ows and the hard tasks ahead

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    INSURGENT ANTHROPOLOGIES:

    OCCUPY WALL STREET AND THE HARD

    TASKS AHEAD

    By Christopher Carrico

    The Occupy Wall Street movement is one of the most significant developments

    on the American left to have emerged in years. An important victory has been

    won by the fact that the movement has already shifted American public

    discourse to now include the recognition of economic inequality as a political

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    issue. This alone is long overdue, and will most likely be of lasting historical

    significance.

    We are experiencing, as Andrew Levine wrote in the wake of events in

    Madison, Wisconsin earlier this year, the endgame of the Reagan Revolution.The U.S. experienced increasing income and wealth equality from the time of

    the Great Depression until the late 1960s. The U.S. capitalist class began, in

    the 1970s and even more markedly after the election of Ronald Reagan in

    1980, to engage in conscious class warfare for the restoration of capitalist

    class power.

    The economic crisis that began in 2007 and has continued to the present is the

    end result of these three decades of class warfare, and the social movements

    of 2011 mark the beginning of a new historical sequence that cannot as yet benamed. Having, at long last, revived the tradition of egalitarian universalism in

    American political discourse, the Generation of 2012 must brace itself for the

    hard fight ahead against the forces of reaction and entrenched power.

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    http://commons.wikimedia.org/wiki/File:2008_Top1percentUSA.pngcreated from

    http://inequality.org/income-inequality/

    The social movements that dominated the late twentieth century were

    movements that emphasized diversity, and because of them, in the late

    twentieth century there were important victories in the struggle for more just

    and equitable societies. The struggle to end racial apartheids, the struggle for

    gender equality, the struggle to end the oppression of sexual minorities, and

    the struggle for immigrant rights, each made monumental political gains. But

    each also quickly reached the limits of what it could achieve within the

    horizons of capitalist society, and each has experienced painful attacks and

    set-backs in the wake of 9/11 and in the wake of economic crisis.

    The egalitarian universalism of the OWS discourse (We are the 99%)contains within it the possibility of bringing into sharp focus the precise

    nature of the ways in which capitalism presents barriers to the achievement

    of social justice. The precise ways in which capitalist democracy is an

    oxymoron, and real democracy can only be achieved when capital is overcome

    as a barrier (This is what democracy looks like.)

    http://commons.wikimedia.org/wiki/File:2008_Top1percentUSA.pnghttp://commons.wikimedia.org/wiki/File:2008_Top1percentUSA.pnghttp://inequality.org/income-inequality/http://inequality.org/income-inequality/http://inequality.org/income-inequality/http://commons.wikimedia.org/wiki/File:2008_Top1percentUSA.png
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    http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/File:Occupy_Wall_Street_Together.jpg

    Occupy Wall Street has identified exactly the right target at a moment when

    there is widespread recognition and agreement about Wall Street as the

    perpetrator of a great crime, as well as agreement that Wall Street has an

    inordinate amount of control over the economic decisions that come out of

    Washington both from Republicans and from Democrats.

    OWS has used publicity strategies that should make Madison Avenue envious.

    Even in the absence of much early coverage from mainstream news, the

    movement used social networking media to mobilize a national and an

    international movement, with tens of thousands taking to the streets in placesremote from Wall Street, but integrated into a world experiencing common

    conditions as a result of their common subjection to the regime of capital.

    They have slept on the ground and camped in tents in the public spaces and

    parks around the world, and have revitalized a space for public protest after a

    long era of the privatization of public space, and the systematic post- 9/11

    assault on civil liberties such as the right to peaceable assembly. They have

    established an ongoing experiment in direct democracy in the form of their

    General Assemblies self-organized decision-making bodies that bear a familyresemblance to those of the Paris Commune.

    http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/File:Occupy_Wall_Street_Together.jpghttp://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/File:Occupy_Wall_Street_Together.jpghttp://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/File:Occupy_Wall_Street_Together.jpg
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    Eight weeks into an occupation of Zuccotti Park, however, it is likely that the

    movements hardest tasks are still ahead. Here it seems that some of the

    questions that Okla Elliott asked here in March of the movement in Wisconsinare again relevant in the case of OWS. First among these was Protests are

    good for visibility, but what are our next or concurrent moves?

    Occupying Zuccotti Park is not the same as occupying Wall Street. OWS has

    not occupied The New York Stock Exchange, or the board rooms of the banks

    and the brokerage firms. The occupation of the Park itself is a minor

    inconvenience for capital, easy to ignore for people who find it easy to ignore

    the connection between their actions and genocide and planetary ecological

    collapse.

    Occupying a park is also not the same as occupying a city, or seizing control of

    the means of production, or capturing state power. Occupying Zuccotti Park is

    not capable of achieving any of these things, but what the movement is

    capable of being is a new model for organizing actions thatcouldachieve

    broader political and economic goals.

    Let me end by making brief comment on four different kinds of actions that

    are concurrent with or outgrowths of the Occupy Wall Street movement, threeof which are economic in nature, and one that consciously aims at affecting

    the political process.

    The first of these economic actions is one that has had mainly a symbolic

    value, but it also has the value of negative example as one way that it is not

    possible to change the regime of finance capital: Bank Transfer Day.

    http://www.jessibautista.com/ows/ows111013-008.jpghttp://www.jessibautista.com/ows/ows111013-008.jpghttp://www.jessibautista.com/ows/ows111013-008.jpg
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    http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/File:Bank_Transfer_Day_poster..jpg

    Not surprisingly, it was Doug Henwood who has been the quickest and

    clearest in pointing out the limitations to idea behind Bank Transfer Day and

    similar actions. I will not repeat his arguments; you can read about them here(http://lbo-news.com/2011/11/08/moving-money-revisited/ ) and here

    (http://lbo-news.com/2011/11/09/more-on-credit-unions/). But I will

    repeat his main conclusion:

    Getting banks under control is a matter of politics, not individual

    portfolio allocation decisions. Sure, you may get friendlier service

    and lower fees from a credit unionbut youre not really doing

    anything politically transformative by moving the money. Move

    your money and its still money.

    The second of the economic actions that I would like to mention is one

    that has more of a chance of having a transformative effect: the

    participation of the trade unions in the Occupy movement.

    In the last weeks of 2010, student strikes in London mobilized quickly

    and dramatically to express the collective rage that youth felt towards

    the policies of the Conservative-Liberal coalition government. While

    celebrating the strengths of the student movement, Alex Callinicos(http://www.guardian.co.uk/commentisfree/2010/dec/26/student-

    protests-laurie-penny) also noted that the students lack the collective

    economic strength that, for all the setbacks it has suffered, the trade

    union movement still possesses. The pressing problem for the London

    student demonstrations was how to bring together the fighting spirit

    and imagination of the students and the collective power of organised

    workers.

    It is one of the strengths of the Occupy Wall Street movement that, like

    the movement in Wisconsin, it has involved the participation of the

    labor unions from the beginning. More is needed, however, than union

    activists and rank-and-file members joining the Occupy demonstrations,

    as they would join fellow workers in their picket lines. What is needed is

    http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/File:Bank_Transfer_Day_poster..jpghttp://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/File:Bank_Transfer_Day_poster..jpghttp://lbo-news.com/2011/11/08/moving-money-revisited/http://lbo-news.com/2011/11/08/moving-money-revisited/http://lbo-news.com/2011/11/09/more-on-credit-unions/http://lbo-news.com/2011/11/09/more-on-credit-unions/http://www.guardian.co.uk/commentisfree/2010/dec/26/student-protests-laurie-pennyhttp://www.guardian.co.uk/commentisfree/2010/dec/26/student-protests-laurie-pennyhttp://www.guardian.co.uk/commentisfree/2010/dec/26/student-protests-laurie-pennyhttp://www.guardian.co.uk/commentisfree/2010/dec/26/student-protests-laurie-pennyhttp://www.guardian.co.uk/commentisfree/2010/dec/26/student-protests-laurie-pennyhttp://lbo-news.com/2011/11/09/more-on-credit-unions/http://lbo-news.com/2011/11/08/moving-money-revisited/http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/File:Bank_Transfer_Day_poster..jpg
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    the third economic action, one that so far has only been tried in a limited

    way in a one day action in the Occupy Oakland protests: the General

    Strike. This still remains the weapon par excellence of the trade union

    movement.

    One can see movements towards more substantive trade union actions

    in solidarity with OWS, hopefully ones that will escalate. Next week the

    AFL-CIO, the Service Employees International Union and the Laborers

    International Union of North America will partner with Occupy Wall

    Street for a Day of Action on Thursday. The actions are not radical

    actions like a General Strike, however. They are mainly actions that are

    supposed to lend support to Democratic Party attempts to pass job

    stimulus bills.Each of these three economic actions has its own limits, and the limits of

    each points to the fact that it is political action that will ultimately make

    economic transformation a possibility. While OWS has focused its

    attention on Wall Street, as economics is clearly the reason for the

    worlds current state of crisis, it also has to be recognized that the

    solution to this impasse will be a political solution.

    OWS has also been cautious about appealing to the political

    establishment to address specific demands because progressives have

    learned some hard lessons about the ways in which social movements

    can be co-opted, and the radical nature of their demands sometimes

    diluted beyond recognition by politicians and the established political

    parties.

    What we should not lose sight of in resisting this co-optation is that in

    the end real changes can only be achieved by this movement if it makes

    a conscious attempt to affect the political process in some way. Here wecan point to the encouraging example of the NYC March To DC, a

    contingent of OWS in New York that left Zuccotti Park on November 9th

    on a walking march south, and aims to reach Washington, DC on

    November 23rd to join Occupy DC in protesting the continuation of the

    Bush era tax cuts.

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    These actions are a long way from actions that could achieve goals of

    epoch-making proportions, like bringing capital under collective

    communal control, but they are a clear indication that the OWS

    experiment in direct democracy is working. The actions that have

    grown out of the Occupy Wall Street are moving in the right direction.

    Regardless of the immediate success or failure of the actions around

    OWS, the political enthusiasm that the movement has generated has

    changed the terrain of left politics in the United States, in ways that are

    likely to have implications for years to come.