by themselves, and most importantly be familiar with the local

language.

Summary and conclusion

The identification the respondents described directs their attention to the intricate process

through which they become a functioning member of the organization and helps them to cope

with the demands placed on them by the group and the organization (Barker and Tompkins,

1994). Their unwillingness to lose face or their dignity suggests that they further reinforce their

identification with their tasks, their group members andorganization. It also suggests that their

unwillingness to lose face ensures that organizational members will continue to play their

designated and appropriate roles as well as to continue displaying their commitment to each of

the targets. Indeed, the identification and commitment described by the respondents helps the

organization's efforts to succeed.

The respondents identify with AIM because the organization gave them an opportunity no

other organization had provided. Since they want to escape from poverty, they were prepared to

work hard and become committed to the organization that provides them with the means to

capitalize on their survival skills, and to meet their personal objectives. Through the strict

procedures employed by AIM, members were instilled with AM's values, rules and decision

premises. This suggest that training serves as an initiation into the organization, builds

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interpersonal commitment, increases members' motivation to work hard, and increases their

identification with the organization as well as sustaining their membership in the organization.

To conclude, the results of this research have shown that:

* organizational identification and commitment in AIM is very high;

* members regard the organizational rules and regulations as a means of guiding and reinforcing

appropriate behaviors;

* members control one another by maintaining appropriate group behaviors and focus on

developing a compassionate, caring relationship with other members in the group; and

* members share their commitment.

More importantly, this study suggest that orientation program, socializing activities,

opportunities for participative decision-making, "psychological" and "religious" strategies, and a

focus on the members' culture and everyday life can help to improve identification

and commitment towards an organization.

S

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