original citation - wrap: warwick research archive...

httpgowarwickacuklib-publications

Original citation Vagelpohl U (2011) In the translators workshop Arabic Sciences and Philosophy 21(2) pp 249-288 Permanent WRAP url httpwrapwarwickacuk38436 Copyright and reuse The Warwick Research Archive Portal (WRAP) makes the work of researchers of the University of Warwick available open access under the following conditions Copyright copy and all moral rights to the version of the paper presented here belong to the individual author(s) andor other copyright owners To the extent reasonable and practicable the material made available in WRAP has been checked for eligibility before being made available Copies of full items can be used for personal research or study educational or not-for-profit purposes without prior permission or charge Provided that the authors title and full bibliographic details are credited a hyperlink andor URL is given for the original metadata page and the content is not changed in any way Publisherrsquos statement copy Cambridge University Press httpdxdoiorg101017S0957423911000038 A note on versions The version presented in WRAP is the published version or version of record and may be cited as it appears here For more information please contact the WRAP Team at wrapwarwickacuk

IN THE TRANSLATORrsquoS WORKSHOP

UWE VAGELPOHLDepartment of Classics amp Ancient History

University of Warwick Coventry CV4 7AL United KingdomEmail uvagelpohlwarwickacuk

Abstract H˙unayn ibn Ish

˙qrsquos Arabic translation of Galenrsquos commentary on the

Hippocratic Epidemics is an invaluable source for our knowledge of Galenic medicineand its transmission history not least because much of it is extant only in Arabic Itsimportance for the Arabic medical tradition is amply attested in the later medical lit-erature It also tells usmuch about the methods and self-image of contemporary trans-lators Throughout the translation we find remarks by H

˙unayn discussing the quality

of his source text his own interpretation and also his attempts to reconstruct proble-matic or damaged passages Based on an edition of these notes their analysis and com-parison to similar texts and Galenrsquos own thought on editing and interpreting difficultmedical texts this article aims to situate H

˙unaynrsquos methods in the context of the

Greek-Arabic translation movement It argues that his approach differs in importantrespects from that of preceding Greek-Arabic andGreek-Syriac translators and that hewas indebted to Galen not just as a physician but also as a translator and exegete

Reacutesumeacute La traduction arabe de H˙unayn ibn Ish

˙q du commentaire de Galien sur les

Eacutepideacutemies drsquoHippocrate est une source drsquoimportance capitale pour notre connaissancede la meacutedecine galeacutenique et de son histoire de transmission notamment parce que lamajeure partie nrsquoest conserveacutee qursquoen arabe Son importance pour la traditionmeacutedicale arabe est amplement attesteacutee dans la litteacuterature meacutedicale posteacuterieureEn plus elle nous apprend beaucoup sur les meacutethodes et lrsquoimage de soi des traduc-teurs contemporains Tout au long de la traduction nous trouvons des annotationsde H

˙unayn dans lesquels il parle de la qualiteacute de son texte de sa propre

interpreacutetation et de ses tentatives de reconstituer des passages probleacutematiques ouendommageacutes En srsquoappuyant sur une eacutedition de ces notes sur leur analyse et en lescomparant agrave des textes similaires et agrave la penseacutee de Galien sur lrsquoeacutedition etlrsquointerpreacutetation des textes meacutedicaux difficiles cet article vise agrave situer les meacutethodesde H

˙unayn dans le contexte de lrsquohistoire des traductions greacuteco-arabes Il fait valoir

que son approche est diffeacuterente agrave bien des eacutegards de celle des traducteurs greacuteco-arabes et greacuteco-syriaques preacuteceacutedents et qursquoil eacutetait redevable agrave Galien non seulementen tant que meacutedecin mais aussi en tant que traducteur et exeacutegegravete

INTRODUCTION1

Scholars of classical Islamic civilisation especially the history ofscience and philosophy routinely acknowledge the fundamental and

1 I would like to thank Peter E Pormann and Simon Swain for their helpful comments on aprevious version of this article

Arabic Sciences and Philosophy vol 21 (2011) pp 249ndash288doi101017S0957423911000038 copy 2011 Cambridge University Press

transformative role played by translation from Syriac and Greek intoArabic We now have a fairly good idea about the range and contentsof the philosophical scientific and medical literature appropriated byMuslim scholars through summaries excerpts and translations Alsowe become more and more aware of the complex interactions betweenexponents and supporters of the so-called Greek-Arabic ldquotranslationmovementrdquo ie between translators on the one hand and their readersand sponsors on the other2Along with establishing basic external data about the translation

movement ndash who translated what and when ndash modern scholarshiphas collected an impressive amount of information about methodo-logical aspects of Greek-Arabic translation Understanding the(always fluid) methodological standards of translation in a givenperiod is an essential prerequisite for the appreciation of the transla-torsrsquo achievement and the success or failure of their efforts The his-tory of translation irrespective of the languages involved is alwaysalso a history of the idea of translation where do different culturesat different times draw the line between the (overlapping) genres oftranslation paraphrase commentary and summary What are theircriteria for a successful translation3The sources for this crucial methodological information fall into two

basic categories The first are the products of the translation move-ment the translations themselves Although the study of Graeco-Arabic translations still awaits the systematisation and applicationof analytical methods that have become standard in related fields4careful examinations of individual translations illustrate the wealthof information that can be gleaned even from a relatively smallamount of textual material5

2 Indispensable on this issue Dimitri Gutas Greek Thought Arabic Culture (LondonNew York 1998) A somewhat different (if at times problematic) account is presented byGeorges Saliba Islamic Science and the Making of the European RenaissanceTransformations Studies in the History of Science and Technology 16 (CambridgeMass 2007) esp chs 1ndash2

3 Paul St-Pierre lsquoThe historical nature of translationrsquo in Patrick N Chaffey et al (eds)Translation Theory in Scandinavia (Oslo 1990) pp 254ndash63 on p 255

4 Translation Studies a branch of linguistics has developed a set of analytical tools toclassify and compare source texts translations and related texts The compilation of digi-tal textual corpora and the widespread availability of computing resources has put thestudy of translations on an entirely new methodological footing at this point entire cor-pora of texts can be compared and scanned for terminological phraseological and stylisticdata

5 Excellent examples of thorough translation analyses of individual texts are (among manyothers) Khalil Georr Les Cateacutegories drsquoAristote dans leurs versions syro-arabes (Beirut1948) Hans Daiber Aetius Arabus Die Vorsokratiker in arabischer UumlberlieferungAkademie der Wissenschaften und der Literatur Veroumlffentlichungen der orientalischenKommission 33 (Wiesbaden 1980) Gerhard Endress Die arabischen Uumlbersetzungen vonAristotelesrsquo Schrift De Caelo PhD dissertation (FrankfurtMain 1966) and id ProclusArabus Zwanzig Abschnitte aus der Institutio Theologica in arabischer Uumlbersetzung

250 UWE VAGELPOHL

The second category of sources consists of a relatively small numberof extant comments by translators and their audience They rangefrom terse notes in the margins of manuscripts to testimonia trans-mitted by fellow scholars and historians6 The most comprehensivesuch witness is the celebrated Risla (ldquoEpistlerdquo) by H

˙unayn ibn

Ish˙q (d c 870) the most prominent and prolific of the translators

we know of As we will see below the contents of the Risla a surveyof Syriac and Arabic translations of the works of Galen (d 217) aremore valuable for the reconstruction of translation history than fora study of translation methodsGiven the relative scarcity of methodological data each new source

that helps us improve our understanding of translations and transla-tors and put their approach into perspective is highly welcome Onesuch new source is a set of texts which purports to transmit in hisown words the comments of H

˙unayn ibn Ish

˙q on a specific trans-

lation his notes on Galenrsquos commentary on Hippocratesrsquo EpidemicsThe translation of this commentary is of particular relevance fortwo reasons firstly H

˙unaynrsquos notes on the text preserved in the

manuscripts deal with a variety of philological methodological andscientific issues and give us a particularly informative insight intohis approach and the problems he had to deal with Secondly forreasons that are not yet clear the notes are transmitted not as mar-ginalia to the respective manuscripts but as part of the text bodythey have become ldquodomesticatedrdquo ie they are (or have become) tex-tual ldquolemmatardquo in their own right7In what follows I would like to introduce the notes incorporated

into the Arabic version of Galenrsquos commentary on the HippocraticEpidemics8 and compare them to those contained in the pseudo-

Beiruter Texte und Studien 10 (Beirut 1973) Peter Pormann The Oriental Tradition ofPaul of Aeginarsquos Pragmateia Studies in Ancient Medicine 29 (Leiden Boston 2004) aswell as Hans-Jochen Rulandrsquos PhD thesis and series of editions of shorter texts byAlexander of Aphrodisias published in the Nachrichten der Akademie derWissenschaften in Goumlttingen I Phil-hist Kl in 1978 1979 and 1981

6 For an overview of the most prominent contemporary voices on translation cf UweVagelpohl lsquoThe Abbasid translation movement in context Contemporary voices on trans-lationrsquo in John Nawas (ed) ʿAbbasid Studies II Occasional Papers of the School ofʿAbbasid Studies Orientalia Lovaniensia Analecta 177 (Leuven 2010) pp 245ndash67

7 These are not the only texts transmitted together with notes by H˙unayn ibn Ish

˙q What

sets theEpidemics apart however is the number size and thematic variety of the notes Ina future publication I intend to compile and analyse in detail these and other such notesfrom a wider range of translations

8 A small number of these notes have previously appeared in print eg in Rainer DegenlsquoWer uumlbersetzte das 6 Buch der Epidemienkommentare Galens ins Arabische Zugleichein Beitrag zur Textgeschichte der ldquoRislardquo des H

˙unain b Ish

˙qrsquo Die Welt des Orients

10 (1979) 73ndash92 on pp 81ndash2 and 90

IN THE TRANSLATORrsquoS WORKSHOP 251

Aristotelian Physiognomics9 and additional relevant sources My pri-mary concern is methodological what do the notes and other texts tellus about H

˙unaynrsquos methods and attitudes as a translator and a phys-

ician In a second step I would like to speculate on possible sourcesand models for H

˙unaynrsquos methods While conclusions can only be ten-

tative given the scarcity of relevant sources I hope at least to haveplausibility on my side10

H˙UNAYN ON TRANSLATION AND MEDICINE

Among Galenrsquos many commentaries on Hippocratic works his com-mentary on the Epidemics (henceforth Epidemics) occupies a promi-nent position Its importance rests both on its size ndash it is the mostsubstantial Galenic commentary on any Hippocratic text ndash andthrough the medium of translation its impact on the history of medi-cine both in the Islamic world and beyond11 In his extensiveremarks Galen speaks not only as a practising physician but alsoan accomplished philologistOne of Galenrsquos main concerns as a commentator was the authen-

ticity of the allegedly Hippocratic writings he commented on12 Ofthe seven books of the Epidemics transmitted under Hippocratesrsquoname Galen only commented on four Books 1 2 3 and 6 Of thesehe seemed to have regarded only the first and third as authenticallyHippocratic without however justifying his conclusion in detail13Books 2 and 6 Galen maintained consist of disparate Hippocraticnotes collected by his son Thessalus and at least in the case ofBook 2 supplemented with material of his own14

9 The question of this textrsquos authorship is still debated cf Sabine Vogt AristotelesPhysiognomonica Aristoteles Werke in deutscher Uumlbersetzung 186 (Berlin 1990)pp 192ndash7

10 Many of H˙unaynrsquos medical translations extant in a number of manuscripts remain une-

dited Given the fact that a number of edited translations contain notes and remarks Iexpect more relevant material to come to light

11 Cf Peter E Pormann lsquoCase notes and clinicians Galenrsquos Commentary on the HippocraticEpidemics in the Arabic traditionrsquo Arabic Sciences and Philosophy 18 (2008) 247ndash84 onpp 247ndash9

12 This was an issue close to the hearts of many of Galenrsquos predecessors and contemporariesespecially regarding the Hippocratic corpus Galen frequently discussed this issue and alsoinstrumentalised concerns over authenticity to weed out such texts that did not support hisidealised concept of Hippocratic teachings hence discussions about authenticity were avery important exegetical instrument for him Cf Jaap Mansfeld ProlegomenaQuestions to be Settled before the Study of an Author or a Text Philosophia Antiqua 61(Leiden New York Koumlln 1994) p 176 with n 312

13 See also Ludwig Broumlcker lsquoDie Methoden Galens in der literarischen Kritikrsquo RheinischesMuseum fuumlr Philologie 40 (1885) 415ndash38 on pp 433ndash4 and Johannes MewaldtlsquoGalenos uumlber echte und unechte Hippocraticarsquo Hermes 44 (1909) 111ndash34 on pp 119ndash20

14 Galeni in Hippocratis Epidemiarum libros I et II ed Ernst Wenkebach and Franz PfaffCorpus Medicorum Graecorum V 10 1 (Leipzig Berlin 1934) pp 310ndash11

252 UWE VAGELPOHL

By the time Renaissance scholars collated the extant manuscriptsthe Greek text of Galenrsquos commentary had shrunk considerablyalmost all of Book 2 and parts of Book 6 were lost Still extant how-ever is an almost complete Arabic translation of the commentaryproduced by H

˙unayn ibn Ish

˙q15 In the course of his remarkably

productive career as a translator H˙unayn himself a medical expert

and practising physician almost single-handedly made most of theGalenic corpus available in Arabic The importance of his translationof theEpidemics does not only rest in the fact that it is our only witnessfor the parts lost in Greek In addition H

˙unaynrsquos translation was

based on sources that were substantially older than any of the Greekmanuscripts available to us and often preserved better readings16The Arabic translation of Galenrsquos Epidemics ie his commentary on

Books 1ndash3 and 6 of Hippocratesrsquo Epidemics contains seventeen notesranging in length from three lines to a full manuscript page17 Thesenotes distinguished from the surrounding text by the introductoryformula qla H

˙unayn (ldquoH

˙unayn saidrdquo) were transmitted together

with the Arabic text not as marginalia but as part of the text bodyThe translation of the Epidemics is one of a small number of textsthat contain such an impressive number of notes by H

˙unayn18

Toward the end of Book 6 one of the manuscripts signals anadditional eighteenth note but the lemma following the introductoryqla H

˙unayn (ldquoH

˙unayn saidrdquo) is clearly a comment by Galen himself

rather than H˙unayn19 In addition in a lengthy colophon appended

15 For H˙unaynrsquos own account of the manuscript material at his disposal and the complicated

translation process see Gotthelf Bergstraumlsser lsquoH˙unain ibn Ish

˙q uumlber die syrischen und

arabische Galen-Uumlbersetzungenrsquo Abhandlungen fuumlr die Kunde des Morgenlandes 17(1925) 1ndash49 on pp 41ndash2 (Arabic) and 34ndash5 (German)

16 A research group at the University of Warwick under the supervision of Simon Swain andPeter E Pormann is currently preparing an edition and translation of Books 1 and 2 ofH˙unaynrsquos Arabic version Pormann lsquoCase notesrsquo pp 263ndash7 discusses the manuscript situ-

ation in detail In this article and the appendix at the end I am going to follow Pormannrsquosnomenclature His E1 (Madrid Escorial MS aacuterabe 804) contains Books 1ndash3 E2 (MadridEscorial MS aacuterabe 805) Book 6 and M (Milan Ambrosiana MS B 135 sup) Book 2 andthe last two and a half parts of Book 6 In addition we have a late and partial copy ofM P (Paris Bibliothegraveque Nationale MS arabe 2846) Marginal annotations and correc-tions written in different hands in these manuscripts are distinguished by superscriptnumbers E12 E13 etc

17 The seventeen notes edited and translated in the Appendix to this article are numbered inthe order of their occurrence in the Epidemics

18 While a number of his other translations also contain notes they are usually few in numberand relatively short The only other example of an extensively annotated text I am aware ofis H

˙unaynrsquos aforementioned translation of the pseudo-Aristotelian Physiognomics edited

by Antonella Ghersetti Il Kitb Arist˙t˙als al-faylasf f l-firsa nella traduzione di

H˙unayn b Ish

˙q Quaderni di Studi Arabi Studi e testi 4 (Rome 1999) We will discuss

the notes in this text also transmitted as part of the text body below19 Cf Franz Pfaffrsquos remarks in Galeni in Hippocratis Epidemiarum librum VI commentaria

IndashVIII ed Ernst Wenkebach and Franz Pfaff Corpus Medicorum Graecorum V 10 2 2(Berlin 1956) p 499 n 1 He confirms that the comment ldquoist nach Art der Erklaumlrungzweifellos von Galenrdquo


at the end of Book 6 H˙unayn explained the problems he encountered

in establishing his (incomplete) source text20 The notes are distribu-ted as follows one in Book 1 seven in Book 2 two in Book 3 and sevenin Book 6 Their distribution roughly corresponds to the differences inlength between the respective booksWith some overlap H

˙unaynrsquos notes fall into five general categories

Before we analyse them more closely and compare them to other suchnotes let us outline their contents21Of the seventeen notes six present amplifications of and comments

on Galenrsquos commentary22 H˙unayn sometimes added medical infor-

mation while explaining a difficult medical term several times byexpanding Galenrsquos commentary where he regarded it as insufficient23In one place H

˙unayn found Galenrsquos explanation too garbled and pro-

vided his own more lucid and detailed explanation24 On oneoccasion Galen rejected a Hippocratic lemma as spurious H

˙unayn

quoted the missing lemma from another source and claimed thatGalenrsquos decision to exclude it may have been a result of a misunder-standing on Galenrsquos part25 On another occasion H

˙unayn pointed

out an ambiguity in the Greek text something that Galen occasionallydoes for the Hippocratic text26In a second group of five notes H

˙unayn offered terminological

explanations sometimes referring to the original Greek word27None of his explanations remain on the level of mere glosses someprovide cultural background information28 or attempt to clarify theetymology of transliterated Greek terms29 In a remarkable exampleof linguistic ldquoaccommodationrdquo for the benefit of his Arabic-speakingaudience H

˙unayn remarked on a statement of Galen to the effect

that certain terms in the preceding Hippocratic lemma did not needexplanation because his (Greek) audience could be expected to knowthem H

˙unayn observed that the linguistic differences between

20 The colophon in question can be found in E2 fol 195b1ndash17 and M fol 177b14ndashult fortranslations and comments see Degen lsquoWer uumlbersetztersquo pp 81ndash6 and Pormann lsquoCasenotesrsquo pp 252ndash7 Both discuss the relationship between this colophon and the entry onthe Epidemics in H

˙unaynrsquos Risla from which it is quoted As Degen shows it is not unu-

sual for compilers of Arabic Galenica to supply the relevant entries from the Risla inmanuscript colophons

21 This and the following notes refer to the Arabic texts and my English translations ofH˙unaynrsquos statements assembled in the Appendix

22 4 11ndash14 and 17 (E1 fol 53a12ndash18 and E2 fols 16b7ndash12 24b6ndash18 55a16ndashb16 132a7ndash21and 176a22ndash25)

23 4 and 11ndash12 (E1 fol 53a12ndash18 and E2 fols 16b7ndash12 and 24b6ndash18)24 13 (E2 fol 55a16ndashb16)25 14 (E2 fol 132a7ndash21)26 17 (E2 fol 176a22ndash25)27 4 9ndash10 and 16ndash17 (E1 fols 53a12ndash18 135a29ndashb2 and 136b18ndash24 and E2 fols 168a5ndash13

and 176a22ndash25)28 4 10 and 16ndash17 (E1 fols 53a12ndash18 and 136b18ndash24 and E2 fols 168a5ndash13 and 176a22ndash25)29 9ndash10 (E1 fols 135a29ndashb2 and 136b18ndash24)

254 UWE VAGELPOHL

Greek and Arabic required him to supply the missing explanation andproceeded to clarify the meaning of the term30A further five notes represent attempts to fill gaps H

˙unayn found in

his manuscripts31 In two of them he added missing Hippocratic lem-mata from other sources (without unfortunately explaining whatthese sources were)32 More interestingly in four of these notes helacked textual support to fill lacunae or found it necessary to addhis own ldquoin the spiritrdquo of Galen He boldly stepped into the shoes ofthe commentator and attempted to complete Galenrsquos comments withthe help of similar parallel texts from the Galenic corpus or hissense of what Galen would have written33 Tantalisingly in one ofthese notes he alluded to ldquothe principles I took from his writingsrdquoas the inspiration for his creative foray34Wewill discuss the potentialsignificance of this statement belowTwo notes35 and the colophon at the end of Book 6 mentioned above

contain information about philological aspects of H˙unaynrsquos work In a

longer remark inside Book 2 H˙unayn explained why his translation of

Book 2 is incomplete Suitably qualified readers he added should fillthis conspicuous gap as soon as better more complete manuscriptsources become available36 H

˙unaynrsquos reaction to another textual pro-

blem he encountered in Book 2 illustrates his occasional lack of trustin his manuscripts He pointed out an apparent contradiction betweendifferent parts of Galenrsquos commentary and corrected his source text byoffering an alternative explanation on the basis of a parallel textdrawn from Galenrsquos Ars parva37Finally two further notes mark passages H

˙unayn omitted or

thought about omitting from the Arabic translation38 On oneoccasion he wrote that he considered leaving out a particularly diffi-cult passage he thought could not be replicated in Arabic In the endhe decided to attempt a translation anyhowand noted that those read-ers able to understand his rendering may profit from it while theothers could safely ignore it39 On another occasion H

˙unayn admitted

that he ignored a number of quotations from Homer Plato and others

30 16 (E2 fol 168a5ndash13)31 2ndash3 5 14 and 16 (E1 fols 51a22ndashb12 53a6ndash9 and 104b9ndash12 and E2 fols 132a7ndash21 and

168a5ndash13)32 3 and 14 (E1 fol 53a6ndash9 and E2 fol 132a7ndash21)33 2ndash3 5 and 16 (E1 fols 51a22ndashb12 53a6ndash9 and 104b9ndash12 and E2 fol 168a5ndash13)34 3 (E1 fol 53a6ndash9) H

˙unayn wrote ldquoad

˙aftu ilayhi min al-tafsr m z

˙anantu an yukila

madhaba Gln$s f tafsrihi lahu wa-m yaqs˙idu bihirdquo ([I] added comments I thought cor-

responded to Galenrsquos procedure in his commentary and what he meant with it)35 6ndash7 (E1 fols 105a19ndashb4 and 108a26ndashb12)36 6 (E1 fol 105a19ndashb4)37 7 (E1 fol 108a26ndashb12)38 8 and 15 (E1 fol 119a23ndash30 and E2 fol 145a17ndash23)39 8 (E1 fol 119a23ndash30)


Galen had inserted to make a theoretical point According to H˙unayn

translating them would be pointless because there were no Arabicequivalents for the concepts discussed in this passage40H˙unayn also translated a number of other non-Galenic medical or

quasi-medical texts One of them was the Physiognomics falselyattributed to Aristotle a treatise on the correlation between facial fea-tures and expressions on the one hand and character traits on theother While not directly medical in nature the text frequentlytouches on medical mattersThe Arabic translation of the Physiognomics contains fifteen notes

by H˙unayn41 almost all of which occur toward the beginning of the

text Their contents and purpose often parallel those in theEpidemics but there are also some interesting differencesSeven of the fifteen notes consist of terminological discussions42

H˙unayn explained difficult terms sometimes referring to the original

Greek word in order to justify his translation In another five notes43H˙unayn elaborated on difficult and terse passages in an attempt to

clarify their meaning Three times he referred to or even quotedGalen or Hippocrates in support of statements made by the authorof the Physiognomics44 Frequently however H

˙unayn criticised the

text Among the six notes in which he rejected the reasoning of theauthor45 two adduce the diverging opinions of Galen andHippocrates46 Even more interestingly another two cite examplesfrom H

˙unaynrsquos personal experience that contradict the claims of the

Physiognomics47Overall the notes contained in the Physiognomics differ somewhat

in tone and purpose from those in theEpidemics but in some respectsthey reflect the same critical attitude to the text and in the case of thePhysiognomics its (real or alleged) author The severity of his judge-ments and the exasperation that seems to emerge from his remarks

40 15 (E2 fol 145a17ndash20)41 In the following references the fifteen notes are numbered in the order they appear in the

text I will give page and line numbers according to the Arabic edition by Ghersetti Il KitbArist

˙t˙als Cf also the discussion of these notes in Mario Grignaschi lsquoLa ldquoPhysiognomierdquo

traduite par H˙unayn ibn Ish

˙qrsquo Arabica 21 (1974) 285ndash91 here pp 288ndash91

42 6ndash8 and 10ndash13 (Il Kitb Arist˙t˙als ed Ghersetti pp 1311ndash16 1318ndash142 1412ndash17

183ndash11 2113ndash22 2312ndash24 and 2510ndash26)43 4 11 and 13ndash15 (Il Kitb Arist

˙t˙als ed Ghersetti pp 84ndash7 2113ndash22 2510ndash26 284ndash5

and 3918ndash401)44 2ndash3 and 13 (Il Kitb Arist

˙t˙als ed Ghersetti pp 42ndash6 510ndash81 including a long quote

from Book 6 of Galenrsquos commentary on Hippocratesrsquo Epidemics 2510ndash26)45 2 5ndash6 9ndash10 and 12 (Il Kitb Arist

˙t˙als ed Ghersetti pp 42ndash6 914ndash21 1311ndash16 1418ndash

1716 including a long quote from Book 2 of Galenrsquos On mixtures 183ndash11 and 2312ndash24)46 2 and 9 (Il Kitb Arist

˙t˙als ed Ghersetti p 42ndash6 referring to Galenrsquos The Faculties of the

Soul Follow the Mixtures of the Body and 1418ndash1716 quoting Book 2 of Galenrsquos OnMixtures) Cf Grignaschi lsquoLa ldquoPhysiognomierdquorsquo p 288

47 5 and 9 (Il Kitb Arist˙t˙als ed Ghersetti pp 914ndash21 and 1418ndash1716 the passage in

question is on p 1716ndash18)

256 UWE VAGELPOHL

suggest that H˙unayn already had his doubts about the textrsquos author-

ship48 The concentration of notes at the beginning of thePhysiognomics may have been caused by any number of factors butinvites the hypothesis that H

˙unayn simply lost his patience with a

text that seemed unconvincing Be that as it may the notes indicatethat H

˙unayn regarded Galen and Hippocrates (and his own experi-

ence and common sense) as his main authorities in matters physiog-nomical not the author of the PhysiognomicsThe length and content of his notes on Galenrsquos Epidemics commen-

tary and the Physiognomics clearly illustrate that H˙unayn saw his

role as more than just a translator In parts the notes represent aldquosuper-commentaryrdquo in others he invited his audience to reflect onhis translation choices in others again he explained or illustratedhis philological approach H

˙unaynrsquos notes enable the reader to

observe him at his workplace collecting and collating manuscriptsmending the damaged text and translating it But he did not stopthere commenting on difficult textual and medical details he slippedinto the role of a commentator or where the text of Galenrsquos commen-tary remained incomplete channelled the voice of Galen reconstruct-ing it from his own knowledge of the Galenic corpus or even hisintuition into what Galen would have said These notes particularlythose in which he discussed expanding his source text are highly sig-nificant they show how much more comprehensive H

˙unaynrsquos self-

image as a translator and his concept of translation was comparedto modern standards of philological accuracy and faithfulness to thesource textIn addition to notes transmitted alongside his translations H

˙unayn

ibn Ish˙q left another important document about his translation

activities the Risla mentioned above49 In this treatise in letterform addressed to one of his sponsors H

˙unayn surveyed the trans-

lation history of the Galenic corpus as it was known to him Formost of the titles listed in the Risla H

˙unayn provided information

about previous translations into Syriac or Arabic details about themanuscript situation and the contribution of his own group of trans-lators either in the form of translations or revisions of existingtranslationsTogether with the outline of (Galenic) translation history that

emerges from the pages of the Risla the reader also gains valuableinsights into H

˙unaynrsquos understanding of the task of translation and

48 Cf Grignaschi lsquoLa ldquoPhysiognomierdquorsquo pp 290ndash149 Edited by Bergstraumlsser lsquoH

˙unain ibn Ish

˙qrsquo with additions and corrections in idem lsquoNeue

Materialien zu H˙unain ibn Ish

˙qrsquos Galen-Bibliographiersquo Abhandlungen fuumlr die Kunde des

Morgenlandes 19 (1932) 1ndash108 See also the remarks by Max Meyerhof lsquoNew light onH˙unain Ibn Ish

˙acircq and his periodrsquo Isis 8 (1926) 685ndash724


his assessment of the merits and flaws of translations produced byhimself his contemporaries and predecessors50 While frequentlyfaulting previous translators (especially those translating fromGreek into Syriac) for their allegedly insufficient command of theGreek language and lack of medical knowledge51 he also freelyadmitted to problems with his own translations or those writtenunder his supervision52One of the more important aspects of his translation ldquoethosrdquo is his

thoroughly pragmatic attitude Numerous entries in the Risla illus-trate that H

˙unayn regarded the transmission of information as his

main task not the unconditional preservation of structural and termi-nological features of his source texts53 We hear of excerpts or sum-maries of texts instead of full translations54 sometimes he merelyrevised and corrected existing translations55 In extreme cases egwhere he had to work with exceptionally flawed or damaged manu-scripts he either put off translation or occasionally ndash as we saw intheEpidemics ndash attempted to fill gaps with the help of parallel sourcesor his thorough knowledge of Galenic medicine56An integral element of his approach was to take the needs and

expectations of his customers and sponsors into consideration andto accommodate the language of a translation to their level of exper-tise and understanding57 As we know from a statement transmittedin Ibn Ab Us

˙aybiʿarsquos ʿUyn al-anbʾ f t

˙abaqt al-at

˙ibbʾ (ldquoThe

Sources of Reports on the Generations of Physiciansrdquo) H˙unayn put

great store in his ability to translate complex medical texts into alanguage even the uninitiated were able to understand58

H˙UNAYNrsquoS SOURCES AND MODELS

The pragmatic attitude H˙unayn emphasised in many of his state-

ments constitutes only one aspect of his approach as a philologist

50 Cf Vagelpohl lsquoThe Abbasid translation movementrsquo pp 248ndash5351 Cf eg Bergstraumlsser lsquoH

˙unain ibn Ish

˙qrsquo nos 11 37 53 and 84

52 Cf eg Bergstraumlsser lsquoH˙unain ibn Ish

˙qrsquo nos 16 (on his nephew H

˙ubay) 17 43 and 108

(on his own translations)53 Cf Gutas Greek Thought pp 140ndash154 Cf Bergstraumlsser lsquoH

˙unain ibn Ish

˙qrsquo nos 10 74


˙qrsquo nos 13 15 18ndash19 37 53

56 Cf Bergstraumlsser lsquoH˙unain ibn Ish

˙qrsquo nos 28 95 and 122


˙qrsquo nos 5 16 37 and 56 Gutas Greek Thought

p 14058 Ibn Abi Useibia [ʿUyn al-anbʾ f t

˙abaqt al-at

˙ibbʾ] ed August Muumlller (Cairo 1882)

p 191 ll 25ndash28 On the contents and authenticity of the autobiographical narrationH˙unaynrsquos remark forms part of cf Michael Cooperson lsquoThe purported autobiography of

H˙unayn ibn Ish

˙qrsquo Edebiyacirct 7 (1997) 235ndash49

258 UWE VAGELPOHL

and translator Also important and thanks to its frequent discussionin the secondary literature somewhat more prominent is the claimthat his translation methods represented a decisive improvementover his predecessors in terms of philological precision and textualfidelity The sometimes arduous process of collection comparisonand collation of Greek manuscripts and where applicable pre-existing Syriac and Arabic translations H

˙unayn described in the

Risla59 together with his pronouncements about the superior qual-ity of his translations suggest that he adhered to very high standardsof philological and translational exactitude An examination of hisextant translations confirms most of his claims however transpar-ently self-promoting they often readWhere then do we find his models What are the sources for his

methodological standards There are three obvious candidatesfirstly H

˙unaynrsquos education and training as a translator and phys-

ician Secondly he could have drawn on the work of his predecessorsie available translations or literature about translation should ithave existed Thirdly he may have been inspired in part by the con-tents of some of the Greek texts he worked with at least as far asthey dealt with issues relevant for translators On the followingpages I would like to suggest that while all of them played a roletwo factors may have been particularly significant his medical back-ground and training and the influence of Galen the philologistThe Syriac translation tradition of which H

˙unayn was still an

(albeit late) exponent furnished much of the attitudes methods andeven the manpower for the Arabic translation movement betweenthe eighth and eleventh century with which it partly overlappedThe Syriac translation movement however stretching from the fifthto the ninth century lacked the widespread sponsorship and systema-tic character of the Greek-Arabic translation movementThe bulk of the output of Syriac translators consisted of Christian

theological writings and related texts Owing to the sensitivity ofthis material the Syriac translation tradition displayed a growingtendency toward the imitation of terminological and structural fea-tures of Greek source texts especially from the seventh centuryonward60 More often than not the Christological conflicts thenraging between local churches in Syria and the ecclesiastical auth-orities in Byzantium were fought through the medium of texts61

59 Most prominently in Bergstraumlsser lsquoH˙unain ibn Ish


60 Cf eg Sebastian Brock lsquoTowards a history of Syriac translation techniquersquo in ReneacuteLavenant (ed) III Symposium Syriacum 1980 Les contacts du monde syriaque avec lesautres cultures Orientalia Christiana Analecta 10 (Rome 1983) pp 1ndash14 on pp 12ndash13

61 Cf Brock lsquoTowards a historyrsquo pp 8ndash9


For a translator this meant that a lack of precision or an unfortunatechoice of words could put him and his unwitting audience on thewrong side of a doctrinal debate imperilling not only their personalsafety but their very afterlife62The reasoning behind the methodological shift toward a text-

centred translation style did obviously not apply to the same degreeto the small but steady flow of translations of secular texts intoSyriac eg Aristotelian logic Many of the translators producingthese Syriac versions of secular texts however were the same individ-uals who worked on theological texts Unsurprisingly they oftenapplied their customary translation style to each text they workedon irrespective of its actual contents In conjunction with this meth-odological bias arising from theological considerations translationstyles from Greek into Syriac were probably also influenced by therespect accorded to what translators and their audience regarded asa superior culture The authority of the Greek language was rootednot only in the prestige of the cultural achievements it representedand transported it may also have rested in part on the fact thatGreek was the language of the foundational text of the religious com-munities that were playing such a prominent role in the Greek-Syriactranslation movement the New Testament63These factors among others likely converged to foster a reverential

attitude to the source text Translators strove to imitate their Greeksources down to their syntactic structure and even word orderWhenever they found themselves unable to understand a text ratherthan pointing out inconsistencies and problems in the text or thesource manuscripts or even the reasoning of the original authortranslators often resorted to extremely literal renderings Some ofthe resulting translations are almost impossible to read without thehelp of the corresponding Greek sources64 Examples for translationsthat illustrate this reverential attitude can also be found among earlyGreek-Arabic translations In fact some of the more remarkablecases eg the translations of Aristotlersquos Poetics and PosteriorAnalytics produced in the first half of the tenth century by the

62 Cf Sebastian Brock lsquoAspects of translation technique in Antiquityrsquo Greek Roman andByzantine Studies 20 (1979) 69ndash87 on p 78 and also the interesting appendix to a prob-ably late sixth century Syriac translation in which the author asserted that ldquo[t]his [trea-tise] was translated and interpreted from Greek into Syriac word for word withoutalteration in so far as possible so as to indicate not just the sense but by its verywords the words of the Greek and for the most part not one letter has been added or sub-tracted provided the requirements of the language have not hindered thisrdquo quoted byBrock lsquoTowards a historyrsquo pp 9ndash10

63 Cf Vagelpohl lsquoThe Abbasid translation movementrsquo p 263 with n 7964 Cf Harald Suermann lsquoDie Uumlbersetzungen des Probus und eine Theorie zur Geschichte der

syrischen Uumlbersetzung griechischer Textersquo Oriens Christianus 74 (1990) 103ndash14 onp 105

260 UWE VAGELPOHL

Nestorian Ab$ Bir Matt (d 940)65 one of the teachers of al-Frb(d 950) postdate H

˙unaynrsquos activities

Either directly or indirectly this background must have exerted astrong influence on Greek-Arabic translators With few exceptionsthey were Christians belonging to one of the various denominationsbased in Syria and Iraq For all we know many or even all of themreceived their education at the same church-based schools and con-vents that took an active interest in translation from Greek intoSyriac H

˙unayn who may have traveled all the way to Byzantium

to improve his Greek66 seems to have been an exception insofar ashe possibly received at least part of his training outside these struc-tures What is more a substantial number of translations intoArabic were based not on Greek source texts but pre-existing Syriactranslations H

˙unayn himself reports in his Risla that for almost

all of the Galenic works he or his collaborators translated intoArabic they first created a Syriac intermediary or revised an existingSyriac version on which the Arabic translation was ultimatelybased67 Whether through their training or the Syriac translationsthey consulted Arabic translators before and after H

˙unayn were

bound to assimilate elements of the translation methodology of theGreek-Syriac translation movementAs far as we know none of H

˙unaynrsquos predecessors left us with the

kind of extensive notes let alone a whole treatise discussing trans-lation Besides a small number of remarks attached to translations

65 Edited by Jaroslaus Tkatsch (ed)Die arabische Uumlbersetzung der Poetik des Aristoteles unddie Grundlage der Kritik des griechischen Textes Akademie der Wissenschaften in WienPhilosophisch-historische Klasse Kommission fuumlr die Herausgabe der arabischenAristoteles-Uumlbersetzungen 1ndash2 (Wien Leipzig 1928) and ʿAbdurrah

˙mn Badaw

Mant˙iq Arist

˙ Dirst islmiyya 7 (Cairo 1948ndash52) vol 2 pp 307ndash465 (corresponding

to vol 2 pp 329ndash485 of the 1980 Kuwait reprint) Fritz Zimmermann Al-FarabirsquosCommentary and Short Treatise on Aristotlersquos De Interpretatione Classical and Medievallogic texts 3 (London 1981) p lxxvi calls the former translation ldquouncommonly inarticu-laterdquo and the latter ldquouncommonly tortuousrdquo possibly due to Ab$ Birrsquos insufficient com-mand of Arabic In addition the Poetics amply demonstrate that the translator (as allother Muslim scholars before or after him) had no idea about the meaning of basic conceptssuch as ldquotragedyrdquo and ldquocomedyrdquo cf Uwe Vagelpohl lsquoTheRhetoric andPoetics in theMuslimworldrsquo in Ahmed Alwishah and Josh M Hayes (eds) Aristotle and the Arabic Tradition(Cambridge forthcoming)

66 Cf Gotthard Strohmaier lsquoH˙unain Ibn Ish

˙q ndash An Arab scholar translating into Syriacrsquo

Aram 3 (1991) 163ndash70 on pp 166ndash767 Cf eg Bergstraumlsser lsquoH

˙unain ibn Ish

˙qrsquo nos 16 20 39 49 and 88 and the discussion by

Henri Hugonnard-Roche lsquoLa formation du vocabulaire de la logique en arabersquo inDanielle Jacquart (ed) La formation du vocabulaire scientifique et intellectuel dans lemonde arabe Eacutetudes sur le vocabulaire intellectuel du moyen acircge 7 (Turnhout 1994)pp 22ndash38 on p 23 In rare cases Arabic translations were also translated into Syriaccf Gotthard Strohmaier lsquoDer syrische und der arabische Galenrsquo in Wolfgang Haase(ed) Aufstieg und Niedergang der roumlmischen Welt Geschichte und Kultur Roms imSpiegel der neueren Forschung Teil II Principat Aufstieg und Niedergang derroumlmischen Welt 372 (Berlin New York 1994) pp 1987ndash2017 on p 2006


or scattered across the bio-bibliographical literature our only evi-dence for the translation methods and ldquoethosrdquo applied beforeH˙unayn are the extant Arabic translations themselves As many

studies have shown they often display a certain methodological andterminological unevenness ranging from paraphrases to mirrorimages of the Greek source text One constant appears to be therecourse to extemely literal renderings whenever problems of under-standing aroseUnlike H

˙unayn many translators we know of were not trained

experts in the fields they were translating in often enough theywere not even native speakers of Arabic but Christians whose mothertongue was Syriac Contemporary observers including H

˙unayn

occasionally remarked on their unidiomatic often tortured languageand their lack of credentials68 More importantly there are few ifany indications for the kind of critical attitude to texts (let alonesource authors) characteristic for H

˙unaynrsquos writings This may have

been a consequence of the respect for texts and authors engenderedby the Syriac translation movement While the philological and trans-lation methods employed by H

˙unayn (and described in his writings)

are most likely the outcome of an evolutionary rather than revolution-ary development his most significant innovation I suspect lies else-where his attitude to his textual sourcesWhile still highly respectful of Galen as a physician69 H

˙unayn drops

the reverence for the text itself It is not an immutable artefact to beuncritically accepted by translator and audience but rather alinguistic vehicle for ideas and theories that may have been subjectto alterations and damage in the course of transmission As a transla-tor and physician H

˙unaynrsquos aim was to transmit information not

just texts (with all their potential flaws) Throughout the Rislahis concern with philological diligence and translational fidelity wastempered by his desire to provide the most accurate medical infor-mation possible for his own use and that of other practising physiciansThe graphical form of his interventions in the manuscripts of the

Epidemics ndash assuming that their prominent placement in the textbody and their lemma-like shape were not just the invention of theindividuals who copied our manuscripts ndash contrasts strongly withthe much more modest traces of preceding translators which were

68 Problems with their Arabic seems to have been a frequent complaint cf ZimmermannAl-Farabirsquos Commentary p lxxvi on Ab$ Bir Zimmermann explains that the latterlike other early teachers of Aristotelian philosophy in Baghdad ldquoare likely to have come[ ] from convents and the least Arabicized section of the Christian communityrdquo

69 In note 7 (E1 fol 108a26ndashb12) H˙unayn explained that a contradiction he noticed in a

Galenic comment must have been introduced by an incompetent scribe and made a pointof stating that whole correcting the text ldquolam arad [ ] al-iʿtird

˙a ʿal Gln$srdquo (I did

not intend to oppose Galen)

262 UWE VAGELPOHL

normally strictly distinguished from the translation itself and tookthe form of marginal notes or were relegated to a colophonTogether with their number and relative length H

˙unaynrsquos notes on

the Epidemics and also the Physiognomics illustrate a novel willing-ness to trust in his own expertise and to privilege the audience ofhis translations over the textAlthough I am confident that there is strong evidence for the kind of

innovation H˙unaynrsquos approach represents I also need to sound a note

of caution As I said before a number of Arabic translations were notproduced directly fromGreek sources but based on Syriac texts Oftenenough it is extremely difficult to determine whether a given trans-lation was made from one or the other language Any perceivedflaws and inconsistencies of an Arabic version may already havebeen present in the Syriac intermediary Also little is known aboutthe transmission histories of individual texts Our sources indicatethat revisions by later translators scholars and scribes were a regularoccurrence Again most of the time it is impossible to detect let alonepeel away layers of later interventions70 This is particularly regret-table since virtually our only source of evidence about the methodsof translators before and even after H

˙unayn accessible to us are the

translations themselves H˙unayn remarkable in so many respects

is the only translator whose own writings have survived in sufficientquantity to reconstruct his methods with any degree of confidenceThe role of the translator that emerges from many Syriac and early

Arabic translations seems to be that of a silent slightly passive trans-mitter the personal opinions and attitudes and sometimes even theidentity of individual translators were of little concern This under-standing of their task was the natural outcome of a concept of trans-lation that regarded a translated text as little more than a mirroredversion of the source in another linguistic mediumIn the final analysis it seems at the very least highly unlikely that

H˙unaynrsquos novel understanding of the task of the translator his prag-

matism and self-confidence derived exclusively from his education inthe schools of his native Nestorian community or his exposure to expo-nents and products of the Greek-Syriac and Greek-Arabic translationmovement As a prominent scholar and physician in ninth-centuryBaghdad attending to a succession of ʿAbbsid caliphs71 H

˙unayn

was an active participant in the flowering of scholarship that tookplace all around him not just in fields directly affected by

70 Cf Uwe Vagelpohl Aristotlersquos Rhetoric in the East The Syriac and Arabic translation andcommentary tradition Islamic Philosophy Theology and Science Texts and Studies 76(Leiden Boston 2008) pp 212ndash13

71 Gotthard Strohmaier lsquoH˙unain ibn Ish

˙q und die Bilderrsquo Klio 4345 (1965) 525ndash33 on

p 525


Greek-Arabic translations such as philosophy and the sciences Eventhough his own writings give us little indication of any sustainedinteraction with any of the myriad Muslim philologists and theologi-cal scholars of all stripes converging on Baghdad during his lifetimeit would be very surprising for him to have been completely unawareof their activities and methods72 It is therefore not inconceivable thatthe intellectual ferment of ninth century Baghdad contributed to thedevelopment of his philological and translation methodsAt the same time we find his name mentioned relatively rarely in

the writings of contemporary observers and scholars an astonishingomission in view of his importance as a translator It is less astonishinggiven the fact that medical practice at the court and in the upper eche-lons of ʿAbbsid society was firmly in the hands of Syrian ChristiansNot only that their relative isolation from potentially dangerousreligious and political factions in the Muslim community made themwelcome guests in the salons of the caliphs It was fellow ChristiansH˙unayn studied with in Baghdad who purchased his services as a

translator and competed with him for caliphal favours73 The circlesH˙unayn moved in and worked for were in all probability largely

Christian Whatever the concrete influence contemporary Muslimscholars had on H

˙unaynrsquos work it may in the end have been slight

As a translator and follower of Galen the writings of this greatestphysician of antiquity were in many respects probably ldquocloser tohomerdquo for H

˙unayn While not speaking to the concerns of a translator

as such Galen left numerous remarks on his procedure as a commen-tator74 Especially in the introductions to his commentaries onHippocratic texts he frequently explained his approach and illus-trated his philological methods According to the Risla H

˙unayn

translated each of the commentaries in which Galen elaborated onthese issues They may have been instrumental in forming H

˙unaynrsquos

attitudes and understanding of the translatorrsquos task which as we cansee from his notes sometimes crossed the line between translatingand commenting75Galenrsquos first (and obvious) aim as stated in his Difficulties in

Breathing and a short programmatic note at the beginning of Book3 of his commentary on Hippocratesrsquo Aphorisms (possibly but not

72 Cf eg Cooperson lsquoThe purported autobiography of H˙unaynrsquo p 242

73 Strohmaier lsquoH˙unain Ibn Ish

˙q ndash An Arab scholarrsquo pp 163ndash5

74 Unfortunately the potentially most important source for his methods an independentwork entitled On Exegesis (Περὶ ἐξηγήσεως) is lost Galen summarised some of its centraltenets in the introduction to his commentary on Hippocratesrsquo On Fractures discussedbelow Cf Mansfeld Prolegomena p 135 and 148 n 269

75 The following remarks rely heavily on Jaap Mansfeldrsquos brilliant and insightful analyses ofGalenrsquos statements about reading and commenting on Hippocratic texts in ch 5 of hisProlegomena (pp 148ndash76)

264 UWE VAGELPOHL

likely a later addition) was ldquoto make clear what is unclearrdquo76 In hiscommentary on Hippocratesrsquo On Fractures he added that he accordedexplanation much more importance than other concerns emphasisedby his predecessors eg evaluating the contents of a text or defendingits theories and tenets against detractors77 In the same commentaryhe maintained that clarification and explanation become necessarywhenever the Hippocratic text is obscure or the reader lacks the requi-site knowledge or discernment to understand it Hippocratesrsquo worksallegedly contain many expressions and passages that are unclearldquoin themselvesrdquo78 The reason Galen held was not their obscurityper se but (among others) the complexity and difficulty of the subjectmatter In addition those of Hippocratesrsquo works circulated during hislifetime were addressed to the cognoscenti while those compiled afterhis death consisted of ldquocryptic personal notesrdquo that underwent anldquoeditingrdquo process79 Only scholars with sufficient medical knowledgeGalen foremost among them were qualified to understand andexplain what Hippocrates ldquoreally meantrdquo80 By arrogating to himselfthe authority to determine Hippocratesrsquo ldquorealrdquo intentions and dis-tinguish between passages that need explaining and those that donot Galen gave himself great leeway to ldquomoderniserdquo Hippocrates inhis own image Unsurprisingly he often ended up with a creativequasi-Galenic reading of Hippocratic doctrines81Perhaps even more than H

˙unayn Galen was interested in the prac-

tical usefulness of Hippocratic doctrines he found (or sometimes readinto) his texts Commenting on his source he often switched frominterpreting a lemma to explaining medical philosophical or scientificissues and back82 The apparent arbitrariness of this approach is

76 Mansfeld Prolegomena pp 149 135 with n 244 In the first work Galen quotes anunnamed predecessor who defines explanation (ἐξήγησις) as ldquoἀσαοῦς ἑρμηνείαςἐξάπλωσιςrdquo In the second he writes ldquoμάλιστα μὲν οὖν ὅσον ἐν αὐτοῖς ἀσαές ἐστισαηνίζοντες ἔργον γὰρ τοῦτο ἴδιον ἐξηγήσεωςrdquo (Claudii Galeni Opera Omnia ed KarlGottlob Kuumlhn vol 17b p 561 ll 4ndash5)

77 Mansfeld Prolegomena p 163 At the very beginning of this commentary Galen statesldquoΠρὸ τῆς τῶν κατὰ μέρος ἐξηγήσεως ἄμεινον ἀκηκοέναι καθόλου περὶ πάσης ἐξηγήσεως ὡςἔστιν ἡ δύναμις αὐτῆς ὅσα τῶν ἐν τοῖς συγγράμασὶν ἐστιν ἀσαῆ ταῦτrsquo ἐργάσασθαι σαῆrdquo(Galeni Opera ed Kuumlhn vol 18b p 318 ll 1ndash4)

78 Described as ldquoτὸ μὲν ὄντως ἀσαὲς αὐτὸ διrsquo ἑαυτὸ τοιοῦτον ὑπάρχονrdquo (KuumlhnGaleni Opera vol18b p 319 ll 11ndash12)

79 Mansfeld Prolegomena pp 150ndash2 with n 27480 Mansfeld Prolegomena p 152 n 27681 For an example of his utilisation of Hippocratic statements to project Galenic doctrines

onto Hippocrates cf In-Sok Yeo lsquoHippocrates in the context of Galen Galenrsquos commentaryon the classification of fevers inEpidemicsVIrsquo in Philip J van der Eijk (ed)Hippocrates inContext Papers read at the XIth International Hippocrates Colloquium University ofNewcastle upon Tyne 27ndash31 August 2002 Studies in Ancient Medicine 31 (LeidenBoston 2005) pp 433ndash43

82 Mansfeld Prolegomena pp 152ndash3 As Mansfeld demonstrates Galen is not the first exe-gete to apply similarly creative methods cf ibid pp 153ndash4 and 155ndash80


however limited by another principle Galen insisted on eg inDiagnosis by Pulses Hippocratic (and other) writings should be readand explained with reference to other works by the same author soas ldquonot to indulge in foolishness through empty assumptions andunproven assertionsrdquo83The same kind of pragmatic ambiguity apparently pervaded

Galenrsquos philological practice In Book 6 of his commentary onHippocratesrsquo Epidemics Galen included a fascinating note in whichhe accused other interpreters of damaging the text and introducingchanges that were neither useful nor in accordance withHippocratesrsquo views84 He on the other hand faithfully adhered tothe ldquoancient readingrdquo (τὴν ἀρχαίαν γραήν) and limited himself toldquoplausible conjecturesrdquo (πιθανὴν τὴν ἐπανόρθωσιν) ndash unlike amongothers the editors of a widely used collection of the Hippocratic corpusat the time Artemidorus Capito and Dioscurides85 Like the exegeti-cal work following it the philological operation of establishing reliableHippocratic source texts was also in part subject to the dictates ofldquousefulnessrdquo tempered by the requirement of agreeing withHippocratesrsquo (admittedly malleable) viewsIn addition to Galenrsquos professed intention accurately to reconstruct

the wording of Hippocratesrsquo writings the very form of the lemmaticcommentary itself emphasises his claim to textual faithfulness Theformat suggests that the reader can draw a clear line between auth-entic Hippocratic utterances on the one hand and Galenrsquos interpret-ation on the other The lemmata from Hippocratesrsquo Epidemics Galenexpounded on however did not cover the entire text and were alreadythe result of a selection process His motivation comes outmost clearlyin a passage in which he posited that a commentary has to preservethe ldquothoughtrdquo (τὴν γνώμην) of a text and convey the ldquouseful materialrdquo(τὰ χρήσιμα τὰ ὑπομνήματα) it contains86

83 ldquoκαὶ γάρ μοι καὶ νόμος οὗτος ἐξηγήσεως ἕκαστον τῶν ἀνδρῶν ἐξ ἑαυτοῦ σαηνίζεσθαι καὶ μὴκεναῖς ὑπονοίαις καὶ άσεσιν ἀναποδείκτοις ἀποληρεῖν ὃ τι τις βούλεταιrdquo (Galeni Opera edKuumlhn vol 8 p 958 ll 6ndash8) cf Mansfeld Prolegomena p 148 with n 270 As much ashe professed its exegetical value Galen was not always consistent in the application ofthe Homerum-ex-Homero principle he advocated in this passage cf ibid p 152 n 278

84 ldquoεἰ μὲν οὖν μετὰ τὸ δηλῶσαι τὴν παλαιὰν γραὴν ἔλεγον ἡμαρτῆσθαι τὴν | λέξιν εἰκὸς εἶναι καὶ διὰτοῦτο ὑπονοεῖν αὐτοὶ τὴν Ἱπποκράτους γραὴν εἶναι τήνδε τινά κἂν ἀπεδεξάμην αὐτούς εἴ γε μετὰτὴν ἐπανόρθωσιν ἑώρων διδάσκοντάς τι χρήσιμόν τε ἅμα καὶ τῆς γνόμης ἐχόμενον τοῦ παλαιοῦrdquo(Galeni in Hippocratis Epidemiarum librum VI ed Wenkebach p 3 l 11ndashp 4 l 4) cfMansfeld Prolegomena p 139

85 ldquoπάντων δὲ τῶν ὑπαλλαξάντων τὰς παλαιὰς γραὰς τολμηρότατα τοὺς περὶ Καπίτωνα καὶΔιοσκουρίδην εὑρίσκω πράξαντας τοῦτοrdquo (Galeni in Hippocratis Epidemiarum librum VIed Wenkebach p 4 ll 15ndash17) cf Mansfeld Prolegomena p 140

86 ldquoἀρεταὶ μὲν γάρ εἰσιν ἐξηγητῶν δύο αὗται τό τε τὴν γνώμην υλάσσειν τοῦ συγγράμματος καὶ τὸ τὰχρήσιμα διδάσκειν τοὺς ἀναγνωσομένους αὐτοῦ τὰ ὑπομνήματαrdquo (Galeni in HippocratisEpidemiarum libros I et II ed Wenkebach p 6 ll 16ndash18)

266 UWE VAGELPOHL

It is precisely this complicated balancing act between textual faith-fulness to their respective sources on the one hand and pragmatic con-siderations such as intelligibility and medical usefulness on the otherwhere I think Galen and H

˙unayn meet Objective proof that H

˙unayn

explicitly drew on Galenrsquos opinions about philology and exegesis informulating his own position on translation is probably hard tocome by with the possible exception of H

˙unaynrsquos allusion to ldquothe prin-

ciples I took from his writingsrdquo in the Epidemics As tempting as it isto read this phrase (us

˙l allat ahadtuh ʿanh min kutubihi)87 as a

direct reference to his methodological debt to Galen it could just asplausibly be an allusion to medical doctrinesThere are however a number of highly suggestive parallels in the

thinking of these two authors By referring to the same and otherGalenic and Hippocratic texts while reading and interpretingGalenrsquos commentary on the Epidemics especially when he encoun-tered lacunae H

˙unayn displayed a marked awareness of the

Homerum-ex-Homero principle Galen so forcefully advocatedGalenrsquos insistence on using commonly known words in his interpret-ation of seemingly obscure Hippocratic passages finds its correlatein H

˙unaynrsquos proud assertion that his translations were formulated

in a way that allowed even the uninitiated to understand difficultmedical issuesOn a more general level Galen and H

˙unayn equally emphasised

ldquoexplanationrdquo as their core concern ie the transmission and clarifica-tion of the ideas of a text sometimes at the expense of its exact word-ing ndash be it by subtly altering the wording in the process of translationor by carefully selecting and embedding lemmata in a commentary Itrequired a certain independence of mind to develop as critical an atti-tude as Galen and H

˙unayn while also professing the utmost respect

for their sources ndash unless as in the case of the Physiognomics theyturned out to be so obviously defective

CONCLUSION

On the basis of the argument outlined above I believe we havegrounds to place Galen among the formative influences on H

˙unayn

not only in his capacity as a physician but also as a philologist trans-lator and exegete Thanks to his decades-long effort to make theGalenic corpus available in Arabic H

˙unayn was intimately familar

with Galenrsquos thought on all matters medical and beyond Scatteredthroughout Galenrsquos writings he found a developed methodology of

87 In note 2 (E1 fol 51a25)


reconstructing reading and interpreting (medical) texts As we haveseen H

˙unayn shared many of Galenrsquos ideas about philology and tex-

tual interpretation Whereas his predecessors and even some of hiscontemporaries and successors faithfully upheld their inherited vir-tually unconditional respect for the texts they were translatingH˙unayn shifted his attention away from the text toward its reader

In spite of his undoubted respect perhaps even veneration forGalen he retained enough independence to criticise his textualsources and even Galen himself where required If there was a trans-lation ldquoprogrammerdquo or ldquostrategyrdquoH

˙unayn followed it was centered on

the transfer of knowledge rather than unwavering philologicalprecision In this as in the field of medicine he proved to be a worthystudent of his master Galen

APPENDIX H˙UNAYN ldquoLEMMATArdquo IN BOOKS 1-3 AND 6 OF GALENrsquoS

EPIDEMICS88

1 Book 11 E1 9a3-6

To supplement an apparently incomplete explanation by GalenH˙unayn refers to and explains a similar passage in which Galen pro-

poses the cause for the different conditions of diarrhoea listed in thislemma

امالخفالتخالاكلذلاوحأعيمجيفببسلاسونيلاجفصودقنينحلاقامهونوكينأامإةلقلافصوهكرتىرأوهركذهدجأملينإفةلقلانمهفصوةيلصألاةخسنلانموأاهنمتمجرتيتلاةخسنلانمطقسنوكينأامإوهنماليلقيجيناكهنإlaquoلاقهنأكمايقلارتاوتناكهتلقيفيدنعببسلاونيينانويلاةغليفraquoاليلقlaquoهلوقىنعمنوكينأزئاجكلذوraquoاليلق

H˙unayn said Galen described the reason for all the conditions of this

diarrhoea except for what he [sc Hippocrates] described about thesmall quantity I have not found him mention it and think that heleft it out either by mistake or because it was missing from the manu-script I translated from or the original manuscript The reason for itssmall quantity is I think the frequency of the bowel movements as ifhe had said ldquoit emerged little by littlerdquo This is indeed one of the poss-ible meanings of ldquolittlerdquo in Greek

88 For a list of the sigla used in the Appendix cf above n 16

268 UWE VAGELPOHL

2 Book 21 E1 51a22-25 M 9b18-20

H˙unayn identifies a lacuna in his manuscript covering Galenrsquos expla-

nation to a lemma and the one following it and fills it according toGalenrsquos method for explaining similar lemmata

يقابصقنيباتكلاaاذهاهنمتمجرتيتلاةينانويلاةخسنلاتدجوينإنينحلاقتفلكتفطارقبألهدعبرخآلوقريسفتوليبقعضويذلااذهطارقبأمالكريسفتريسفتيفهوحنوحنيسونيلاجتيأرامبسحبيسفندنعنمصقنامbمامتتساهبتكنمهنعاهتذخأيتلالوصألاىلعومالكلااذههابشأ

a اذه ] E1 om M b مامتتسا ] E1 مامتسا M

H˙unayn said I found that the Greek manuscript I translated this

book from lacked the rest of the commentary on the Hippocraticlemma he presented before and the commentary on anotherHippocratic lemma following it I took it upon myself to fill the gapin accordance with what I though was Galenrsquos method in commentingon similar lemmata and according to the principles I took from hiswritings

3 Book 21 E1 53a6-9 M 11b13-1689

As in the preceding note H˙unayn fills a gap by adding a missing

Hippocratic lemma and providing a commentary according toGalenrsquos method

هنمaهتمجرتيذلاينانويلاباتكلانماضيأعضوملااذهيفتدجوينإنينحلاقهيفسونيلاجريسفتضعبومدقتملاهلوقولتيطارقبأليواقأنملوقناصقنامريسفتلانمهيلإتفضأوطارقبأمالكنمصقانلالوقلاكلذbتعضوفهبdلصتياموهلcهريسفتيفسونيلاجبهذملكاشينأتننظ

a هتمجرت ] E1 تمجرت M b تعضوف ] scripsi تفصوف E1 M

c هريسفت ] M يريسفت E1 d لصتيامو ] M E1

H˙unayn said Also in this place of the Greek manuscript I translated

from I found that one of the Hippocratic lemmata following his

89 Cf Pormann lsquoCase notesrsquo p 256


preceding lemma was missing together with part of Galenrsquos commen-tary on it I supplied this missing Hippocratic lemma and added com-ments I thought corresponded to Galenrsquos procedure in hiscommentary and what belongs to it

4 Book 21 E1 53a12-18 M 11b21-3090

H˙unaynrsquos comments are inserted between the Hippocratic lemma and

the following Galenic explanation parts of which seem to havedropped out the remaining comments only refer to the end of thelemma H

˙unayn explains a technical term and comments clause by

clause on the first part of the lemma not covered by Galen

نطبلاىلعدودمملاءاشغلاعضوملااذهيف$قارملابينعيطارقبأنإنينحلاقاذهيفةضراعلاقوتفلانمناكاموaنوانوطيرابنوينانويلاهيمسييذلاهلككلذوraquoعيجرلايقوابركثرويملؤمهنإفlaquoraquoاليلقةرسلاقوفlaquoباجحلانموقيضأءاعمألاكلتوعضوملاكلذيفقاقدلاءاعمألانألبقنمbبجاوءاشغلاكلذقتفنمتردبنإماعطلالوضفسبتحتcنأىرحأيهكلذلبقةصاخكلذنإلاقوعيجرلايقوبركلاوعاجوألاتضرعناكاذإكلذوفورعملاءاعملاعضومكانهنألraquoنميألابناجلايفlaquoقتفلاناكىتمdضرعينوكييذلاeقتفلاامأفraquoنلوقlaquoهللاقييذلاءاعملانماضيأءزجوروعألابhلقأgوهفعسوأيهيتلاظالغلاءاعمألاعضوميفraquoةناعلاوحنlaquoلفسأfنمأدرأريصتةرخأباهنألraquoرمألالوأيفlaquoلاقفىنثتساامنإورمألالوأيفاررضعاستالانمديزتيفامئادلازتالو

a نوانوطيراب ] E1 نوانوطيراف Mb بجاو ] M om E1 in marg add E12

c نأ ] E1 om Md ضرعيةصاخ ] E1 trsp ةصاخضرعي M

e نميألابناجلايف قتفلاامأف ] M om E1 in marg add E13 f نم ] M om E1

g وهف ] scripsi يهف E1 Mh لقأ ] E1 لق M

90 Cf Galeni in Hippocratis Epidemiarum libros I et II ed Wenkebach p 188

270 UWE VAGELPOHL

H˙unayn said By ldquoperitoneumrdquo Hippocrates here means the mem-

brane covering the entire stomach area the Greeks call ldquoperitoneumrdquoRuptures occurring in this membrane ldquoslightly above the navelrdquo ldquoarepainful and cause nausea and vomiting of excrementrdquo This is inevita-ble because the small intestine is located in this area and this intes-tine is very narrow Because of this it is more likely to obstruct foodwastes if it [sc the small intestine] escapes through a rupture inthat membrane When this happened pain nausea and vomiting ofexcrement occurred He said that this happens especially when therupture is located ldquoon the right hand siderdquo because this is the locationof the intestine known as the ldquoblind gutrdquo and also part of the intestinecalled ldquocolonrdquo A lower rupture ldquoaround the pubic regionrdquo in the area ofthe large intestine (which is wider) is at first less harmful He specifi-cally noted this and said ldquoat firstrdquo because later on it grows worse andcontinues to expand

5 Book 24 E1 104b9-12 M 66b marg91

H˙unayn reconstructs several lines of text based on his understand-

ing of the preceding Galenic comment and then observes that inaddition to the gap he attempted to fill more text was lost at theend of the preceding Galenic comment The ldquotagsrdquo he claims tohave used in his own manuscript to distinguish between extanttext and his reconstruction have not been preserved in ourmanuscripts

اهنميتلاةينانويلاةخسنلانمةطقاستناكرطسألاهذهنإaنينحلاقنظأومالكلاىنعمهيلعbينلداموحنىلعيسفنيدنعنمانأاهتقحلأوتمجرتeرخأءايشأيناثلالوقلاdريسفتنمولوألالوقلاcريسفترخآنمطقسدقهنأ

a نينح ] M1 in marg corr ex طارقبأ E13 b ينلد ] E1 يند M1 c ريسفت ]scripsi يريسفت E1 M1 d ريسفتنمو ] E1 ريسفتو M1 e نينحلاق رخأءايشأ ]E1 om M in marg add M1

H˙unayn said These tagged lines have dropped from the Greek manu-

script I translated from I added themmyself in accordance with whatthe meaning of the passage indicated to me and I think that



additional material was dropped from the end of the commentary onthe first lemma and the commentary on the second lemma

6 Book 25 E1 105a19-105b4 M 67a2-1592

H˙unayn explains why Part 5 of Book 2 is missing in its entirety from

his translation describes the quality of the two manuscripts heworked from and encourages his reader to add the missing materialshould it become available

باتكنمةيناثلاةلاقملاهذهلسونيلاجريسفتنمةسماخلاةلاقملانإنينحلاقةلاقملاهذهريسفتنمهاندجويذلاوةينانويلابةخسناهلدجنملطارقبأءالولاىلعاهيفامعيمجخسنيتلابتكلاقيرطىلعaامهادحإناتخسندصقهنإاهيفاهبحاصلاقوفتنbهنمهبطقتلتامقيرطىلعىرخألاونيتخسنلانمةدحاويفدجنملواهريسافتوةلاقملاهذهنمةعفانلاليواقأللةنيبةلالدانتلدdدقcةطقتلملاةخسنلانأىلعالصأاهنمائيشالوةسماخلاةلاقملايفاندجوانألبقنمfةماتباسحلايفيهيتلاeكلتنمخسنتملاهنأنمالصأتطقسدقاهريسافتعماهرسأبةريثكليواقأgةطقتلملاةخسنلاiهنأةخسنلاكلتبتاكنمبجعألينإوhةماتباسحلايفيهيتلاةخسنلاعدبأمثjهلمعتسادقوالإسانلااهفرعدقيتلاأطخلاعاونأنماعونعديملوهسيلوأطخهنمكلذناكنإlهسفننعأطخلاkعاونأنمرخأاعاونأوهيشلالدببتكوصقنودازنأىلعرصتقيملهنأnكلذوmدمعتلاباداسفإqفلؤيلعجباتكلانمpعضاوميفهنأوهوعيدبرخآيشءاجىتحoهريغمثاثالثوأنيتقروهيلإرفطيذلاعضوملانمبتكيمثاهوحنوأتاقرورشعحجرتيلزيملواهوحنوأباتكلاعطقثيحنمrتاقرورشعءاروىلإعجرتغرفنأىلإبارطضالاةياغبمادقىلإةرموفلخىلإsرمتةرمفحجرتلااذهديدشبعتيفباتكلااذهنمuتصلختامصلختنمtتعقوكلذلو

92 Cf Pormann lsquoCase notesrsquo pp 257ndash9 and Galeni in Hippocratis Epidemiarum libros I et IIed Wenkebach p 353

272 UWE VAGELPOHL

اذهلةخسندجوفملعلابينعينميدعبءاجنإاميكاذهنمتفصوامتفصوواذهبةلباقملاىلعاذهنمهلتفصوامwهثحيةحيحصvةماتةينانويلابباتكلاهللاءاشنإةمئاللانمyينجرخيوهنمصقناممامتتساوxهحيحصتبوباتكلا

a امهادحإ ] M امهدحأ E1b هنمهب ] E1 om M c ةطقتلملا ] E1 ةفتلملا M

d دق ] E1 دقو Me كلت ] E1 كلذ M

f ةمات ] M رمأب E1g ةطقتلملا ] M om E1

h ةطقتلملاةخسنلايف ةماتباسحلا ] M om E1 i هنأ ] M om E1j هلمعتسا ] E1 هتلمعتسا M

k عاونأ ] M om E1 l هسفننع ] E1 ةبيرغ M

m دمعتلاباداسفإ ] coniMUllmann (personal communication) دمعتلابداسف E1 انداسفإدمعتل M in marg

scr دمعتلاباداسف M1

n كلذو ] dittogrM o هريغ ] M om E1 in marg add E12 p عضاوم ] E1 عضوم Mq فلؤي ] E1

تبثي Mr بتكيمثاهوحنوأ تاقرورشعءاروىلإ ] E1 om M

s رمت ] E1 om Mt تعقو ] scripsi تفقر E1 عقو M

u تصلخت ] E1 M تصخلامصيخلت coni M Ullmann (personal communication)

v ةمات ] E1 om M w هثحي ] M بسحب E1x هحيحصتبو ] E1 هحيحصتو M

y ينجرخيو ] M جرختو E1

H˙unayn said We have not found a Greek manuscript of the fifth part

of Galenrsquos commentary on this second book of Hippocratesrsquo workWhat we have found of the commentary on this part are two manu-scripts one of which follows the manner of books in which the com-plete text is written in an uninterrupted sequence the other in themanner of a collection of short excerpts Its author said that he con-centrated on useful lemmata from this part and their explanationsIn the first of the two manuscripts we found not a trace of the fifthpart The excerpt manuscript on the other hand clearly proved tous not to have been copied from that allegedly complete one becausewe found in the excerpt manuscript many complete lemmata togetherwith their interpretations which had been entirely omitted from theallegedly complete manuscript I am surprised that the scribe ofthis manuscript did not leave out the kind of errors that peoplealready knew not only that he included them and then introducedother new mistakes of his own ndash if they happened in error and werenot corrupted on purpose because he not only added and subtracted[material] but wrote one thing instead of another so that the resultwas something entirely bizarre in [some] places of the book hebegan to compile around ten folios and then wrote from the place he


jumped to two or three folios then moved back around ten folios fromwhere he had stopped copying He sometimes moved backward andsometimes forward in the most confusing manner until he was fin-ished Therefore recovering what I saved from this book was extre-mely tiring for me I described this so that in the event that someonecomes after me who is interested in the science and finds a completecorrect Greek manuscript of this book my description encourages himto collate this book correct it supply what is missing and God willingsave me from blame

7 Book 26 E1 108a26-108b12 M 69b19-70a393

H˙unayn notes an apparent contradiction between Galenrsquos comments

on the previous lemma and a similar remark he made in his Arsparva He then tries to explain the Hippocratic lemma in detail andstates that his flawed manuscripts must be the source of the misun-derstandings and that he does not intend to contradict Galen

سأرلامظعبدارأaامنإهنأطارقبأىلعلوأتدقسونيلاجتدجوينإنينحلاقفورعملاهباتكيفسونيلاجنيبدقوةقطانلاسفنلاةوقىلعاليلدهلعجينأتناكىتمةيركفلاسفنلاةوقىلعلديامنإسأرلامظعنأbةريغصلاةعانصلابسأرلاوdةقيقدةفيعضةبقرلاتناكىتمامأفةيوقةظيلغيأهلcةلكاشمةبقرلااذهبسحببجيfدقفةوقلافعضوةداملاةرثكىلعليلدهدنعكلذفeاميظعىتحةبقرلانمظلغلاحلاهذهبحاصيفسأرلامظععمنوكينأE1[نوكي 108b[مدقتاملضقانماذهوهيفيتلاةوقلاىلعاليلدسأرلامظعوأةقيقدلاةبقرلاraquoةريصقلاةبقرلابlaquoدارأامنإطارقبأنإسونيلاجلوقنمgةظيلغلاةريصقلاraquoةريصقلاةبقرلابlaquoىنعنوكينأىلوألانأنيبتدقوةريغصلالوطلارطقيفاصقانبلصلاراقفنوكينأكلذكةبقرلاتناكىتمبجاوونوكينأبجاوفكلذناكاذإورودلارطقيفالضافوأاماتناكنإوناكاذإفةصقانكلذببسبهتعسنوكيفلوطلارطقيفاصقاناضيأردصلانأبجويهترارحببلقلاhناكوةلاحلاهذهبردصلانوكينأبجويغامدلا

93 Cf Galeni in Hippocratis Epidemiarum libros I et II ed Wenkebach pp 361ndash2

274 UWE VAGELPOHL

kدازينأردصلالوطيفjدازيiنأنكميالناكذإدبالفةعسلادئازردصلانوكيببسبهتعسنمmصقنامرودلارطقةدايزlليضفتىقالتيىتحهرودرطقيفهضرعنوكيوصقلاضرعينأبجاوفكلذناكاذإولوطلارطقناصقنةعسركذهكرتيفطارقبأىنعمناكبسحأاميفاذهوهلوطلبسانمريغM[هنألدياميكصقلاضرعهركذوردصلا 70a[ضرعنوكينأديريادئازهلوطسايقبصقلا

oذإاهنمتمجرتيتلاةخسنلابينمnةقثةلقاذهنمتفصوامتفصوامنإوىنعمنعةلئازنوكتنأةفاخمولبقتفصوامىلعءاطخلاpةرثكنمتناكسونيلاجىلعضارتعالاكلذبدرأملوسونيلاج

a امنإ ] E1 om M b ةريغصلا ] M om E1 c ةلكاشم ] dittogr M

d ةقيقدةفيعض ] M trsp ةفيعضةقيقد E1 e اميظع ] M ميظع E1 f دقف ] M دقلو E1

g ةظيلغلاةريصقلا ] M scr et del ةريصقلا E1 in marg add ةظيلغلا E13

h ببسبهتعس ناكوةلاحلا ] E1 om M i Post نأ scr et del نوكي M

j دازي ] M دادزي E1 k دازينأردصلالوطيف ] M om E1 in marg add E13

l ليضفت ] M لضفت E1 m صقنام ] M صقنأب E1 n ةقث ] M E1

o ذإ ] M اذإ E1 p ةرثكنم ] M نمةريثك E1

H˙unayn said I found Galen explain that Hippocrates only meant to

make the size of the head an indicator for the power of the rationalsoul In his book known as Ars parva Galen clarified that the size ofthe head only indicates the power of the rational soul when the neckresembles it ie is thick and strong When the neck is thin andweak while the head is large this indicates in my opinion that thematter is plentiful and the power weak Hence according to thisthe size of the head of someone in this condition has to be accompaniedby a thick neck so that [E1 108b] the size of the head becomes anindicator for its power This contradicts Galenrsquos previous claim thatby ldquoshort neckrdquo Hippocrates only meant a thin or small neck It isclear that it would be more appropriate for him to mean by ldquoshortneckrdquo a short thick one When the neck is like this the vertebrae ofthe backbone necessarily have a reduced vertical diameter eventhough their circumference is normal or above When this is the


case the chest also has to be shorter Through its heat the heartmakes it necessary for the chest to be more spacious Because it can-not increase in height the chest must increase in width so that theadditional increase in width makes up for the loss of volume causedby the decreased height When this is the case the breastboneneeds to be wide without its width being proportional to its heightThis I reckon is what Hippocrates meant when he failed to mentionthe volume of the chest while mentioning the width of the breastbonein order to indicate that [M 70a] the width of the breastboneincreases in comparison to its lengthI only described all of this because I did not trust the manuscript I

translated from since it is as I mentioned before full of mistakes andI feared that it deviates from Galenrsquos thought By doing this I did notintend to oppose Galen

8 Book 26 E1 119a23-30 M 79b34-4094

H˙unayn found himself unable to reproduce the ambiguity of a Greek

remark in Arabic and considered to drop it but reconsidered becauseits contents could potentially still be useful to some readers

ءاحنأىلعأرقيوعطقيaنألمتحيينانويلاناسللايفمالكلااذهنإنينحلاقىلعهتءارقوهعيطقتعاونأنمدحاولكبسحبلديفةءارقلاوعيطقتلانمىتشbنكممبةيبرعلايفكلذسيلوسونيلاجاهيلإراشأيتلايناعملاهذهنمدحاودحاومهفيوةيبرعلاةغللاقباطيالناكذإمالكلااذهطاقسإبتممهتنكدقكلذلواهربدتنملةعفانمالكلااذهيفترمدقيناعمتدجواملينأالإاهقوقحىلعاهيفنموبرقأةعفنملاىلإيهوهتمجرترضتسيلcتناكذإلاحىلعهتمجرتتيأرfكلذىلعردقيملنموحبرىلعهنموهفهبeعافتنالاىلإلصينأdردقفهأرقهللاءاشنإhائيشهناكمهرضيالفgهكرتينأرداقوهف

a نأ ] M نأل E1b نكممب ] M نكمم E1

c تناك ] M ناك E1d ردقف ] M دقف E1

e عافتنالا ] M عافتنا E1f Post كلذ dittogr et del نموبرقأةعفنملاىلإيهوهتمجرترضتسيلناكذإىلإلصينأدقفهأرق E1

g هكرتي ] M E1h ائيش ] M om E1


276 UWE VAGELPOHL

H˙unayn said In Greek this lemma can be split up and read in various

ways Each of the ways of dividing and reading it indicates one of themeanings Galen pointed out This is not possible in Arabic Becausethis lemma does not suit the Arabic language and could not be under-stood completely in it [sc Arabic] I had considered to drop it butdecided to translate it anyhow when I found ideas in this lemmathat benefit those who study them because translating it does nothurt but may be beneficial Those who read it and are able to drawa benefit from it profit from it those who cannot can ignore it withoutsuffering any harm God willing

9 Book 31 E1 135a29-135b2

In the comments immediately preceding H˙unaynrsquos remark Galen dis-

cussed the opinion of another commentator on the case of Silenos(described in Book 1) who claimed that there was a link betweenthe patientrsquos sleeplessness and his name H

˙unayn gives an etymologi-

cal explanation of the name and dismisses the reasoning of the com-mentator Galen quoted95

نمريثكةداعنمورمقلاوهوينلاسنمقتشمسونيلاسمسانإنينحلاقيفعرصلانأاو$دأنألرمقلاءامسأنمامساعورصمللاوقتشينأنيينانويلااذهراشأبسحأاميفىنعملااذهىلإفرمقلاراودألةقزالتالاحلارثكأ)amp(ربخيو)amp(ضامغإىمسينأبوهيذلاريسفتلااذهيفكيكرلارسفملاحرشلااذهىلإينمجاتحيىتحاريسفترسفينأبىلوأ

H˙unayn said The name Silenos is derived from Selene ie the moon

Many Greeks customarily use a term derived from one of the words forthe moon for epileptics to convey that epilepsy mostly follows thelunar cycles This I think is the meaning this feeble interpreterpointed out in this commentary he calls it obscure () and claims ()

95 H˙unaynrsquos note refers to the following anecdote reported by Galen ldquoἀλλrsquo ἔνιοί γε τῶν

ἐξηγουμένων τὰ βιβλία κατεγνώκασιν εἰς τοσοῦτον τῶν ἀκροατῶν ὥστrsquo ἐγώ ποτε ἐνἈλεξανδρείᾳ καὶ τοιαύτης ἐξηγήσεως ἤκουσα περί τινος ἐν τῷ πρώτῳ τῶν Ἐπιδημιῶν ἀρρώστουγεγραμμένου κατὰ τὴν ῥῆσιν ἧς ἡ ἀρχήmiddot lsquoΣιληνὸς ᾤκει ἐπὶ τοῦ πλαταμῶνοςrsquo ἐν γὰρ τῷδιηγεῖσθαι τὰ συμβάντα τούτῳ καὶ τοιαύτην τινὰ ῥῆσιν ἔγραψεν ὁ Ἱπποκράτηςmiddot lsquoνυκτὸς οὐδὲνἐκοιμήθη λόγοι πολλοί γέλως ᾠδήrsquo τούτοις οὖν ἐπεώνησεν lsquoἰούrsquo ὁ ἐξηγούμενος τὸ σύγγραμμαlsquoΣιληνὸς γὰρ ἦνrsquo οἱ μαθηταὶ δrsquo ἀναπηδήσαντες ἐκεκράγεσαν ὑπερθαυμάζοντεςrdquo (Galeni inHippocratis Epidemiarum librum III ed Ernst Wenkebach Corpus MedicorumGraecorum V 10 21 [Leipzig Berlin 1936] p 12 ll 15ndash23)


that it is very appropriate to comment on so that I am required to givethis explanation

10 Book 31 E1 136b18-24

To expand Galenrsquos brief comments H˙unayn attempts to supply cul-

tural background information96

اهنوكحيءامدقلاصيصاقأنمصيصاقأاهيفراعشأaنيينانويللتناكهنإنينحلاقة$نسلاىلعسانلااوثحينأاودارأاذإاوناكفليواقأمهنيباميفترجموقةدعنعمهوليزيوأةعاجشلاوةدجنلاىلعصرحلاوةلا$سفلاولسكلانمرذحلايفءامدقلابليواقألاترجنيذلاموقلاد$دعيموقعمتجا)سفنلا)amp(فلكىلإةرشلانع)amp(نأديرييذلالجرلاكلذةروصمهنمدحاولكسيلف)راعشألاكلتيفمهنيبهنملوقلاجراختنوكينأمهنمدحاولكيحويمثهلوقهيفيذلارعشلار$شبي(نملوقلاجراخت amp(bاذهىلإفهنيعبلوألاهنأكنوكيوهركذيىتحلوألامالكلااذهيفسونيلاجريشيىنعملا

a نيينانويلل ] scripsi نينانويلل E1 b illegible

H˙unayn said The Greeks have poetry containing tales of the ancients

which they report on the authority of numerous people among whoreports circulated When they wanted to encourage people to imitatethe ancients in avoiding indolence and despicable conduct and aspir-ing to bravery and courage or to turn them () from evil to self-abandonment () then people assembled who recounted thoseamong which the reports () circulated in this poetry Not everyoneof them is the image of this man whose poetry he wanted to declaimwhich tells his story but each of them creates the impression thathis recitation of the story is the former ( ) so that he tells it and itis as if he himself is the former This is the meaning Galen indicatesin this passage

96 H˙unayn attempts to explain the following passage ldquoεἰς ταύτας γοῦν τὰς ἀρχὰς καὶ οἱ πρὸ

Λύκου καὶ Κοΐντου τῶν Ἱπποκράτους ἐξηγησάμενοί τι βιβλίον ἐμπειρικοὶ πάντrsquo ἀνάγεινπειρῶνται καθάπερ ἐν δράματι υλάττοντες ἔνιοι τὴν οἰκείαν ὑπόκρισιν τοῦ περικειμένουπροσώπουrdquo (Galeni in Hippocratis Epidemiarum librum III ed Wenkebach p 1623ndashp 173)

278 UWE VAGELPOHL

11 Book 61 E2 16b7-1297

In his short remark H˙unayn adds his own observation and extends

Galenrsquos explanation of the Hippocratic lemma

هلاحهذهنميفولعييذلارابغلايفطارقبألوقمهفدقسونيلاجنإنينحلاقكلتباحصأيفهلكهجولالمشامبررابغلااذهىرندقو)ةصاخنينيعلاىلعهمهوتينأنكميدقف)صمرلاضارمأنمنينيعلايفسونيلاجهلاقامولاحلاهلوقنمطارقبأنعكلذمهفينأنكميدقف)قرعلارمأيفهلكهجولايفىلعدجتامهلكهجولاةدلجونينيعلايشغييأraquoرابغهنأكولعيففجياموlaquoقرعلانمهجولاىلعوصمرلانمنينيعلا

H˙unayn said Galen understood Hippocratesrsquo lemma on dust covering

especially the eyes of those in this condition We sometimes see thisdust cover the entire face of people with this condition When Galentalks about the eyes in eye inflammations he may have imagined itall over the face in sweating () something that can be read intoHippocratesrsquo statement ldquowhat dries out and covers as if it wasdustrdquo ie the secretion you find about the eyes and the sweat on theface cover the eyes and the skin of the entire face

12 Book 62 E2 24b6-1898

H˙unayn claims that Galen missed one of two possible interpretations

of Hippocratesrsquo lemma and adds an explanation of the secondinterpretation

كلذو)هيلإجاتحياملصفلااذهلهحرشيفغلبسونيلاجنأىرأامنينحلاقنموضعيفنكمتوتبثدقيذلاطلخلاغارفتسايفدصقدقطارقبأتيأرينألعجيالأرخآلاوةردابملاامهدحأنيينعمىلإهلaةداضملاعضاوملانمءاضعألا

97 Cf Galeni in Hippocratis Epidemiarum librum VI ed Wenkebach p 42 ll 1ndash2 (lemma I23) and Galenrsquos commentary

98 Cf Galeni in Hippocratis Epidemiarum librum VI ed Wenkebach p 65 ll 4ndash5 (lemma II8) and Galenrsquos commentary


ىنعمحرشدقسونيلاجتيأروتارتفنيبلعجينكل)امئادالصتمغارفتسالا)رخآلاىنعملايفهلوقحرشيملوهعضومكلذعضونكيملنإوةردابملايفهلوقاذإغارفتسالانأوهوهنموهسلابهلوقنمصقناملاقامىلإفيضأنأتيأرفنكمتوهيفتبثيذلاوضعلانمغرفتسيامعيمجنكيملالصتمامئادناكنيباميفناكىتموبرقأيهيتلاءاضعألانمهريغنمنوكينكل)طلخلانمجرخغارفتسالاتاقوأنمتقولكيفجرخيناكتارتفغارفتسالالكتارتفلاتاقوأيفناكوملآلاوضعلاكلذيفنكمتملاتباثلاطلخلاكلذءاضعألانمائيشبذجتبرقألايهورثكأتغرفتيتلاءاضعألانمدحاويفيواستلاىلإقورعلايفطالخألاعجرتىتح)دعبألايهولقأتغرفتىتلاتتبثيتلاووضعلايفتتبثيتلاطالخألانوكتنأكلذنمبجيف)ريداقملاغرفتتىتحاليلقاليلقجرختقيرطلاهذهبهيف

a ةداضملا ] scripsi داضملا E2

H˙unayn said I do not believe that Galen has sufficiently explained

this lemma because I think that Hippocrates meant two thingswith the elimination of a humour that settled in and took hold ofone of the body parts from places opposite to it () firstly its spon-taneous occurrence and secondly that the elimination does nottake place continuously and without interruption but intermittentlyIn my opinion Galen explained the meaning of his lemma withrespect to its spontaneous occurrence even though he did not put itin its place () but did not explain his lemma with respect to theother meaning I decided to supplement what he said with what heinadvertently left out ie when the elimination is continuous andwithout interruption not everything that is eliminated comes fromthe body part the humour settled in and took hold of Rather itcomes from another close-by body part When the elimination inter-mitted a [certain] amount of the humour that settled in and tookhold of this suffering body part emerges during each episode of elim-ination During the intermissions each of the body parts that elimin-ate more ie the ones close by draw out something from the bodyparts that eliminate less ie the ones further away until the humoursin the veins return to a quantitative balance Therefore the humoursthat remain in a body part and those that persist in this manner inevi-tably emerge gradually until they are eliminated

280 UWE VAGELPOHL

13 Book 62 E2 55a16-55b1699

H˙unayn considers Galenrsquos explanation of the preceding Hippocratic

lemma disjointed and incomplete and supplies his own detailedtake on how Galenrsquos apparently incoherent comments can be read inorder to make sense of them

ريغهنأكهرخآبىتأمث)يشهيفأدتبالوقلااذهيفسونيلاجنإنينحلاقنمىقلموهنمهلراصيذلاببسلانأفصوفأدتباهنأكلذو)هيلعقسانيفدجويداكيالهنأوه)لاحطلاماورأهلضرعتداكتالماكزلابهسأررمألايفدجوييذلانكلفعضلانمةدحاولاحبناوضعدحاولاندبلاناكاذإوهئاضعأفعضأوهدحاووضعءاضعألانمندبلكيفرثكألارئاسنودaندبلاكلذيفللعلابىقلملاوهوضعلاكلذنوكينأبجيفكلذللعلاهبثدحتامنإماكزلاسأرلانمىقلملانإهلوقرخآيفلاقمثءاضعألاكلتهبثدحتامنإلاحطلاماروأبىقلملاوةيمغلبلاةبوطرلاوةيئاملاةبوطرلانمنوكينأدحاولاندبلايفعمتجيداكيالةيوادوسةظيلغلوضفنمماروألاامنإلوألالوقلاوماكزلابهسأرنموماروألابهلاحطنمهيفىقلمهبحاصنوكياهنمادحاورمألارثكأيفنأوفعضلايفءاضعألافالتخاوحنوحنيوحنييناثلالوقلاوللعلابىقلملاوضعلاكلذنوكيكلذلبقنمواهفعضأكلتهيفبلغتيتلاعضوملانأوطالخألانمنادبألايفدلوتيامفالتخاىلإنوكيىتحللعلابىقلمنوكينأبىلوألاوهندبلاكلذيفةبلاغلاطالخألاكرتلانمىقلمهسأرنوكينأبىلوأةيئاملاوةيمغلبلاةبوطرلاهيفتبلغنمتناكنموءاضعألارئاسيفاهنمبلغأغامدلايفةبوطرلاكلتتناكذإيفماروألانمىقلمنوكينأىلوألافبلغهيلعةيوادوسلاةظيلغلاطالخألانيباميفعمجينأنكميدقوليمألاحطلاىلإلوضفلاكلتتناكذإهلاحطنإلوقنف)امهقافتاوهتدحىلعامهنمدحاولكةحصنيبتنأدعبنيلوقلا

99 Referring to Galeni in Hippocratis Epidemiarum librum VI ed Wenkebach p 114 l17ndashp 115 l 12 (lemma II 44 and Galenrsquos commentary)


فعضاذإعفدنيامهيلإعفدنيولضفلانمهيفدلوتيامنإءاضعألانمدحاولكنمعضومىلعأيفهنأوبطردرابهنأغامدلاصخيو)هصختيتلاهتعيبطبسحبنأو)هتاراخبمامحلافقسلبقياملثمندبلاتاراخبbلبقينأبجيثيحبندبلاكلذنمبجودقو)هتعيبطلالكاشمابطرادرابناكاذإهنمدلوتملالضفلانوكيصخيوةيمغلبوةيئامةبوطرتالاحلارثكأيفهلبقياموهيفدلوتيامنوكينأ)يذتغيهبوئيهوقلخكلذلودبكلانممدلاركعةيقنتلةلآهنألاحطلاةرملاىلإاليمواظلغهئاذغنمىقبيامديزينأىرحأوهفهنمىذتغااذإويفثدحينأبجاوف)اريثكمدلايفركعلااذهدلوتناكىتموءادوسلاكلتةرثكولاحطلافعضعمتجيف)هنمهيلإليميامةرثكلفعضلاحطلانمنوكينأبىلوألاحلاكلتبحاصنوكيفةيوادوسلاةظيلغلالوضفلاامنإسأرلاناكذإكرتلابىقلمهسأرنمنوكياممرثكأبماروألابىقلمهلاحطيرجيلاثملااذهىلعوةيئاملاوةيمغلبلاةبوطرلانمتالاحلارثكأيفملأيامركذسونيلاجبسحأىنعملااذهىلعوءاضعألاعيمجرئاسيفسايقلافعضلاوةوقلايفءاضعألافالتخانمهركذ

a ندبلا ] scripsi نطبلا E2 b لبقيهسأر ] scripsi ليمي E2

H˙unayn said In this explanation Galen started with something

and then switched to something else as if he had not ordered thingsproperly Specifically he began to describe that the cause affectingthose who suffered from a head cold rarely produces swellings in thespleen because one rarely finds in the same body two body parts inthe same weak condition What one finds in most cases is that oneof the body parts in the whole body is the weakest of them If this isthe case it is inevitable that this body part suffers from the diseasesin this body rather than the others He then said at the end of hisexplanation that those with a head cold only suffer from diseasesfrom watery and phlegmy liquids and those with swollen spleensonly suffer from swellings from thick melancholic wastes It hardlyever happens that the same body suffers from both a swollen spleenand a head cold The first statement only refers to the differences ofbody parts in terms of weakness and that in most cases one ofthem is the weakest For this reason this body part suffers from

282 UWE VAGELPOHL

the diseases The second statement refers to the difference betweenthe humours generated in the bodies and that the regions which thehumours prevailing in this body dominate are most likely to sufferfrom the diseases so that those dominated by phlegmy and wateryliquids are more prone to suffer from head colds because this liquid ispredominant in the brain rather than the other body parts Thosedominated by thick melancholic humours are more prone to sufferfrom swellings in the spleen because these wastes tend toward thespleen It is also possible to combine the two statements after clarify-ing that each of them is correct in itself and that they agree with eachother We then say that only those wastes are generated in andpushed toward each body part when it is weak according to its charac-teristic nature Coldness and wetness are characteristic for the brainas is its position at the highest point of the body Therefore it receivesbodily vapours much like the ceiling of a bathhouse [receives] itsvapours When it is cold and wet the waste it generates resemblesits nature It is therefore necessary that the matter generated inand received by it consists mostly of watery and phlegmy liquids[On the other hand] it is characteristic for the spleen that it is anorgan for purging the dregs of the blood from the liver This is whatit was created and designed for and what it derives nourishmentfrom When it is nourished by it it is only appropriate that the left-overs of its nourishment increase in thickness and tend towardblack bile When these dregs form in the blood in large quantity thespleen is necessarily weakend by the large amount of it tendingtoward it The weakness of the spleen and the quantity of thesethick melancholic wastes combine to make someone in this conditionprone to suffering swellings of his spleen more often than he suffers ahead cold because his head only hurts in most cases from phlegmyand watery liquids The same pattern applies to all the other bodyparts I think this is the meaning of what Galen said about the differ-ence of the body parts in terms of strength and weakness

14 Book 66 E2 132a7-21 M 85b23-35100

H˙unayn explains that Galen considered a Hippocratic lemma

inauthentic and claims that Galen probably misunderstoodHippocrates He then quotes the lemma in question and explains it

همدقتيذلامالكلاعمطارقبأىلإبوسنملامالكلااذهتدجودقينإنينحلاقهتمجرتنوكتنأزوجيدقوطارقبألانوكينأسونيلاجركنأناذللانالوقلاامهو

100 Cf Degen lsquoWer uumlbersetztersquo p 90 (2) and Galeni in Hippocratis Epidemiarum librum VIed Wenkebach pp 356ndash7


ةمجرتلاريغةمجرتينانويلامالكلااهيلعفرصنييتلاءاحنألانموحنىلعةيبرعلابرمألاوليوأتلانمهيلإدصقيسونيلاجتدجواموحنىلعهيلعاهمجرتيتلااهيلإبهذيتلايناعملاهذهلدصقيملطارقبأنوكينأقيلخهنأيدنعىلعطارقبأمالكعضأنأدعبهركاذانأيذلاىنعملادصقهنكلسونيلاجهذهيهواهاضرأيتلاةمجرتلاةرارحنوكتثيحرارمللةدلوماهنإرويطلايفتلقامكرارملاطارقبألاقامىلعناكاملرارملانألوقلااذهبدصقيطارقبأنأيدنعرمألانإaنينحلاقمهدعميفتدسفريطلاموحلتناكولحلامسدلايشلانعدلوتيهنأنمتفصوالاهنألاهوؤرمتسارقبلاموحللثمةظيلغلاموحللااولكأاذإورارملاىلإتبلقناوموحلاهنميتلاةفيطللاةقيقرلاةيذغألادسفتامكاعيرسةظيلغلاةيذغألادسفتهنمbالاك$تارارملادلوتيفهلوقنمومدقتامهركذلطارقبأكرتنوكيوريطلالوألالوقلافهلةركذترارمللاهديلوتورويطلارمأنمهركذامنأىلعيذلامسدلايشلاناكاذإهيلع$قشنمهتحصىلعدهاشاهيفهلاقيذلاهجرخيىتحهيلعةرارحلاةوقلاعيرسرارملاىلإبلقنيراصامنإولحلاهيفلخدينمديزأةرارحندبلانمفداصاذإهت$فخلdريطلامحلناكوcلادتعالانمكلذلثمهلضرعيعيبطلارادقملا

a نينحلاق ] E2 om M P b الاكتا ] E2 الالكتا M P c لادتعالا ] E2 لادعإلا M Pd ريطلا ] E2 M رويطلا P

H˙unayn said Together with the previous lemma I found this

lemma ascribed to Hippocrates These are lemmata of which Galendenied that they were Hippocratic It is conceivable that its interpret-ation in Arabic is in some way which departs from the Greek lemmaother than that I found Galen aim at in his explanation In myopinion it is appropriate that Hippocrates did not intend the mean-ings Galen thinks of but the meaning I will discuss after presentingthe Hippocratic lemma in an interpretation I find satisfactory iethe following

284 UWE VAGELPOHL

Hippocrates said Bile as I said in the case of birds they generatebile where it is warmH˙unayn said I think what Hippocrates meant to say with this

lemma is that because bile is as I described generated from fattysweet matter bird meat putrefies in the stomach and turns intobile When people eat coarse meat such as beef they digest it becausecoarse foods do not putrefy as quickly as delicate soft foods such aspoultry Hippocratesrsquo failure to mention the preceding and his accountof the generation of bile reliably [indicates] that what he mentionedabout birds and their production of bile is a reminder for himself forthe first lemma in which he gives separate evidence of its correctnessHence the fatty sweetish matter only turns into bile quickly throughthe power of the heat [affecting] it so that it [sc the heat] disturbs itsbalance This happens to bird meat due to its lightness when itencounters from the body warmth that exceeds the natural measure

15 Book 67 E2 145a17-20 M 93b32-34101

H˙unayn notes that he left out a number of quotations from Homer

Plato and others Galen had inserted to illustrate expressions thatdo not match grammatically the Arabic language does not allowsuch expressions and their inclusion would be pointless

نمامهريغوaنوطالفأوسوريموأليواقأنمليواقأسونيلاجصتقامثنينحلاقيفcهلسيلهلمئالموهامريغىلعيشلاقسنوbاهيفقسنلالديدقءامدقلامهفتالتناكgذإfةيبرعلايفeاهبعفتنيالهنألاهتمجرتتكرتفdنسحترئاظنةيبرعلااهبعفتنيوأhنسحتسينأنعالضف

a نوطالفأ ] M نطالفأ E2 P b ex امهيف corr Degen lsquoWer uumlbersetztersquo p 90 (3)

c هل ] E2 M om P d نسحت ] E2 M P سنجلا Degen ibide اهب ] E2 M P اهل Degen ibid f ةيبرعلايف ] E2 ةيبرعلاب M P

g ذإ ] E2 اذإ M P h نسحتسينأ ] E2 نسحتسا M P

H˙unayn said Then Galen related dicta by Homer Platon and others

of the ancients in which he indicates that the [grammatical] congru-ence betweem them is inappropriate In Arabic there are no suitableequivalents for it I have therefore not translated them into Arabic

101 Cf Degen lsquoWer uumlbersetztersquo p 90 (3) and Galeni in Hippocratis Epidemiarum librum VIed Wenkebach p 389


they have no useful purpose in Arabic because they are incomprehen-sible let alone pleasant or useful

16 Book 68 E2 168a5-13 M 105a26-30102

According to H˙unayn Galen did not explain some parts of the preced-

ing lemma because they are clear for a Greek-speaking audience(ldquoculture-specificrdquo) H

˙unayn then attempts to fill the gap by providing

an explanation according to his understanding of what Greeks meantby the terms in question

حاورألانملوقلااذهيفطارقبأهركذامحرشكرتسونيلاجنإنينحلاقةيبرعلالهأدنعكلذكامهرمأسيلونيبنيينانويلادنعامهرمأنألماسجألاووهونيينانويلادنعفراعتمرميامبسحىلعامهيفىنعملاحرشأنأتيأرفنوصخيويئاوهمسالكهبنوديريمهوحاورألامسااريثكنولمعتسيمهنألوقلااذهينعيطارقبأفةيئاملاواهنمةيضرألاةيقابلاماسجألاماسجألامسابحايرلانمهطلاخياموءاوهلانمدلجلاومفلانمندبلاىلعدروامحاورألابلصياموبرشيولكؤيامممفلانمندبلاىلعدريامماسجألابينعيوتاراخبلاوهيفaعاقنتسالاوهبمامحتسالادنعءاملانمبراوضلاقورعلابذجبدلجلانمهيلإههبشأاممكلذريغنموهبخرمتلادنعbنهدلانمو

a عاقنتسالاو ] scr Degen lsquoWer uumlbersetztersquo p 90 (1) عارفتسالاو E2 عارقتسالاو M Pb نهدلا ] E2 سفنلا M P

H˙unayn said Galen failed to explain what Hippocrates said in this

lemma about ldquobreathsrdquo and ldquobodiesrdquo because this issue is obviousfor Greeks It is not for Arabs I decided to explain their meaningaccording to what passes as generally accepted among the GreeksThey often use the term ldquobreathsrdquo when they mean airy thingsWith the term ldquobodiesrdquo they denote the remaining bodies be theyearthen or watery In this lemma Hippocrates therefore means byldquobreathsrdquo the air that enters the body through mouth and skin andthe winds and vapours it is mixed with By ldquomatterrdquo he meansfoods and drinks that enter the body through the mouth the water


286 UWE VAGELPOHL

that enters it through the skin due to the attraction of the arterieswhile bathing and soaking in it the fat while rubbing the skin withoil and other similar things

17 Book 68 E2 176a22-25 M 109a6-7103

H˙unayn points out an ambiguity in the text

اذهبهانعملايواسمهانعمنوكيينانويلايففيلأتلااذهبمالكلااذهنينحaلاقرمأيفرظنتنأيغبنيدقbىنملاورعشلاتابنونانسألاجورخlaquoرخآلافيلأتلاraquoيغبنيامعرخأتموأاهيفنوكييتلانسلايفمدقتموهلهاهنمدحاولك

a Post لاق scr et del طارقبأ M b ىنملاو ] E2 ىنعملاو M P

H˙unayn said In the Greek this lemma in this phrasing means the

same as this other phrasing ldquofor each of these things ndash the emergenceof the teeth and the growing of hair and semen ndash one needs to examinewhether the age during which it happens is either earlier or later thannecessaryrdquo

Colophon (after the end of Book 6) of MS E2 195a1-17 M 117b17-28104

H˙unayn explains the problems he had in establishing a reliable text

of the Epidemics At the end this passage (which is in fact a quotationfrom H

˙unaynrsquos Risla) is contaminated with fragments from the fol-

lowing entry of the Risla on Galenrsquos On humours105

يفسونيلاجاهرسففaايميذيفإباتكنمىلوألاةلاقملاامأوقحسإنبنينحلاقنبدمحمرفعجيبألةيبرعلاىلإcاهتلقنوbةينايرسلاىلإبويأاهلقنتالاقمثالثىلعتعقوتنكدقوتالاقمتسيفسونيلاجاهرسففةيناثلاةلاقملاامأوىسومأطخلاريثكاذهعمناكوةدحاوةلاقمصقنيناكهنأالإةينانويلابباتكلااذهةيبرعلاىلإمثeةينايرسلاىلإهتمجرتمثةينانويلابهتخسنىتحهتصخلفdاطلخماعطقنمامثدحمثةريسيةيقبهنمتيقبدقتناكهنأالإىسومنبدمحمرفعجيبأل

103 Cf Galeni in Hippocratis Epidemiarum librum VI ed Wenkebach p 464104 Cf Degen lsquoWer uumlbersetztersquo pp 81ndash6 and Pormann lsquoCase notesrsquo pp 252ndash7 both with

translation105 Cf Degen lsquoWer uumlbersetztersquo pp 87ndash8 and Bergstraumlsser lsquoH

˙unain ibn Ish

˙qrsquo nos 95 96


ايميذيفإباتكنمةسداسلاةلاقملاامأوهمامتتسانعfينقاعفيبتكرمأنمثدحهذهةخسنوgةينايرسلاىلإبويأاهلقندقتالاقمينامثيفسونيلاجاهرسففنمسونيلاجرسفيملويبتكيفةدوجومايميذيفإباتكريسفتلاهلكتالاقملاةسماخلاوةعبارلايهوةيقابلاثالثلاامأوعبرألاهذهالإايميذيفإباتكريغاهللعتفملاوطارقبأناسلىلعةلعتفماهنأمعزهنألاهرسفيملفةعباسلاونمةيناثلاiةلاقمللسونيلاجريسفتنمتمجرتامةمجرتىلإتفضأدقوhديدسةيبرعلاىلإوjةينايرسلاىلإةلاقملاكلتيفطارقبأمالكةمجرتايميذيفإباتكدقوهمجرتيريغنأملعأالوطالخألاباتكلهريسفتنمهتدحىلعkادرجماهيفنيباماهنموطارقبألوقاهيفصناماهنمرخأlتالاقمسونيلاجعضواههركاذانأواليلقاددعالإاهنمدجأملوهضرغ

a ايميذيفإ ] M اميديفا E2 P b ةينايرسلا ] corr ex هنايرسلا Degen lsquoWer uumlbersetztersquo p 81

c اهتلقن ] M P اهلقن E2 d اطلخم ] E2 M اطلتخم P e ةينايرسلا ] M P ةنايرسلا E2

f ينقاعف ] M P قاعف E2 g ةينايرسلا ] P ةنايرسلا E2 ةينايرس M h ديدس ] corr ex

ديدش Degen lsquoWer uumlbersetztersquo p 82 i ةلاقملل ] E2 M ةلاقملا P j ةينايرسلا ]

M P ةنايرسلا E2 k ادرجم ] E2 M vel اكرش P l تالاقم ] E2 P ةلاقم M

288 UWE VAGELPOHL

IN THE TRANSLATORrsquoS WORKSHOP

UWE VAGELPOHLDepartment of Classics amp Ancient History

University of Warwick Coventry CV4 7AL United KingdomEmail uvagelpohlwarwickacuk

Abstract H˙unayn ibn Ish

˙qrsquos Arabic translation of Galenrsquos commentary on the

Hippocratic Epidemics is an invaluable source for our knowledge of Galenic medicineand its transmission history not least because much of it is extant only in Arabic Itsimportance for the Arabic medical tradition is amply attested in the later medical lit-erature It also tells usmuch about the methods and self-image of contemporary trans-lators Throughout the translation we find remarks by H

˙unayn discussing the quality

of his source text his own interpretation and also his attempts to reconstruct proble-matic or damaged passages Based on an edition of these notes their analysis and com-parison to similar texts and Galenrsquos own thought on editing and interpreting difficultmedical texts this article aims to situate H

˙unaynrsquos methods in the context of the

Greek-Arabic translation movement It argues that his approach differs in importantrespects from that of preceding Greek-Arabic andGreek-Syriac translators and that hewas indebted to Galen not just as a physician but also as a translator and exegete

Reacutesumeacute La traduction arabe de H˙unayn ibn Ish

˙q du commentaire de Galien sur les

Eacutepideacutemies drsquoHippocrate est une source drsquoimportance capitale pour notre connaissancede la meacutedecine galeacutenique et de son histoire de transmission notamment parce que lamajeure partie nrsquoest conserveacutee qursquoen arabe Son importance pour la traditionmeacutedicale arabe est amplement attesteacutee dans la litteacuterature meacutedicale posteacuterieureEn plus elle nous apprend beaucoup sur les meacutethodes et lrsquoimage de soi des traduc-teurs contemporains Tout au long de la traduction nous trouvons des annotationsde H

˙unayn dans lesquels il parle de la qualiteacute de son texte de sa propre

interpreacutetation et de ses tentatives de reconstituer des passages probleacutematiques ouendommageacutes En srsquoappuyant sur une eacutedition de ces notes sur leur analyse et en lescomparant agrave des textes similaires et agrave la penseacutee de Galien sur lrsquoeacutedition etlrsquointerpreacutetation des textes meacutedicaux difficiles cet article vise agrave situer les meacutethodesde H

˙unayn dans le contexte de lrsquohistoire des traductions greacuteco-arabes Il fait valoir

que son approche est diffeacuterente agrave bien des eacutegards de celle des traducteurs greacuteco-arabes et greacuteco-syriaques preacuteceacutedents et qursquoil eacutetait redevable agrave Galien non seulementen tant que meacutedecin mais aussi en tant que traducteur et exeacutegegravete

INTRODUCTION1

Scholars of classical Islamic civilisation especially the history ofscience and philosophy routinely acknowledge the fundamental and

1 I would like to thank Peter E Pormann and Simon Swain for their helpful comments on aprevious version of this article

Arabic Sciences and Philosophy vol 21 (2011) pp 249ndash288doi101017S0957423911000038 copy 2011 Cambridge University Press








250 UWE VAGELPOHL


˙unayn ibn




˙unayn ibn Ish









˙q What



˙unain b Ish



















252 UWE VAGELPOHL


˙unayn ibn Ish







˙unayn (ldquoH



˙unayn18


˙unayn (ldquoH













H˙unayn b Ish













˙unayn


˙unayn pointed














254 UWE VAGELPOHL


˙unayn found in







˙unayn omitted or


˙unayn admitted






˙anantu an yukila


































256 UWE VAGELPOHL











˙unaynrsquos self-


˙unayn










˙unain ibn Ish













˙abaqt al-at

˙ibbʾ (ldquoThe







˙unain ibn Ish




˙ubay) 17 43 and 108


˙unain ibn Ish

˙qrsquo nos 10 74








˙abaqt al-at



H˙unayn ibn Ish


258 UWE VAGELPOHL





















260 UWE VAGELPOHL








˙unayn were





˙mn Badaw

Mant˙iq Arist






˙unain ibn Ish








˙unayn






˙unayn drops










262 UWE VAGELPOHL












˙unayn





p 525










˙unayn


˙unaynrsquos








264 UWE VAGELPOHL


















266 UWE VAGELPOHL



˙unayn















CONCLUSION


˙unayn













EPIDEMICS88

1 Book 11 E1 9a3-6







268 UWE VAGELPOHL

2 Book 21 E1 51a22-25 M 9b18-20







3 Book 21 E1 53a6-9 M 11b13-1689











4 Book 21 E1 53a12-18 M 11b21-3090











270 UWE VAGELPOHL



5 Book 24 E1 104b9-12 M 66b marg91










6 Book 25 E1 105a19-105b4 M 67a2-1592





272 UWE VAGELPOHL



















7 Book 26 E1 108a26-108b12 M 69b19-70a393





274 UWE VAGELPOHL















8 Book 26 E1 119a23-30 M 79b34-4094









276 UWE VAGELPOHL



9 Book 31 E1 135a29-135b2












10 Book 31 E1 136b18-24









278 UWE VAGELPOHL

11 Book 61 E2 16b7-1297






12 Book 62 E2 24b6-1898











280 UWE VAGELPOHL

13 Book 62 E2 55a16-55b1699










282 UWE VAGELPOHL


14 Book 66 E2 132a7-21 M 85b23-35100










284 UWE VAGELPOHL



15 Book 67 E2 145a17-20 M 93b32-34101












16 Book 68 E2 168a5-13 M 105a26-30102










286 UWE VAGELPOHL


17 Book 68 E2 176a22-25 M 109a6-7103














˙unain ibn Ish

˙qrsquo nos 95 96








288 UWE VAGELPOHL








250 UWE VAGELPOHL


˙unayn ibn




˙unayn ibn Ish









˙q What



˙unain b Ish



















252 UWE VAGELPOHL


˙unayn ibn Ish







˙unayn (ldquoH



˙unayn18


˙unayn (ldquoH













H˙unayn b Ish













˙unayn


˙unayn pointed














254 UWE VAGELPOHL


˙unayn found in







˙unayn omitted or


˙unayn admitted






˙anantu an yukila


































256 UWE VAGELPOHL











˙unaynrsquos self-


˙unayn










˙unain ibn Ish













˙abaqt al-at

˙ibbʾ (ldquoThe







˙unain ibn Ish




˙ubay) 17 43 and 108


˙unain ibn Ish

˙qrsquo nos 10 74








˙abaqt al-at



H˙unayn ibn Ish


258 UWE VAGELPOHL





















260 UWE VAGELPOHL








˙unayn were





˙mn Badaw

Mant˙iq Arist






˙unain ibn Ish








˙unayn






˙unayn drops










262 UWE VAGELPOHL












˙unayn





p 525










˙unayn


˙unaynrsquos








264 UWE VAGELPOHL


















266 UWE VAGELPOHL



˙unayn















CONCLUSION


˙unayn













EPIDEMICS88

1 Book 11 E1 9a3-6







268 UWE VAGELPOHL

2 Book 21 E1 51a22-25 M 9b18-20







3 Book 21 E1 53a6-9 M 11b13-1689











4 Book 21 E1 53a12-18 M 11b21-3090











270 UWE VAGELPOHL



5 Book 24 E1 104b9-12 M 66b marg91










6 Book 25 E1 105a19-105b4 M 67a2-1592





272 UWE VAGELPOHL



















7 Book 26 E1 108a26-108b12 M 69b19-70a393





274 UWE VAGELPOHL















8 Book 26 E1 119a23-30 M 79b34-4094









276 UWE VAGELPOHL



9 Book 31 E1 135a29-135b2












10 Book 31 E1 136b18-24









278 UWE VAGELPOHL

11 Book 61 E2 16b7-1297






12 Book 62 E2 24b6-1898











280 UWE VAGELPOHL

13 Book 62 E2 55a16-55b1699










282 UWE VAGELPOHL


14 Book 66 E2 132a7-21 M 85b23-35100










284 UWE VAGELPOHL



15 Book 67 E2 145a17-20 M 93b32-34101












16 Book 68 E2 168a5-13 M 105a26-30102










286 UWE VAGELPOHL


17 Book 68 E2 176a22-25 M 109a6-7103














˙unain ibn Ish

˙qrsquo nos 95 96








288 UWE VAGELPOHL


˙unayn ibn




˙unayn ibn Ish









˙q What



˙unain b Ish



















252 UWE VAGELPOHL


˙unayn ibn Ish







˙unayn (ldquoH



˙unayn18


˙unayn (ldquoH













H˙unayn b Ish













˙unayn


˙unayn pointed














254 UWE VAGELPOHL


˙unayn found in







˙unayn omitted or


˙unayn admitted






˙anantu an yukila


































256 UWE VAGELPOHL











˙unaynrsquos self-


˙unayn










˙unain ibn Ish













˙abaqt al-at

˙ibbʾ (ldquoThe







˙unain ibn Ish




˙ubay) 17 43 and 108


˙unain ibn Ish

˙qrsquo nos 10 74








˙abaqt al-at



H˙unayn ibn Ish


258 UWE VAGELPOHL





















260 UWE VAGELPOHL








˙unayn were





˙mn Badaw

Mant˙iq Arist






˙unain ibn Ish








˙unayn






˙unayn drops










262 UWE VAGELPOHL












˙unayn





p 525










˙unayn


˙unaynrsquos








264 UWE VAGELPOHL


















266 UWE VAGELPOHL



˙unayn















CONCLUSION


˙unayn













EPIDEMICS88

1 Book 11 E1 9a3-6







268 UWE VAGELPOHL

2 Book 21 E1 51a22-25 M 9b18-20







3 Book 21 E1 53a6-9 M 11b13-1689











4 Book 21 E1 53a12-18 M 11b21-3090











270 UWE VAGELPOHL



5 Book 24 E1 104b9-12 M 66b marg91










6 Book 25 E1 105a19-105b4 M 67a2-1592





272 UWE VAGELPOHL



















7 Book 26 E1 108a26-108b12 M 69b19-70a393





274 UWE VAGELPOHL















8 Book 26 E1 119a23-30 M 79b34-4094









276 UWE VAGELPOHL



9 Book 31 E1 135a29-135b2












10 Book 31 E1 136b18-24









278 UWE VAGELPOHL

11 Book 61 E2 16b7-1297






12 Book 62 E2 24b6-1898











280 UWE VAGELPOHL

13 Book 62 E2 55a16-55b1699










282 UWE VAGELPOHL


14 Book 66 E2 132a7-21 M 85b23-35100










284 UWE VAGELPOHL



15 Book 67 E2 145a17-20 M 93b32-34101












16 Book 68 E2 168a5-13 M 105a26-30102










286 UWE VAGELPOHL


17 Book 68 E2 176a22-25 M 109a6-7103














˙unain ibn Ish

˙qrsquo nos 95 96








288 UWE VAGELPOHL
















252 UWE VAGELPOHL


˙unayn ibn Ish







˙unayn (ldquoH



˙unayn18


˙unayn (ldquoH













H˙unayn b Ish













˙unayn


˙unayn pointed














254 UWE VAGELPOHL


˙unayn found in







˙unayn omitted or


˙unayn admitted






˙anantu an yukila


































256 UWE VAGELPOHL











˙unaynrsquos self-


˙unayn










˙unain ibn Ish













˙abaqt al-at

˙ibbʾ (ldquoThe







˙unain ibn Ish




˙ubay) 17 43 and 108


˙unain ibn Ish

˙qrsquo nos 10 74








˙abaqt al-at



H˙unayn ibn Ish


258 UWE VAGELPOHL





















260 UWE VAGELPOHL








˙unayn were





˙mn Badaw

Mant˙iq Arist






˙unain ibn Ish








˙unayn






˙unayn drops










262 UWE VAGELPOHL












˙unayn





p 525










˙unayn


˙unaynrsquos








264 UWE VAGELPOHL


















266 UWE VAGELPOHL



˙unayn















CONCLUSION


˙unayn













EPIDEMICS88

1 Book 11 E1 9a3-6







268 UWE VAGELPOHL

2 Book 21 E1 51a22-25 M 9b18-20







3 Book 21 E1 53a6-9 M 11b13-1689











4 Book 21 E1 53a12-18 M 11b21-3090











270 UWE VAGELPOHL



5 Book 24 E1 104b9-12 M 66b marg91










6 Book 25 E1 105a19-105b4 M 67a2-1592





272 UWE VAGELPOHL



















7 Book 26 E1 108a26-108b12 M 69b19-70a393





274 UWE VAGELPOHL















8 Book 26 E1 119a23-30 M 79b34-4094









276 UWE VAGELPOHL



9 Book 31 E1 135a29-135b2












10 Book 31 E1 136b18-24









278 UWE VAGELPOHL

11 Book 61 E2 16b7-1297






12 Book 62 E2 24b6-1898











280 UWE VAGELPOHL

13 Book 62 E2 55a16-55b1699










282 UWE VAGELPOHL


14 Book 66 E2 132a7-21 M 85b23-35100










284 UWE VAGELPOHL



15 Book 67 E2 145a17-20 M 93b32-34101












16 Book 68 E2 168a5-13 M 105a26-30102










286 UWE VAGELPOHL


17 Book 68 E2 176a22-25 M 109a6-7103














˙unain ibn Ish

˙qrsquo nos 95 96








288 UWE VAGELPOHL


˙unayn ibn Ish







˙unayn (ldquoH



˙unayn18


˙unayn (ldquoH













H˙unayn b Ish













˙unayn


˙unayn pointed














254 UWE VAGELPOHL


˙unayn found in







˙unayn omitted or


˙unayn admitted






˙anantu an yukila


































256 UWE VAGELPOHL











˙unaynrsquos self-


˙unayn










˙unain ibn Ish













˙abaqt al-at

˙ibbʾ (ldquoThe







˙unain ibn Ish




˙ubay) 17 43 and 108


˙unain ibn Ish

˙qrsquo nos 10 74








˙abaqt al-at



H˙unayn ibn Ish


258 UWE VAGELPOHL





















260 UWE VAGELPOHL








˙unayn were





˙mn Badaw

Mant˙iq Arist






˙unain ibn Ish








˙unayn






˙unayn drops










262 UWE VAGELPOHL












˙unayn





p 525










˙unayn


˙unaynrsquos








264 UWE VAGELPOHL


















266 UWE VAGELPOHL



˙unayn















CONCLUSION


˙unayn













EPIDEMICS88

1 Book 11 E1 9a3-6







268 UWE VAGELPOHL

2 Book 21 E1 51a22-25 M 9b18-20







3 Book 21 E1 53a6-9 M 11b13-1689











4 Book 21 E1 53a12-18 M 11b21-3090











270 UWE VAGELPOHL



5 Book 24 E1 104b9-12 M 66b marg91










6 Book 25 E1 105a19-105b4 M 67a2-1592





272 UWE VAGELPOHL



















7 Book 26 E1 108a26-108b12 M 69b19-70a393





274 UWE VAGELPOHL















8 Book 26 E1 119a23-30 M 79b34-4094









276 UWE VAGELPOHL



9 Book 31 E1 135a29-135b2












10 Book 31 E1 136b18-24









278 UWE VAGELPOHL

11 Book 61 E2 16b7-1297






12 Book 62 E2 24b6-1898











280 UWE VAGELPOHL

13 Book 62 E2 55a16-55b1699










282 UWE VAGELPOHL


14 Book 66 E2 132a7-21 M 85b23-35100










284 UWE VAGELPOHL



15 Book 67 E2 145a17-20 M 93b32-34101












16 Book 68 E2 168a5-13 M 105a26-30102










286 UWE VAGELPOHL


17 Book 68 E2 176a22-25 M 109a6-7103














˙unain ibn Ish

˙qrsquo nos 95 96








288 UWE VAGELPOHL









˙unayn


˙unayn pointed














254 UWE VAGELPOHL


˙unayn found in







˙unayn omitted or


˙unayn admitted






˙anantu an yukila


































256 UWE VAGELPOHL











˙unaynrsquos self-


˙unayn










˙unain ibn Ish













˙abaqt al-at

˙ibbʾ (ldquoThe







˙unain ibn Ish




˙ubay) 17 43 and 108


˙unain ibn Ish

˙qrsquo nos 10 74








˙abaqt al-at



H˙unayn ibn Ish


258 UWE VAGELPOHL





















260 UWE VAGELPOHL








˙unayn were





˙mn Badaw

Mant˙iq Arist






˙unain ibn Ish








˙unayn






˙unayn drops










262 UWE VAGELPOHL












˙unayn





p 525










˙unayn


˙unaynrsquos








264 UWE VAGELPOHL


















266 UWE VAGELPOHL



˙unayn















CONCLUSION


˙unayn













EPIDEMICS88

1 Book 11 E1 9a3-6







268 UWE VAGELPOHL

2 Book 21 E1 51a22-25 M 9b18-20







3 Book 21 E1 53a6-9 M 11b13-1689











4 Book 21 E1 53a12-18 M 11b21-3090











270 UWE VAGELPOHL



5 Book 24 E1 104b9-12 M 66b marg91










6 Book 25 E1 105a19-105b4 M 67a2-1592





272 UWE VAGELPOHL



















7 Book 26 E1 108a26-108b12 M 69b19-70a393





274 UWE VAGELPOHL















8 Book 26 E1 119a23-30 M 79b34-4094









276 UWE VAGELPOHL



9 Book 31 E1 135a29-135b2












10 Book 31 E1 136b18-24









278 UWE VAGELPOHL

11 Book 61 E2 16b7-1297






12 Book 62 E2 24b6-1898











280 UWE VAGELPOHL

13 Book 62 E2 55a16-55b1699










282 UWE VAGELPOHL


14 Book 66 E2 132a7-21 M 85b23-35100










284 UWE VAGELPOHL



15 Book 67 E2 145a17-20 M 93b32-34101












16 Book 68 E2 168a5-13 M 105a26-30102










286 UWE VAGELPOHL


17 Book 68 E2 176a22-25 M 109a6-7103














˙unain ibn Ish

˙qrsquo nos 95 96








288 UWE VAGELPOHL


˙unayn found in







˙unayn omitted or


˙unayn admitted






˙anantu an yukila


































256 UWE VAGELPOHL











˙unaynrsquos self-


˙unayn










˙unain ibn Ish













˙abaqt al-at

˙ibbʾ (ldquoThe







˙unain ibn Ish




˙ubay) 17 43 and 108


˙unain ibn Ish

˙qrsquo nos 10 74








˙abaqt al-at



H˙unayn ibn Ish


258 UWE VAGELPOHL





















260 UWE VAGELPOHL








˙unayn were





˙mn Badaw

Mant˙iq Arist






˙unain ibn Ish








˙unayn






˙unayn drops










262 UWE VAGELPOHL












˙unayn





p 525










˙unayn


˙unaynrsquos








264 UWE VAGELPOHL


















266 UWE VAGELPOHL



˙unayn















CONCLUSION


˙unayn













EPIDEMICS88

1 Book 11 E1 9a3-6







268 UWE VAGELPOHL

2 Book 21 E1 51a22-25 M 9b18-20







3 Book 21 E1 53a6-9 M 11b13-1689











4 Book 21 E1 53a12-18 M 11b21-3090











270 UWE VAGELPOHL



5 Book 24 E1 104b9-12 M 66b marg91










6 Book 25 E1 105a19-105b4 M 67a2-1592





272 UWE VAGELPOHL



















7 Book 26 E1 108a26-108b12 M 69b19-70a393





274 UWE VAGELPOHL















8 Book 26 E1 119a23-30 M 79b34-4094









276 UWE VAGELPOHL



9 Book 31 E1 135a29-135b2












10 Book 31 E1 136b18-24









278 UWE VAGELPOHL

11 Book 61 E2 16b7-1297






12 Book 62 E2 24b6-1898











280 UWE VAGELPOHL

13 Book 62 E2 55a16-55b1699










282 UWE VAGELPOHL


14 Book 66 E2 132a7-21 M 85b23-35100










284 UWE VAGELPOHL



15 Book 67 E2 145a17-20 M 93b32-34101












16 Book 68 E2 168a5-13 M 105a26-30102










286 UWE VAGELPOHL


17 Book 68 E2 176a22-25 M 109a6-7103














˙unain ibn Ish

˙qrsquo nos 95 96








288 UWE VAGELPOHL































256 UWE VAGELPOHL











˙unaynrsquos self-


˙unayn










˙unain ibn Ish













˙abaqt al-at

˙ibbʾ (ldquoThe







˙unain ibn Ish




˙ubay) 17 43 and 108


˙unain ibn Ish

˙qrsquo nos 10 74








˙abaqt al-at



H˙unayn ibn Ish


258 UWE VAGELPOHL





















260 UWE VAGELPOHL








˙unayn were





˙mn Badaw

Mant˙iq Arist






˙unain ibn Ish








˙unayn






˙unayn drops










262 UWE VAGELPOHL












˙unayn





p 525










˙unayn


˙unaynrsquos








264 UWE VAGELPOHL


















266 UWE VAGELPOHL



˙unayn















CONCLUSION


˙unayn













EPIDEMICS88

1 Book 11 E1 9a3-6







268 UWE VAGELPOHL

2 Book 21 E1 51a22-25 M 9b18-20







3 Book 21 E1 53a6-9 M 11b13-1689











4 Book 21 E1 53a12-18 M 11b21-3090











270 UWE VAGELPOHL



5 Book 24 E1 104b9-12 M 66b marg91










6 Book 25 E1 105a19-105b4 M 67a2-1592





272 UWE VAGELPOHL



















7 Book 26 E1 108a26-108b12 M 69b19-70a393





274 UWE VAGELPOHL















8 Book 26 E1 119a23-30 M 79b34-4094









276 UWE VAGELPOHL



9 Book 31 E1 135a29-135b2












10 Book 31 E1 136b18-24









278 UWE VAGELPOHL

11 Book 61 E2 16b7-1297






12 Book 62 E2 24b6-1898











280 UWE VAGELPOHL

13 Book 62 E2 55a16-55b1699










282 UWE VAGELPOHL


14 Book 66 E2 132a7-21 M 85b23-35100










284 UWE VAGELPOHL



15 Book 67 E2 145a17-20 M 93b32-34101












16 Book 68 E2 168a5-13 M 105a26-30102










286 UWE VAGELPOHL


17 Book 68 E2 176a22-25 M 109a6-7103














˙unain ibn Ish

˙qrsquo nos 95 96








288 UWE VAGELPOHL











˙unaynrsquos self-


˙unayn










˙unain ibn Ish













˙abaqt al-at

˙ibbʾ (ldquoThe







˙unain ibn Ish




˙ubay) 17 43 and 108


˙unain ibn Ish

˙qrsquo nos 10 74








˙abaqt al-at



H˙unayn ibn Ish


258 UWE VAGELPOHL





















260 UWE VAGELPOHL








˙unayn were





˙mn Badaw

Mant˙iq Arist






˙unain ibn Ish








˙unayn






˙unayn drops










262 UWE VAGELPOHL












˙unayn





p 525










˙unayn


˙unaynrsquos








264 UWE VAGELPOHL


















266 UWE VAGELPOHL



˙unayn















CONCLUSION


˙unayn













EPIDEMICS88

1 Book 11 E1 9a3-6







268 UWE VAGELPOHL

2 Book 21 E1 51a22-25 M 9b18-20







3 Book 21 E1 53a6-9 M 11b13-1689











4 Book 21 E1 53a12-18 M 11b21-3090











270 UWE VAGELPOHL



5 Book 24 E1 104b9-12 M 66b marg91










6 Book 25 E1 105a19-105b4 M 67a2-1592





272 UWE VAGELPOHL



















7 Book 26 E1 108a26-108b12 M 69b19-70a393





274 UWE VAGELPOHL















8 Book 26 E1 119a23-30 M 79b34-4094









276 UWE VAGELPOHL



9 Book 31 E1 135a29-135b2












10 Book 31 E1 136b18-24









278 UWE VAGELPOHL

11 Book 61 E2 16b7-1297






12 Book 62 E2 24b6-1898











280 UWE VAGELPOHL

13 Book 62 E2 55a16-55b1699










282 UWE VAGELPOHL


14 Book 66 E2 132a7-21 M 85b23-35100










284 UWE VAGELPOHL



15 Book 67 E2 145a17-20 M 93b32-34101












16 Book 68 E2 168a5-13 M 105a26-30102










286 UWE VAGELPOHL


17 Book 68 E2 176a22-25 M 109a6-7103














˙unain ibn Ish

˙qrsquo nos 95 96








288 UWE VAGELPOHL







˙abaqt al-at

˙ibbʾ (ldquoThe







˙unain ibn Ish




˙ubay) 17 43 and 108


˙unain ibn Ish

˙qrsquo nos 10 74








˙abaqt al-at



H˙unayn ibn Ish


258 UWE VAGELPOHL





















260 UWE VAGELPOHL








˙unayn were





˙mn Badaw

Mant˙iq Arist






˙unain ibn Ish








˙unayn






˙unayn drops










262 UWE VAGELPOHL












˙unayn





p 525










˙unayn


˙unaynrsquos








264 UWE VAGELPOHL


















266 UWE VAGELPOHL



˙unayn















CONCLUSION


˙unayn













EPIDEMICS88

1 Book 11 E1 9a3-6







268 UWE VAGELPOHL

2 Book 21 E1 51a22-25 M 9b18-20







3 Book 21 E1 53a6-9 M 11b13-1689











4 Book 21 E1 53a12-18 M 11b21-3090











270 UWE VAGELPOHL



5 Book 24 E1 104b9-12 M 66b marg91










6 Book 25 E1 105a19-105b4 M 67a2-1592





272 UWE VAGELPOHL



















7 Book 26 E1 108a26-108b12 M 69b19-70a393





274 UWE VAGELPOHL















8 Book 26 E1 119a23-30 M 79b34-4094









276 UWE VAGELPOHL



9 Book 31 E1 135a29-135b2












10 Book 31 E1 136b18-24









278 UWE VAGELPOHL

11 Book 61 E2 16b7-1297






12 Book 62 E2 24b6-1898











280 UWE VAGELPOHL

13 Book 62 E2 55a16-55b1699










282 UWE VAGELPOHL


14 Book 66 E2 132a7-21 M 85b23-35100










284 UWE VAGELPOHL



15 Book 67 E2 145a17-20 M 93b32-34101












16 Book 68 E2 168a5-13 M 105a26-30102










286 UWE VAGELPOHL


17 Book 68 E2 176a22-25 M 109a6-7103














˙unain ibn Ish

˙qrsquo nos 95 96








288 UWE VAGELPOHL





















260 UWE VAGELPOHL








˙unayn were





˙mn Badaw

Mant˙iq Arist






˙unain ibn Ish








˙unayn






˙unayn drops










262 UWE VAGELPOHL












˙unayn





p 525










˙unayn


˙unaynrsquos








264 UWE VAGELPOHL


















266 UWE VAGELPOHL



˙unayn















CONCLUSION


˙unayn













EPIDEMICS88

1 Book 11 E1 9a3-6







268 UWE VAGELPOHL

2 Book 21 E1 51a22-25 M 9b18-20







3 Book 21 E1 53a6-9 M 11b13-1689











4 Book 21 E1 53a12-18 M 11b21-3090











270 UWE VAGELPOHL



5 Book 24 E1 104b9-12 M 66b marg91










6 Book 25 E1 105a19-105b4 M 67a2-1592





272 UWE VAGELPOHL



















7 Book 26 E1 108a26-108b12 M 69b19-70a393





274 UWE VAGELPOHL















8 Book 26 E1 119a23-30 M 79b34-4094









276 UWE VAGELPOHL



9 Book 31 E1 135a29-135b2












10 Book 31 E1 136b18-24









278 UWE VAGELPOHL

11 Book 61 E2 16b7-1297






12 Book 62 E2 24b6-1898











280 UWE VAGELPOHL

13 Book 62 E2 55a16-55b1699










282 UWE VAGELPOHL


14 Book 66 E2 132a7-21 M 85b23-35100










284 UWE VAGELPOHL



15 Book 67 E2 145a17-20 M 93b32-34101












16 Book 68 E2 168a5-13 M 105a26-30102










286 UWE VAGELPOHL


17 Book 68 E2 176a22-25 M 109a6-7103














˙unain ibn Ish

˙qrsquo nos 95 96








288 UWE VAGELPOHL








˙unayn were





˙mn Badaw

Mant˙iq Arist






˙unain ibn Ish








˙unayn






˙unayn drops










262 UWE VAGELPOHL












˙unayn





p 525










˙unayn


˙unaynrsquos








264 UWE VAGELPOHL


















266 UWE VAGELPOHL



˙unayn















CONCLUSION


˙unayn













EPIDEMICS88

1 Book 11 E1 9a3-6







268 UWE VAGELPOHL

2 Book 21 E1 51a22-25 M 9b18-20







3 Book 21 E1 53a6-9 M 11b13-1689











4 Book 21 E1 53a12-18 M 11b21-3090











270 UWE VAGELPOHL



5 Book 24 E1 104b9-12 M 66b marg91










6 Book 25 E1 105a19-105b4 M 67a2-1592





272 UWE VAGELPOHL



















7 Book 26 E1 108a26-108b12 M 69b19-70a393





274 UWE VAGELPOHL















8 Book 26 E1 119a23-30 M 79b34-4094









276 UWE VAGELPOHL



9 Book 31 E1 135a29-135b2












10 Book 31 E1 136b18-24









278 UWE VAGELPOHL

11 Book 61 E2 16b7-1297






12 Book 62 E2 24b6-1898











280 UWE VAGELPOHL

13 Book 62 E2 55a16-55b1699










282 UWE VAGELPOHL


14 Book 66 E2 132a7-21 M 85b23-35100










284 UWE VAGELPOHL



15 Book 67 E2 145a17-20 M 93b32-34101












16 Book 68 E2 168a5-13 M 105a26-30102










286 UWE VAGELPOHL


17 Book 68 E2 176a22-25 M 109a6-7103














˙unain ibn Ish

˙qrsquo nos 95 96








288 UWE VAGELPOHL





˙unayn






˙unayn drops










262 UWE VAGELPOHL












˙unayn





p 525










˙unayn


˙unaynrsquos








264 UWE VAGELPOHL


















266 UWE VAGELPOHL



˙unayn















CONCLUSION


˙unayn













EPIDEMICS88

1 Book 11 E1 9a3-6







268 UWE VAGELPOHL

2 Book 21 E1 51a22-25 M 9b18-20







3 Book 21 E1 53a6-9 M 11b13-1689











4 Book 21 E1 53a12-18 M 11b21-3090











270 UWE VAGELPOHL



5 Book 24 E1 104b9-12 M 66b marg91










6 Book 25 E1 105a19-105b4 M 67a2-1592





272 UWE VAGELPOHL



















7 Book 26 E1 108a26-108b12 M 69b19-70a393





274 UWE VAGELPOHL















8 Book 26 E1 119a23-30 M 79b34-4094









276 UWE VAGELPOHL



9 Book 31 E1 135a29-135b2












10 Book 31 E1 136b18-24









278 UWE VAGELPOHL

11 Book 61 E2 16b7-1297






12 Book 62 E2 24b6-1898











280 UWE VAGELPOHL

13 Book 62 E2 55a16-55b1699










282 UWE VAGELPOHL


14 Book 66 E2 132a7-21 M 85b23-35100










284 UWE VAGELPOHL



15 Book 67 E2 145a17-20 M 93b32-34101












16 Book 68 E2 168a5-13 M 105a26-30102










286 UWE VAGELPOHL


17 Book 68 E2 176a22-25 M 109a6-7103














˙unain ibn Ish

˙qrsquo nos 95 96








288 UWE VAGELPOHL












˙unayn





p 525










˙unayn


˙unaynrsquos








264 UWE VAGELPOHL


















266 UWE VAGELPOHL



˙unayn















CONCLUSION


˙unayn













EPIDEMICS88

1 Book 11 E1 9a3-6







268 UWE VAGELPOHL

2 Book 21 E1 51a22-25 M 9b18-20







3 Book 21 E1 53a6-9 M 11b13-1689











4 Book 21 E1 53a12-18 M 11b21-3090











270 UWE VAGELPOHL



5 Book 24 E1 104b9-12 M 66b marg91










6 Book 25 E1 105a19-105b4 M 67a2-1592





272 UWE VAGELPOHL



















7 Book 26 E1 108a26-108b12 M 69b19-70a393





274 UWE VAGELPOHL















8 Book 26 E1 119a23-30 M 79b34-4094









276 UWE VAGELPOHL



9 Book 31 E1 135a29-135b2












10 Book 31 E1 136b18-24









278 UWE VAGELPOHL

11 Book 61 E2 16b7-1297






12 Book 62 E2 24b6-1898











280 UWE VAGELPOHL

13 Book 62 E2 55a16-55b1699










282 UWE VAGELPOHL


14 Book 66 E2 132a7-21 M 85b23-35100










284 UWE VAGELPOHL



15 Book 67 E2 145a17-20 M 93b32-34101












16 Book 68 E2 168a5-13 M 105a26-30102










286 UWE VAGELPOHL


17 Book 68 E2 176a22-25 M 109a6-7103














˙unain ibn Ish

˙qrsquo nos 95 96








288 UWE VAGELPOHL









˙unayn


˙unaynrsquos








264 UWE VAGELPOHL


















266 UWE VAGELPOHL



˙unayn















CONCLUSION


˙unayn













EPIDEMICS88

1 Book 11 E1 9a3-6







268 UWE VAGELPOHL

2 Book 21 E1 51a22-25 M 9b18-20







3 Book 21 E1 53a6-9 M 11b13-1689











4 Book 21 E1 53a12-18 M 11b21-3090











270 UWE VAGELPOHL



5 Book 24 E1 104b9-12 M 66b marg91










6 Book 25 E1 105a19-105b4 M 67a2-1592





272 UWE VAGELPOHL



















7 Book 26 E1 108a26-108b12 M 69b19-70a393





274 UWE VAGELPOHL















8 Book 26 E1 119a23-30 M 79b34-4094









276 UWE VAGELPOHL



9 Book 31 E1 135a29-135b2












10 Book 31 E1 136b18-24









278 UWE VAGELPOHL

11 Book 61 E2 16b7-1297






12 Book 62 E2 24b6-1898











280 UWE VAGELPOHL

13 Book 62 E2 55a16-55b1699










282 UWE VAGELPOHL


14 Book 66 E2 132a7-21 M 85b23-35100










284 UWE VAGELPOHL



15 Book 67 E2 145a17-20 M 93b32-34101












16 Book 68 E2 168a5-13 M 105a26-30102










286 UWE VAGELPOHL


17 Book 68 E2 176a22-25 M 109a6-7103














˙unain ibn Ish

˙qrsquo nos 95 96








288 UWE VAGELPOHL


















266 UWE VAGELPOHL



˙unayn















CONCLUSION


˙unayn













EPIDEMICS88

1 Book 11 E1 9a3-6







268 UWE VAGELPOHL

2 Book 21 E1 51a22-25 M 9b18-20







3 Book 21 E1 53a6-9 M 11b13-1689











4 Book 21 E1 53a12-18 M 11b21-3090











270 UWE VAGELPOHL



5 Book 24 E1 104b9-12 M 66b marg91










6 Book 25 E1 105a19-105b4 M 67a2-1592





272 UWE VAGELPOHL



















7 Book 26 E1 108a26-108b12 M 69b19-70a393





274 UWE VAGELPOHL















8 Book 26 E1 119a23-30 M 79b34-4094









276 UWE VAGELPOHL



9 Book 31 E1 135a29-135b2












10 Book 31 E1 136b18-24









278 UWE VAGELPOHL

11 Book 61 E2 16b7-1297






12 Book 62 E2 24b6-1898











280 UWE VAGELPOHL

13 Book 62 E2 55a16-55b1699










282 UWE VAGELPOHL


14 Book 66 E2 132a7-21 M 85b23-35100










284 UWE VAGELPOHL



15 Book 67 E2 145a17-20 M 93b32-34101












16 Book 68 E2 168a5-13 M 105a26-30102










286 UWE VAGELPOHL


17 Book 68 E2 176a22-25 M 109a6-7103














˙unain ibn Ish

˙qrsquo nos 95 96








288 UWE VAGELPOHL



˙unayn















CONCLUSION


˙unayn













EPIDEMICS88

1 Book 11 E1 9a3-6







268 UWE VAGELPOHL

2 Book 21 E1 51a22-25 M 9b18-20







3 Book 21 E1 53a6-9 M 11b13-1689











4 Book 21 E1 53a12-18 M 11b21-3090











270 UWE VAGELPOHL



5 Book 24 E1 104b9-12 M 66b marg91










6 Book 25 E1 105a19-105b4 M 67a2-1592





272 UWE VAGELPOHL



















7 Book 26 E1 108a26-108b12 M 69b19-70a393





274 UWE VAGELPOHL















8 Book 26 E1 119a23-30 M 79b34-4094









276 UWE VAGELPOHL



9 Book 31 E1 135a29-135b2












10 Book 31 E1 136b18-24









278 UWE VAGELPOHL

11 Book 61 E2 16b7-1297






12 Book 62 E2 24b6-1898











280 UWE VAGELPOHL

13 Book 62 E2 55a16-55b1699










282 UWE VAGELPOHL


14 Book 66 E2 132a7-21 M 85b23-35100










284 UWE VAGELPOHL



15 Book 67 E2 145a17-20 M 93b32-34101












16 Book 68 E2 168a5-13 M 105a26-30102










286 UWE VAGELPOHL


17 Book 68 E2 176a22-25 M 109a6-7103














˙unain ibn Ish

˙qrsquo nos 95 96








288 UWE VAGELPOHL








EPIDEMICS88

1 Book 11 E1 9a3-6







268 UWE VAGELPOHL

2 Book 21 E1 51a22-25 M 9b18-20







3 Book 21 E1 53a6-9 M 11b13-1689











4 Book 21 E1 53a12-18 M 11b21-3090











270 UWE VAGELPOHL



5 Book 24 E1 104b9-12 M 66b marg91










6 Book 25 E1 105a19-105b4 M 67a2-1592





272 UWE VAGELPOHL



















7 Book 26 E1 108a26-108b12 M 69b19-70a393





274 UWE VAGELPOHL















8 Book 26 E1 119a23-30 M 79b34-4094









276 UWE VAGELPOHL



9 Book 31 E1 135a29-135b2












10 Book 31 E1 136b18-24









278 UWE VAGELPOHL

11 Book 61 E2 16b7-1297






12 Book 62 E2 24b6-1898











280 UWE VAGELPOHL

13 Book 62 E2 55a16-55b1699










282 UWE VAGELPOHL


14 Book 66 E2 132a7-21 M 85b23-35100










284 UWE VAGELPOHL



15 Book 67 E2 145a17-20 M 93b32-34101












16 Book 68 E2 168a5-13 M 105a26-30102










286 UWE VAGELPOHL


17 Book 68 E2 176a22-25 M 109a6-7103














˙unain ibn Ish

˙qrsquo nos 95 96








288 UWE VAGELPOHL

2 Book 21 E1 51a22-25 M 9b18-20







3 Book 21 E1 53a6-9 M 11b13-1689











4 Book 21 E1 53a12-18 M 11b21-3090











270 UWE VAGELPOHL



5 Book 24 E1 104b9-12 M 66b marg91










6 Book 25 E1 105a19-105b4 M 67a2-1592





272 UWE VAGELPOHL



















7 Book 26 E1 108a26-108b12 M 69b19-70a393





274 UWE VAGELPOHL















8 Book 26 E1 119a23-30 M 79b34-4094









276 UWE VAGELPOHL



9 Book 31 E1 135a29-135b2












10 Book 31 E1 136b18-24









278 UWE VAGELPOHL

11 Book 61 E2 16b7-1297






12 Book 62 E2 24b6-1898











280 UWE VAGELPOHL

13 Book 62 E2 55a16-55b1699










282 UWE VAGELPOHL


14 Book 66 E2 132a7-21 M 85b23-35100










284 UWE VAGELPOHL



15 Book 67 E2 145a17-20 M 93b32-34101












16 Book 68 E2 168a5-13 M 105a26-30102










286 UWE VAGELPOHL


17 Book 68 E2 176a22-25 M 109a6-7103














˙unain ibn Ish

˙qrsquo nos 95 96








288 UWE VAGELPOHL


4 Book 21 E1 53a12-18 M 11b21-3090











270 UWE VAGELPOHL



5 Book 24 E1 104b9-12 M 66b marg91










6 Book 25 E1 105a19-105b4 M 67a2-1592





272 UWE VAGELPOHL



















7 Book 26 E1 108a26-108b12 M 69b19-70a393





274 UWE VAGELPOHL















8 Book 26 E1 119a23-30 M 79b34-4094









276 UWE VAGELPOHL



9 Book 31 E1 135a29-135b2












10 Book 31 E1 136b18-24









278 UWE VAGELPOHL

11 Book 61 E2 16b7-1297






12 Book 62 E2 24b6-1898











280 UWE VAGELPOHL

13 Book 62 E2 55a16-55b1699










282 UWE VAGELPOHL


14 Book 66 E2 132a7-21 M 85b23-35100










284 UWE VAGELPOHL



15 Book 67 E2 145a17-20 M 93b32-34101












16 Book 68 E2 168a5-13 M 105a26-30102










286 UWE VAGELPOHL


17 Book 68 E2 176a22-25 M 109a6-7103














˙unain ibn Ish

˙qrsquo nos 95 96








288 UWE VAGELPOHL



5 Book 24 E1 104b9-12 M 66b marg91










6 Book 25 E1 105a19-105b4 M 67a2-1592





272 UWE VAGELPOHL



















7 Book 26 E1 108a26-108b12 M 69b19-70a393





274 UWE VAGELPOHL















8 Book 26 E1 119a23-30 M 79b34-4094









276 UWE VAGELPOHL



9 Book 31 E1 135a29-135b2












10 Book 31 E1 136b18-24









278 UWE VAGELPOHL

11 Book 61 E2 16b7-1297






12 Book 62 E2 24b6-1898











280 UWE VAGELPOHL

13 Book 62 E2 55a16-55b1699










282 UWE VAGELPOHL


14 Book 66 E2 132a7-21 M 85b23-35100










284 UWE VAGELPOHL



15 Book 67 E2 145a17-20 M 93b32-34101












16 Book 68 E2 168a5-13 M 105a26-30102










286 UWE VAGELPOHL


17 Book 68 E2 176a22-25 M 109a6-7103














˙unain ibn Ish

˙qrsquo nos 95 96








288 UWE VAGELPOHL


6 Book 25 E1 105a19-105b4 M 67a2-1592





272 UWE VAGELPOHL



















7 Book 26 E1 108a26-108b12 M 69b19-70a393





274 UWE VAGELPOHL















8 Book 26 E1 119a23-30 M 79b34-4094









276 UWE VAGELPOHL



9 Book 31 E1 135a29-135b2












10 Book 31 E1 136b18-24









278 UWE VAGELPOHL

11 Book 61 E2 16b7-1297






12 Book 62 E2 24b6-1898











280 UWE VAGELPOHL

13 Book 62 E2 55a16-55b1699










282 UWE VAGELPOHL


14 Book 66 E2 132a7-21 M 85b23-35100










284 UWE VAGELPOHL



15 Book 67 E2 145a17-20 M 93b32-34101












16 Book 68 E2 168a5-13 M 105a26-30102










286 UWE VAGELPOHL


17 Book 68 E2 176a22-25 M 109a6-7103














˙unain ibn Ish

˙qrsquo nos 95 96








288 UWE VAGELPOHL



















7 Book 26 E1 108a26-108b12 M 69b19-70a393





274 UWE VAGELPOHL















8 Book 26 E1 119a23-30 M 79b34-4094









276 UWE VAGELPOHL



9 Book 31 E1 135a29-135b2












10 Book 31 E1 136b18-24









278 UWE VAGELPOHL

11 Book 61 E2 16b7-1297






12 Book 62 E2 24b6-1898











280 UWE VAGELPOHL

13 Book 62 E2 55a16-55b1699










282 UWE VAGELPOHL


14 Book 66 E2 132a7-21 M 85b23-35100










284 UWE VAGELPOHL



15 Book 67 E2 145a17-20 M 93b32-34101












16 Book 68 E2 168a5-13 M 105a26-30102










286 UWE VAGELPOHL


17 Book 68 E2 176a22-25 M 109a6-7103














˙unain ibn Ish

˙qrsquo nos 95 96








288 UWE VAGELPOHL















8 Book 26 E1 119a23-30 M 79b34-4094









276 UWE VAGELPOHL



9 Book 31 E1 135a29-135b2












10 Book 31 E1 136b18-24









278 UWE VAGELPOHL

11 Book 61 E2 16b7-1297






12 Book 62 E2 24b6-1898











280 UWE VAGELPOHL

13 Book 62 E2 55a16-55b1699










282 UWE VAGELPOHL


14 Book 66 E2 132a7-21 M 85b23-35100










284 UWE VAGELPOHL



15 Book 67 E2 145a17-20 M 93b32-34101












16 Book 68 E2 168a5-13 M 105a26-30102










286 UWE VAGELPOHL


17 Book 68 E2 176a22-25 M 109a6-7103














˙unain ibn Ish

˙qrsquo nos 95 96








288 UWE VAGELPOHL



9 Book 31 E1 135a29-135b2












10 Book 31 E1 136b18-24









278 UWE VAGELPOHL

11 Book 61 E2 16b7-1297






12 Book 62 E2 24b6-1898











280 UWE VAGELPOHL

13 Book 62 E2 55a16-55b1699










282 UWE VAGELPOHL


14 Book 66 E2 132a7-21 M 85b23-35100










284 UWE VAGELPOHL



15 Book 67 E2 145a17-20 M 93b32-34101












16 Book 68 E2 168a5-13 M 105a26-30102










286 UWE VAGELPOHL


17 Book 68 E2 176a22-25 M 109a6-7103














˙unain ibn Ish

˙qrsquo nos 95 96








288 UWE VAGELPOHL


10 Book 31 E1 136b18-24









278 UWE VAGELPOHL

11 Book 61 E2 16b7-1297






12 Book 62 E2 24b6-1898











280 UWE VAGELPOHL

13 Book 62 E2 55a16-55b1699










282 UWE VAGELPOHL


14 Book 66 E2 132a7-21 M 85b23-35100










284 UWE VAGELPOHL



15 Book 67 E2 145a17-20 M 93b32-34101












16 Book 68 E2 168a5-13 M 105a26-30102










286 UWE VAGELPOHL


17 Book 68 E2 176a22-25 M 109a6-7103














˙unain ibn Ish

˙qrsquo nos 95 96








288 UWE VAGELPOHL

11 Book 61 E2 16b7-1297






12 Book 62 E2 24b6-1898











280 UWE VAGELPOHL

13 Book 62 E2 55a16-55b1699










282 UWE VAGELPOHL


14 Book 66 E2 132a7-21 M 85b23-35100










284 UWE VAGELPOHL



15 Book 67 E2 145a17-20 M 93b32-34101












16 Book 68 E2 168a5-13 M 105a26-30102










286 UWE VAGELPOHL


17 Book 68 E2 176a22-25 M 109a6-7103














˙unain ibn Ish

˙qrsquo nos 95 96








288 UWE VAGELPOHL





280 UWE VAGELPOHL

13 Book 62 E2 55a16-55b1699










282 UWE VAGELPOHL


14 Book 66 E2 132a7-21 M 85b23-35100










284 UWE VAGELPOHL



15 Book 67 E2 145a17-20 M 93b32-34101












16 Book 68 E2 168a5-13 M 105a26-30102










286 UWE VAGELPOHL


17 Book 68 E2 176a22-25 M 109a6-7103














˙unain ibn Ish

˙qrsquo nos 95 96








288 UWE VAGELPOHL

13 Book 62 E2 55a16-55b1699










282 UWE VAGELPOHL


14 Book 66 E2 132a7-21 M 85b23-35100










284 UWE VAGELPOHL



15 Book 67 E2 145a17-20 M 93b32-34101












16 Book 68 E2 168a5-13 M 105a26-30102










286 UWE VAGELPOHL


17 Book 68 E2 176a22-25 M 109a6-7103














˙unain ibn Ish

˙qrsquo nos 95 96








288 UWE VAGELPOHL





282 UWE VAGELPOHL


14 Book 66 E2 132a7-21 M 85b23-35100










284 UWE VAGELPOHL



15 Book 67 E2 145a17-20 M 93b32-34101












16 Book 68 E2 168a5-13 M 105a26-30102










286 UWE VAGELPOHL


17 Book 68 E2 176a22-25 M 109a6-7103














˙unain ibn Ish

˙qrsquo nos 95 96








288 UWE VAGELPOHL


14 Book 66 E2 132a7-21 M 85b23-35100










284 UWE VAGELPOHL



15 Book 67 E2 145a17-20 M 93b32-34101












16 Book 68 E2 168a5-13 M 105a26-30102










286 UWE VAGELPOHL


17 Book 68 E2 176a22-25 M 109a6-7103














˙unain ibn Ish

˙qrsquo nos 95 96








288 UWE VAGELPOHL





284 UWE VAGELPOHL



15 Book 67 E2 145a17-20 M 93b32-34101












16 Book 68 E2 168a5-13 M 105a26-30102










286 UWE VAGELPOHL


17 Book 68 E2 176a22-25 M 109a6-7103














˙unain ibn Ish

˙qrsquo nos 95 96








288 UWE VAGELPOHL



15 Book 67 E2 145a17-20 M 93b32-34101












16 Book 68 E2 168a5-13 M 105a26-30102










286 UWE VAGELPOHL


17 Book 68 E2 176a22-25 M 109a6-7103














˙unain ibn Ish

˙qrsquo nos 95 96








288 UWE VAGELPOHL


16 Book 68 E2 168a5-13 M 105a26-30102










286 UWE VAGELPOHL


17 Book 68 E2 176a22-25 M 109a6-7103














˙unain ibn Ish

˙qrsquo nos 95 96








288 UWE VAGELPOHL


17 Book 68 E2 176a22-25 M 109a6-7103














˙unain ibn Ish

˙qrsquo nos 95 96








288 UWE VAGELPOHL







288 UWE VAGELPOHL

original citation - wrap: warwick research archive...

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