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"The Golden Age... The First and Last Days of Mankind": Claude Lorrain and Classical Pastoral,with Special Emphasis on Themes from Ovid's "Metamorphoses"Author(s): Claire PaceSource: Artibus et Historiae, Vol. 23, No. 46 (2002), pp. 127-156Published by: IRSA s.c.Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/1483702 .Accessed: 11/09/2011 21:19

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CLAIRE PACE

"The Golden Age... The First and Last Days of Mankind": Claude Lorrain and Classical Pastoral, with Special Emphasis on Themes from Ovid's Metamorphoses*

Dostoievsky's vision of Claude's Acis and Galatea [Fig. 1],1 which he had seen in Dresden in 1867, represented a harmonious but ultimately unattainable Golden Age, which will eventually vanish. This response captures part of the essential spirit of Claude's rendering of Ovidian themes, at least towards the end of his career. In the words of Versilov, in The Raw Youth, Claude's painting depicts "mankind's paradise... a wonderful dream..."2 The context is that of the Golden Age in a more specific sense, as it was described by classical writers and by 17th-century mythographers, and the painting provides a central focus for any discussion of Claude's rendering of Ovidian themes, as I hope to show.

Marcel Roethlisberger has stated in a seminal article that "the subjects of Claude's paintings... are of fundamen- tal importance, they are in fact the chief key to the full under- standing of his landscapes."3 This assumption has underlain a number of recent studies.4 It is in this context that I pro- pose to explore the question of Claude's interpretation of subjects from Ovid's Metamorphoses, in an attempt to analyse the distinctive qualities of this interpretation, as well as to suggest some possible visual sources for Claude's imagery.

I Claude and the Pastoral Tradition

This paper is divided into two interconnected sections: I wish first to locate Claude's approach to Ovid in the pastoral and Arcadian tradition, and especially to note his affinity to Sannazaro's Arcadia. The second section turns specifically to a consideration of Claude's Ovidian subjects, though still emphasizing the pastoral connection.

Claude was contributing to an established tradition of illustrations to Ovid, notably by Titian and Northern artists in Rome, but his interpretation differed in many respects from that of other artists.5 I believe that his approach to Ovid is most profitably considered in the context of his pastoral scenes, which are rooted in the Arcadian pastoral tradition going back in literature to Theocritus and Vergil's eclogues, and popularised in the Renaissance by Sannazaro.6 In the visual arts this tradition is epitomised by the pastoral scenes of Giorgione and Titian, or the woodcuts of Campagnola.7 It may therefore be worth briefly summarizing some of the important characteristics of this tradition.

Characteristically, the pastoral landscape consists of a peaceful rural scene, envisaged as a place or refuge and solace, composed of certain key motifs. In particular, a tree or

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1) Claude Lorrain, ((Coast Scene with Acis and Galatea?>, 1657 (LV 141), 100 x 135 cm, Dresden, Gemaldegalerie.

group of trees (a sacred grove), to provide shade from the midday sun; water, generally a pool or stream, to offer refreshment; soft green grass on which a shepherd reclines and flocks graze. For this is an inhabited, humanised landscape- though the inhabitants should be herdsmen or shepherds, not engaged in physical toil, for only thus would they have the leisure (otium) to indulge in music-making (playing pipes or

singing) and in contemplation-often about fulfilled or unhap- py love.8 Thus the sense of ease and freedom is an essential attribute. Such an innocent and simple life led in this rural locus amoenus (delightful place) is often presented in explicit or implicit contrast to the supposedly more stressful existence of urban civilisation-whether as a refuge, or as a morally superior alternative to urban existence. The harmonious

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atmosphere may, however, be disturbed by a reminder of the transience of happiness, and of human mortality (epitomised by the tomb of a shepherd), introducing an elegiac, as well as an idyllic mood. In some cases, the inclusion of shrines or architecture provides a reminder of the outside world, or of the deity to whom the sacred spot is devoted.

Such a landscape finds its earliest literary expression in the Greek bucolic poets, and in the Idylls of the Hellenistic writer Theocritus, originally from Syracuse in Sicily, described as "the founder of pastoral poetry" and writing in Greek.9 In particular, Idyll 1, and Idylls 3 to 7, and 11 have been charac- terised as bucolic, as concerned with the characteristic themes of the genre, notably that of the lovesick shepherd or herdsman, resting and playing music (sometimes in a contest with another shepherd), and singing of his love. Theocritus also introduces the more elegiac theme of the presence of death; in his Idylls 1 and 7, a group of shepherds lament the death of their companion Daphnis, and the natural world shares their grief-another recurrent topos of pastoral.10 Theocritus was in touch with early rituals concerning the death of a shepherd king, and their close connections with the theme of nature's death and renewal: the very essence of metamorphosis.11 Segal has emphasized the "tension between realism and artificiality..." that is characteristic of Theocritus' poetry: as well as the evocation of the traveller reclining "under a shady beech tree when the sun's heat parches", there may be also a "conventional and generic" treatment of elements of the setting. There are also reminiscences of the actual Sicilian landscape, with references to pines, wild olive trees, the sea and the mountains.12

In Vergil's more complex bucolic poems, the Eclogues- the prime source of the pastoral literary tradition in Europe- there is a more varied landscape; in Eclogue 1, a well-tended farm, seen through the eyes of an exile; in Eclogue 2, also a farm, seen by a farm slave; Eclogue 3 presents a rural countryside, with shrines and vineyards; the enigmatic evocation of a new Golden Age in Eclogue 4 has a context of forest-clad wilderness-the Golden Age, it is suggested, will bring about a transformation of Rome into a farm where the earth is spon- taneously productive. Such a variety reflects a modification in mood and treatment in the sequence of poems, concerned with the shifting relationship between man and nature.13 In Vergil's poems, we are conscious of the fragility of the tranquil rural idyll; we are made aware of the existence of the distant town, and also of the exigencies both of history and of contemporary existence. Death too is present, with the tomb of Daphnis in Eclogue 5 and the elegiac group of mourners surrounding it.14 In many instances, a sense of the actual Italian landscape underlies the presentation of general motifs.

Vergil's poems are not alone in possessing such associations; the landscape vignettes in Tibullus' Elegies, which are reminiscent of contemporary sacral-idyllic painting, are also reso- nant with a sense of history, evoking the pastoral origins of Rome.15

The concept of Arcadia-representing an imaginary realm, peopled by herdsmen-poets, remote from worldly cares, devoted to song and the pursuit of love-is closely linked to the pastoral landscape, and indeed is indissolubly associated with Claude's paintings. However, despite the later associations of Arcadia with an idyllic, gentle landscape, a locus amoenus providing a timeless refuge, the landscape of the actual Arcadia (in the Peloponnese), as described by the historian Polybius, is harsh and rugged. It is notable, also, that Vergil refers to Arcadia, or Arcades, in only four passages of the Eclogues, and of these only two include specific landscape descriptions, never referring to the whole landscape as "Arcadian".16 The most important of such passages is the Arcadian description of Eclogue 10, where the wild and moun- tainous landscape sympathetically reflects a lover's sorrow- for the landscape of Arcadia itself is here, ironically, harsh and unwelcoming. The shepherd Gallus is a victim of "crudelis amor", who "will think of wandering through forests which are...wilder and more dangerous than those of pastoral, but bear a close resemblance to some of the erotic landscapes of the Metamorphoses."17 For example, Eclogue 10, line 52: "...to suffer in the woods among/ The wild beasts' dens..."; or line 58: "...the sounding rocks and groves..."18 Vergil's Arcadia has, indeed, been described as a "variation upon the classical tradition that pictured Arcadia as primitive wilderness..."19 It may perhaps be seen as representing a "hard" as opposed to a "soft" primitivism, to use Lovejoy and Boas' ter- minology.20 Arcadia becomes associated with the gentler, more fertile locus amoenus chiefly in post-classical develop- ments, particularly with Sannazaro's more eclectic, pic- turesque and enormously influential eponymous romance, which probably provided the immediate source of imagery for many sixteenth- and seventeenth-century artists.21 However, Sannazaro's use of Vergil's Eclogues is highly selective, and his representation of Arcadia as a vision of the pastoral world is based almost entirely on an elaboration of the outlines adumbrated in the tenth Eclogue. For instance, his romance opens thus:22

There lies on the summit of Parthenius, a not inconsider- able mountain in Arcadia, a pleasant plateau... filled with deep-green herbage... There are about a dozen... trees of such unusual and exceeding beauty that any who saw

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2) Claude Lorrain, <<Landscape with Goatherd,,, 1637 (LV 15), 52 x 41 cm, London, National Gallery.

them would judge that Mistress Nature had taken a special delight in shaping them... in their midst, near a limpid fountain, soars towards heaven a straight cypress... in this so lovely a place the shepherds with their flocks will often gather together from the surrounding hills, and exer- cise themselves there... in playing the shepherd's pipe... (etc)

Sannazaro's description develops the passage in Vergil's tenth Eclogue: "Here, Lycoris are cool fountains, here soft fields, / here woodlands...", but is more expansive and more detailed.23 Sincero, the hero of Sannazaro's romance, wan- ders through the idyllic pastoral landscape listening to the shepherds' songs; then, in a transition from idyllic to elegiac

pastoral, the consciousness of transience, and the demands of the real world, are felt in the discovery of a dead herdsman's tomb.24

Sannazaro's imaginary country incorporates elements from Theocritus as well as from Vergil, and also-important in the present context-includes episodes from Ovidian mytho- logy, with the Renaissance poet's sense of freedom and power to revise ancient imagery, creating "fantastic variations upon a single Vergilian theme."25 Yet it is also selective and partial, keeping history at a distance, in Naples. There is no reference to contemporary events and there is an avoidance of "georgic" elements, such as farms, harvests, or vineyards.

Certain topoi in Theocritus' Idylls and Vergil's Eclogues, taken up and popularised by Sannazaro, have had an enor- mous resonance and imaginative impact on both artistic and literary pastoral traditions. The most celebrated is the image of the shepherd, playing or holding a musical instrument, and reclining under a tree in the shade; crystallised in the opening of the first Eclogue (with Tityrus reclining beneath a beech tree): "Tityrus lying back beneath wide beechen cover,/ You meditate the woodland muse on slender oat..."26 Sannazaro echoes this praise of "l'ombroso Faggio" and expands such an image in, for example, his description of "Ergasto solo" at the foot of a tree ("a piedi di un albero"), in lovesick forgetful- ness of his duties.27 The image of refreshing shade, providing shelter from the heat of the sun, recurs frequently; for instance, at the opening of Eclogue 2, Montana and Urano retreat to "...the shade / of the pleasant beeches, now that the sun / at mid-day darts his burning rays..."28

Such images-of shady groves, refreshing pools, and reclining herdsmen-find a visual equivalent in some of Claude's pastorals, in particular, Claude's early Landscape with Goatherd (LV 15) [Fig. 2]; or the Pastoral Landscape of c. 1633-35, showing a cowherd reclining under a tree on the left, and herds grazing.29 Other examples are the Pastoral Landscapes of c.1639 (LV 39), and 1661 (LV 155).30

As well as the shade-giving tree, or grove of trees, images of water, usually combined with shade, and implying refreshment and purity, are also of central importance: these usually take the form of a still pool, surrounded by trees, or else a bub- bling spring. For example, in Vergil's first Eclogue: "Lucky old man, among familiar rivers here, And sacred springs, you'll angle for the cooling shade..."31 (This recalls Theocritus' reference to a "lovely stream" in the first Idyll.32) A characteristic expansion of the reference in Sannazaro's romance runs: "But seeing the sun mounted high and the heat grown very intense, they turned their steps towards a cool hollow...Being arrived

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there shortly and finding living springs so clear that they seemed of purest crystal, they began to refresh with the chill water their beautiful faces..."33 In particular, specific rivers or springs are associated with beautiful and peaceful places, notably the Vale of Tempe, in Thessaly, or the river Anio at Tivoli, which also had a celebrated cascade, much praised by travellers to Italy. Reminiscences of such springs or cascades occur in a number of Claude's pastorals-sometimes in the context of a recognisable, if idealised view of Tivoli; for example, Pastoral Landscape with the Temple of the Sibyl at Tivoli of 1639, or Pastoral Landscape of 1641.34

In the setting of groves and shady pools, recalling classical pastoral-with the addition of buildings, both entire and ruined (the latter an innovation of Sannazaro's Renaissance pastoral)-certain underlying themes recur frequently, again recalling those of Vergil or Theocritus. In particular, the bucolic landscape is pervaded by the twin themes of love and music. The musical contest between rival shepherds or herdsman forms a recurrent "framing" device in both Theocritus' Idylls and Vergil's Eclogues, and it comprises the virtual raison d'etre of Sannazaro's Arcadia: for instance, the contest, reminiscent of Vergil's "arcades ambos", between Logisto and Elpino, "shepherds handsome of person...both of Arcadia and equally ready to sing..."35 Shepherds or herdsman playing an instrument-either the sampogna (bagpipes) or the reed pipe-are familiar inhabitants of Claude's pastorals of the 1630s; for instance, the Pastoral Landscape of 1636 (LV 11), with piping herdsman, or the Pastoral Landscape of c. 1637 (LV 25), with a standing goatherd piping and a seated shepherdess playing a pipe, accompanied by a shepherdess striking the tambourine.36 Other examples are LV 39, of 1639, with a seated figure playing the sampogna, and LV 42, with seated shepherd playing the flute to a listening shepherdess.37

Music is also present as an accompaniment to the rural dance, one of the favourite motifs in Claude's early pastorals; as many as eight or nine paintings show the subject of the dance, repeated in three etchings, and several drawings; from the early Landscape with Peasant Dance (St Louis) of c.1630 to the Landscape with Country Dance of 1637, or LV 13 (1637), made for Pope Urban VIII, a lover, and author, of bucolic poetry [Fig. 3].38 It was of this last work that Blunt wrote that it "might be an illustration to the end of Georgic II", while Kitson comments that the subject of pairs of dancers competing for a trophy, might have been suggested by a traditional rural fes- tivity.39 This might, indeed, be a reflection of such festivities as the "festivo de' Pastori", in honour of rural deities, described in Sannazaro's romance.40

Another recurrent theme is that of the journey, often at evening, either of travellers making their way through a landscape, of shepherds journeying, or of herdsmen driving cattle along a path; in the Arcadia, such passages occur, for example, in Prosa 2, describing shepherds driving their flocks, or in Prosa 5, with a journey through woods.41 Parallels may be found in Claude's work; for instance, Landscape with Shep- herds of 1630-35, with herdsman driving cattle diagonally into the picture or Pastoral Landscape (LV 18), where there is a similar sense of movement, of herdsman ushering herds through the landscape.42 LV 67, of 1642, shows a horseman crossing a bridge as he journeys towards Tivoli, and herdsman driving cattle to drink at the ford in the foreground.43

While Theocritus presents an unchanging scene, with an unending noontide, Vergil, on the other hand, shows a consciousness of the powerful associations of certain times of day, especially dawn and dusk-the most evocative and poetic moments.44 Three of the Eclogues close with the coming of evening, prompting Panofsky's evocative term, "vespertinal" as expressing the characteristic mood of the genre.45 In the first Eclogue the fall of night interrupts human song (lines 82- 83); evening is also evoked in Eclogues 2, 6 and 9. Sannazaro characteristically expands such evocations, for example his Prosa V: "At the going down of the sun now all the west was scattered over with a thousand kinds of clouds..."46 The effects of moonlight are particularly associated by Sannazaro with a sacred place, with an aura of divinity; e.g.: "A place truly sacred and worthy of being always inhabited-thither when the shining moon with full face shall appear to mortals over the entire earth I shall lead you..."47

The idea of mutability is also implicitly conveyed by the changing seasons evoked by Vergil: in the first Eclogue, that of autumn; in the third and seventh, that of spring; while the second recalls late summer, with scenes of harvesting, ploughing and pruning.48 Although the world of the Eclogues is an ideal world, then, it is also imbued with a sense of the passing of time, a sense of transience; it depicts the cycle of seasons, evoking particularly the promise of spring, or the full- ness of summer. Thus, in contrast to Theocritus' timeless world, Vergil's rural poetry (especially Eclogue 4) is charac- terised by a sense of time and of history.

Claude's landscapes, also, are permeated by a sense of the passing of time.49 Although the season of his paintings is generally that of high summer, with its heat and lush vegeta- tion, nevertheless the choice of morning or evening, with their associations of arrival or departure, pinpoints particular moments. (Moonlight occasionally occurs, with melancholy

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3) Claude Lorrain, <<Landscape with Rustic Dance>>, 1637, drawing (LV 13), 194 x 259 mm, London, British Museum.

associations, as in the drawing of the Three Heliads Mourning at the Tomb of Phaeton).50 The frequently recurring themes of travellers or figures journeying through the landscape, already noted, also convey this sense of the passage of time. And, as we shall suggest, many of the subjects chosen also, in themselves imply transience and mutability. Indeed, it might be suggested that the presence of ruins-whether of real or of imaginary buildings-in many of his paintings itself implies

a meditation on time's relentless passage: a constant theme among travellers to Rome.51

The ruins depicted in Claude's paintings may also be seen as emblematic of Rome's former historical greatness. Vergil, too, is particularly preoccupied with Italian, indeed specifically Roman history. The prophetic fourth Eclogue is the locus classicus for the idea of a golden age.52 Here the Roman and Italian connotations, symbolised in the reference to the

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4) Claude Lorrain, ((Pan and Syrinx)), c. 1656, drawing, 260 x 409 mm, Rotterdam, Museum Boymans-van Beuningen.

Cumaean Sibyl, imply a sense of history that is essential to Vergil's "Romanized conception of the golden age". The Eclogues are linked in this respect to a passage in the eighth book of the Aeneid, where the poet celebrates, in terms of a "golden age", a post-primitive society specifically located in Latium (Italy). The poem describes the founding of Rome on the Palatine Hill by the shepherd-king Evander of Arcadia.53

Claude's later paintings, often made for noble Roman patrons, convey a Vergilian sense of the early history of Rome, and this particular episode is given magnificent embodiment by Claude in one of the "Altieri Claudes", the Landing of Aeneas at Pallanteum; the Trojan prince meets with King Evander, ruler of Arcadia (as recounted in Aeneid viii). Aeneas

accompanies Evander to the Palatine, where he is shown the shrine of Lycaean Pan; Pallanteum was venerated by Roman antiquarians as a primitive shepherd community and the site of the worship of the goddess Pales, sacred to shepherds and herdsmen. The theme of Roman rites is also treated by Tibullus, who describes a sacrifice to Pales, goddess of shepherds, thus again emphasizing Rome's pastoral origins.54 Propertius' fourth book of Elegies similarly alludes to a "lost" primitive Rome.55 In Sannazaro's romance, the description of rites in honour of the gods has an important place; as, for instance, in the account of the festival of Pales, with its accom- panying festivities.56 The land depicted is thus "both mythical and real", in Fantazzi's words. In Claude's painting, the figures

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of the shepherd and his flock in the left foreground below the hill, emphasize the pastoral origins of the foundation of Rome.57

Mortality, too, is present in the Eclogues; in Eclogue 5 the shepherds mourn the death of Daphnis (recalling Theocritus' first Idyll). The sense of a sympathetic nature, with trees and rocks joining in the mourning, is powerful, and expanded by Sannazaro, for example his second Egloga, or, in particular, the passage in Prosa X, describing how "...the pine trees round about made answer to him...and the visiting oaks, forgetful of their own wild nature, abandoned their native mountains to hearken to him..."58 While Claude himself relatively rarely depicts death itself, nevertheless many of his paintings carry the weight of a sense of foreboding, of imminent tragedy, that elegiac quality which has been defined as an essential element in Arcadia. Above all, the sense of a close sympathy between man and nature is implicit in Claude's work.

In classical pastoral, the rural scene is peopled not only by shepherds, but also by rural deities or semi-deities- nymphs, fauns, satyrs, and especially Pan, deity of Arcadia, whose pipes became the traditional symbol of the music-making Arcadian shepherd. A drawing by Claude [Fig. 4] shows Pan pursuing the nymph Syrinx, whose transformation to reeds created pan-pipes.59 Pan plays an important role in the Arcadia, where Sannazaro refers to him as "the forest deity" ("Iddio del salvatico paese"); in Prosa X, he describes the temple, statue, and cave of Pan.60 The cave, "very ancient and roomy", is situated in a sacred grove, "beneath an overhang- ing cliff among fallen rock", with an altar "shaped by the rustic hands of shepherds".61 Pan's characteristic instrument, the sampogna, recalls the bucolic verse of Vergil; in Sannazaro's verses, a "large and beautiful sampogna" hangs from the branch of a "lofty and spreading pine tree" in front of the cave.62

A dance of the Satyrs who form the entourage of Pan is also described in Sannazaro: "Let fauns and Sylvans leap. Let meadows and running waters laugh...", recalling a passage from the first book of the Metamorphoses.63 Claude's Landscape with a Dancing Satyr of 1641, while not specifically Ovidian, seems to epitomise this passage [Fig. 5]. As Kitson has observed, it translates his favourite theme of the rural dance into Arcadian and Bacchic terms.64

The depiction of nymphs, fauns and satyrs-part human, part divine creatures-may serve as a point of transition between the "pure" pastorals, and the "mythological pastorals" (to use Freedman's term) which depict scenes from the Metamorphoses.65 The underlying theme of the Metamorpho- ses-that of transformation into plants or flowers (most usual-

5) Claude Lorrain, <<Landscape with Dancing Satyr,, c. 1641 (LV 55), 99.5 x 133 cm, Toledo, Ohio, Museum of Art.

ly treated by Claude)-embodies the idea of integration and interdependence with the natural world, an idea at the heart of the pastoral dream (however ironically presented in Ovid's poem). Images of figures who have been thus transformed are described by Sannazaro as inscribed on the tomb of Massilia: "Finally whatever children and magnanimous kings were wept by the olden shepherds in that first age, all were seen flowering here in metamorphosis, still keeping the names they had..."; he cites Adonis, Hyacinthus and Narcissus.66

Sannazaro provides a specific, and significant, link between the Metamorphoses and Arcadia, in his description of how his shepherds discover the Temple dedicated to Pales (goddess of shepherds), decorated with scenes showing, as well as shepherds, nymphs and satyrs, episodes from the Metamorphoses, in a landscape setting:67

...we saw painted above the entrance some woods and hills, very beautiful and rich in leafy trees and a thousand kinds of flowers. A number of herds could be seen walk- ing among them, cropping the grass and straying through the green meadows... Some of the shepherds were milk- ing, some shearing fleece, some playing the pipes... and some there were... endeavouring to match their singing with the pipers' melody. But what I was pleased to exam- ine more attentively were certain naked Nymphs...

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Sannazaro then describes Apollo as a shepherd guarding the herds of Admetus, which are then stolen by Mercury-one of Claude's favourite subjects: "And on one of the sides was fairest Apollo, who, leaning on a wild-olive staff, was guarding the herds of Admetus on the bank of a river... he was unaware of clever Mercury, who in pastoral dress... was stealing away his cows..."68

1I Ovidian Landscapes in Relation to the Pastoral Tradition

Landscape in Ovid's poem

Landscape has an important place in Ovid's poem: his settings are suggestive and impressionistic, not concerned with the realistic depiction of actual scenery. Imbued with reli- gious or spiritual feeling, and aptly described as a "paysage mystique", the landscape of the Metamorphoses is largely symbolic, with the recurring landscape motifs of the pastoral tradition: secluded groves, quiet water, shade, soft grass, and sometimes rocks or a cavern; Segal refers to "an almost stereotypical sylvan scenery..."69

Ovid was, indeed, in many ways indebted to Theocritus and Vergil for his settings; according to Segal, "Ovid's groves, shaded place, clear fountains, cool streams, grassy meadows, flowers, caves, have close affinities with Theocritus' settings".70 Yet, although the landscape of the Metamorphoses is intimately connected with the pastoral tradition, it subverts it. The characteristic effect of Ovid's landscape arises from the way he uses idyllic settings for the erotic or violent actions he describes, thus inverting the usual connotations of pastoral landscape. For example, whereas the elements of wood and water in the pastoral tradition imply refuge and solace, in Ovid's poem they often become a source of danger, as in the story of Narcissus. The impact of the tragic events narrated is paradoxically enhanced by contrast with the apparently serene landscape settings.

Segal has described how the traditional elements of pastoral, the locus amoenus of a pool providing refreshment and a shady grove offering shelter from the midday heat, are in Ovid's poem the setting for scenes of violence.71 According to Grimal, Ovid's favourite landscape consists of rocks and forests, reminiscent of the "harsher" version of Arcadia in Eclogue X.72 However, as Wilkinson and others have noted, many descriptions focus on water, which is the central element also in bucolic poetry.73 Shade, umbra, which in Vergil implies peace and leisure, in Ovid's work often has sinister qualities, providing a setting for the deaths of Narcissus, or

Procris.74 Whereas sympathy between man and nature is an essential strand in the pastoral tradition, whereby the surrounding woods and mountains respond, in a Vergilian way, to the emotions of the protagonists, this is subverted by Ovid's ironical stress on the threat to the figures at the mercy of lust or aggression.75

Some mention should be made of the question of analo- gies between the landscape descriptions in Ovid's poem and the painters of Augustan Rome, when the category of landscape mural decoration, and then mythological landscape painting of the late second and third styles, was developing.76 The principal motifs of the decorative painters of Augustan Rome-especially rocks, woods, and water-are those which also figure in Ovid's poem, which has some affinities with both scenographic and "pure" landscape painting. (The inclusion of architectural elements in "sacral-idyllic" painting is significant for Claude's approach, if not directly relevant to the Ovidian subjects). Both poet and painters may be said to have emphasized the expressive qualities of landscape. The con- sensus is that Ovid may have been indebted to, or at least aware of, contemporary painters; like their work, his poem presents a generalised concept of landscape, rather than a depiction of an actual scene. The motifs of woods, caves and water are presented as conventional features united in a symbolic whole.

Claude's interpretation of Ovid

As I have suggested, Claude too adopts many of the traditional motifs of pastoral in his rendering of Ovidian themes. While a general debt to classical bucolic poetry, and to Sannazaro, is evident in the early pastorals, Ovid's poem formed his most frequent specific literary source (in both paintings and drawings) throughout his long career; it was chiefly in his final years that he focussed on subjects from Vergil's Aeneid (notably with the paintings for Altieri).77

Claude's interest in Ovid is not in itself remarkable, since subjects from the Metamorphoses were highly popular in the 16th and 17th centuries, especially with Venetian artists and with Northern artists working in Italy.78 By Claude's day, indeed, the painter would probably often rely as much on established artistic tradition as upon textual minutiae, and a knowledge of the myth would generally have been assumed in the viewer. However, we know that Claude (if not always faithful to Ovid's own text) did consult the translation of Ovid's text by Giovanni Anguarilla, and that he considered it suffi- ciently important to be noted in an inscription to one of his Liber Veritatis drawings, that to LV 70.79 Indeed, Claude went

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so far as to illustrate an episode found in Anguarilla's translation, though not in the original Ovidian text, in his depiction of Mercury presenting Apollo with a lyre, in LV 192.80

There was a long tradition of "Ovides moralises", with a specifically Christian interpretation of the Ovidian fables. As late as the seventeenth century, when the earlier allegorical or topological interpretations of the moralized Ovids had lost their force, something of this tradition persisted in a general sense. As a scholar of Ovid has written, "To regard a classical fable as a valid truth, necessarily open to interpretation on different levels... is an attitude of mind which remained with sixteenth-century writers and their public long after the moralized Ovids themselves were forgotten..."81

Illustrated editions of Ovid's text, also, or series of prints based on the Metamorphoses, were well known and circulat- ed widely during the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries.82 To cite Moss again, "The illustrated editions of Ovid show a variety of ways of reading mythological narrative... literal... as visual picture, or a set of general intellectual truths in coded form; as a moral exemplum, or... as material for allegorical interpretation by similitudes, or as a repertory of literary reminiscences of associations."83 Among the most influential illustrations, setting a new artistic standard, were those by Bernard Salomon for the Metamorphose figuree of 1557, with images on each page above Italian verses. These served as models for a number of later illustrations, notably the bold and striking engravings by Tempesta (1606), Crispijn de Passe's elegant illustrations of 1602, and also the splendid French edition with translation by Nicolas Renouard of 1619.84 However, the extent to which painters were indebted to the illustrations is debatable; Svetlana Alpers has written that "the pictorial tradition of monumental painting was often completely separate from the illustrated Ovids... illustrations in the printed Ovids were narrative not allegorical in intent... 85

Claude was surely aware of the tradition of the illustrated Ovids. For example, he draws on its conventions in certain motifs or poses of figures, particularly for more intimate scenes: a notable example is the compositional arrangement in his Coast Scene with Acis and Galatea.86 In particular, the series of etchings, published in 1641, by the Alsatian artist J.W. Baur, in which landscape plays a dominant role, often seem to have an affinity with Claude's compositions.87 With the illustrations of Salomon, Tempesta, and to some extent Crispijn de Passe, however, the chief emphasis is on the figures, while with Claude it is the combination of figures and landscape that conveys the meaning of the compositions. In general, then, it seems more likely that Claude drew chiefly on the pictorial tradition of Domenichino or of Northern

artists in Rome, and in particular, on his own pastoral compositions reflecting the poetry of Sannazaro (as discussed above).

Selection of subjects

Ovidian subjects are most common in Claude's oeuvre in the 1640s and 1650s, but may be found throughout his career, from the Judgement of Paris of 1633 (in fact from Ovid's Heroides, rather than the Metamorphoses, but often included in editions of the latter) to his Parnassus with Minerva Visiting the Muses of 1680.88 In general one may trace a gradual development in his approach from an "allusive and evocative" (in Kitson's phrase) to a more careful and specific treatment of the myth: Kitson's allusion is to Claude's treatement of the subject of Mercury and Aglauros, where the artist has set the scene showing Mercury with Herse and Aglauros in an open landscape, rather than as an interior scene. (However, it is worth noting that both Ovid and Anguarilla state that Mercury descended to earth when he caught sight of Herse as he flew above Minerva's temple, while some of the illustrated Ovids show Mercury flying above the figures outside Minerva's temple, and Claude may have drawn on such images.89) The subjects tend to be more unusual later in his career, and the artist is also more concerned to establish a closer consonance between subject and setting (following the pattern of his work in general). When an unfamiliar subject occurs early in the artist's career, one may suspect the intervention of the patron (or at least that the artist was aware of the patron's particular interests).90

Some Ovidian subjects recur frequently, at different stages in Claude's oeuvre, as for instance with the favourite subject of Mercury and Apollo; others rarely or only once (the Apulian Shepherd). There is a consistency in the kind of subject that Claude selects from the Metamorphoses, at any rate from the 1640s onwards, and I hope that an analysis of this choice-and equally of the subjects which the artist avoids- may be illuminating. I have suggested that, although Claude was contributing to an established tradition of illustrations of themes from Ovid by other artists, his interest lies in a different facet of the Metamorphoses from that of many other painters, who often tended to dwell on the more erotic or dramatic, even sensational, aspects of the narrative. Claude, in contrast, is not generally concerned with violent or overtly erotic treatment (such as forms a large part of the appeal of Titian's versions of, for example, Danae), and he also avoids more grandiose or epic scenes, for instance the Fall of Phaeton or the Creation.91 In accordance with the mood of pastoral in general, his aim appears rather to be to capture

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6) Claude Lorrain, (<Landscape with the Flaying of Marsyas>>, 1645-1647 (LV 95), 120.5 x 158 cm. By kind permission of the Earl of Leicester and the Trustees of the Holkham Estate (Photo: Photographic Survey, Courtauld Institute of Art).

a moment of transient serenity, which may shortly be disturbed, and to prompt meditation on the event, of which the fatal consequences are yet to be revealed (though a knowledge of them may be assumed in the spectator). This mood is one inherent in "elegiac" pastoral. Following Panofsky, we may suggest that the poignant discrepancy between the bucolic setting and the tragic event may be seen as one aspect of the Arcadian ethos.

Significantly, then, Claude refrains from depicting the actual moment of transformation, and-with one or two notable exceptions-tends also to avoid the more brutal transformations, to beasts or to stones. In general, Claude favours what has been termed a "principle of exclusion", turning to more intimate, pastoral episodes.92 One of the rare exceptions to this rule is the Flaying of Marsyas, of which there are two versions, LV 45 and LV 95 [Fig. 6]. In these, it is the pastoral context which dominates: the satyr Marsyas has dared to challenge Apollo to a musical contest, in the tradition of bucolic verse, recalling the contest of Menalcas and Damoetas in Vergil's Eclogue 3.93 (We have seen that the theme of music in an idyllic setting forms part of the pastoral ideal.) This is a scene rarely depicted in a landscape setting; it is likely that Domenichino's version of c. 1616-18, made for

7) Crispijn de Passe, <(Landscape with the Flaying of Marsyas,, engraving from Metamorphoseon Ovidianarum... (Cologne, 1602), fol. 52, 83 x 133 mm. (Photo: Glasgow University Library).

Frascati, was a pictorial source, while the grouping of the figures in De Passe's engraving also recalls Claude's rendering [Fig. 7].94

Since Claude's predominant interest was in landscape, this may at first have dictated, or at least influenced both his choice of subject and the precise relationship of the figures (generally small in scale) to the setting-though there is evidence, particularly in the case of his drawings, of the care which the artist took with figures.95 In Claude's earlier Ovidian scenes, it is chiefly the mood engendered by the elements of the landscape that concerns him-and this mood is closely related to the associations of the pastoral tradition.

The constant elements of Ovid's symbolic landscape are to be found in Claude's paintings: groves, woods, rocks, clear water. But Claude, it seems to me, is not concerned with Ovid's peculiarly sophisticated introversion of the customary significance of these elements. Thus Claude, even when depicting tales of violent rape or death recounted by Ovid, restores the serenity of pastoral, thereby challenging Ovid's subversion, and in a sense may be said to have reintegrated Ovid's landscape into the pastoral tradition, subverted by Ovid himself.

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8) Claude Lorrain, <<Ceres and Arethusa,>, 1635-1640, drawing, 182 x 252 mm, London, British Museum.

Specific examples

The archetypal pastoral elements of landscape, the grove and the pool, are present in one of Claude's earliest depictions of an Ovidian subject: his drawing of Ceres and Arethusa of c. 1635 [Fig. 8].96 Here Claude depicts a still pool surrounded by trees (a characteristic Ovidian setting, as well as the locus amoenus of pastoral tradition), with the goddess Arethusa, her- self shortly to be transformed into a spring when pursued by the river god Alpheus-an example of how, in Ovid's text, the sacred grove becomes a source of danger, while water (traditionally associated with chastity) acquires quite different connotations. (The precise Italian location may be significant here: Arethusa was traditionally held to be a spring in Sicily, and mentioned as such in Vergil's tenth Eclogue).97 Claude appears to have turned to translations rather than the original Latin; as already noted, we know that he made use of the translation by Anguarilla, with annotations by Horologgi.98 Although Ovid does not describe the setting in detail, the translation evokes it vividly: "Returning one day from the chase, weary and alone, abandoned by her companions, I saw a stream whose banks were adorned with poppies and willows, and with pleasant and welcome shade. The place was isolated..."9

While it is debatable to what extent Claude would have been influenced by the commentaries, the evidence of such

9) J. W. Baur, <Narcissus,,, 1639-1640, etching, 135 x 210 mm. (Photo: Warburg Institute, University of London).

inscriptions proves that he did on occasion follow the text carefully. In this particular case, the artist's interpretation may have been coloured by Horologgi's comments, which assert that "chastity, fleeing lust, is known to be clear and pure, like the clear water of a spring..." (This recalls the familiar setting of pool and grove in both the Eclogues and in the Arcadia).100

Horologgi's definition of the significance of water may be relevant also to Claude's only known painting of the subject of Narcissus, the beautiful youth who fell in love with his own reflection in a pool, and was transformed into the Narcissus flower, while the nymph Echo, in love with Narcissus, faded away and eventually was metamorphosed to a rock.101 The fable of Narcissus was a favourite subject for Renaissance artists, and was interpreted by emblem writers and mythographers as symbolising destructive self-love, frequently with the connotation of sterility, in contrast with the fertility associated with the myth of Bacchus.102 However, it is not the minutiae of such interpretations that chiefly signify here, but rather the evocation of the spirit of the myth concerned, as embodied in the integration of figures and landscape.

Likely visual precedents for Claude's painting include the image of Narcissus by Domenichino, in his contribution to the decoration of the Galleria Farnese, in turn based on emblem books and illustrated editions of the Metamorpho- ses-Baur's etching has some affinity with Claude's composition [Fig. 9].103 The setting of Claude's painting of Narcis-

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10) Claude Lorrain, <<Landscape with Narcissus)>, 1644 (LV 77), 94.5 x 118 cm, London, National Gallery.

sus [Fig. 10] offers a contrast between the enclosing grove on the left, in which Echo and another nymph hide away, and the luminous expanse of land stretching to the horizon on the right. The mood is languorous, with the sense of heat and lassitude that Ovid evokes. Anguarilla's version of Ovid's text describes the "shady wood" and the "clear and crystalline pool", offering refreshment at midday, "when the Sun has risen to a point on the horizon equidistant from Dawn and Sunset".104 Claude has modified the light to that of morning. Here, the kneeling figure of Narcissus is oblivious to the magnificent expanse of nature around him-he is literally blinded by self-love to the splendours of the natural world, on which he turns his back.

In Ovid's poem, water has a characteristic ambiguity, as both life-giving and destructive, a symbol of both chastity and sexuality. This ambivalence is especially conspicuous in the narration of the myth of Narcissus, where a lucid pool is at first the symbolic equivalent of the youth's virginity (Book III, 407-12), but later becomes the instrument of his destruction; thus the locus amoenus provides no safe-haven from the heat of passion. Water and woods are in pastoral grouped together as providing solace and refuge; they are often closely linked in Ovid, also. Thus the nymph Echo, in love with Narcissus, hides in the surrounding woods, near the pool in

11) Claude Lorrain, <<Cephalus and Procris Reunited>, 1645 (LV 91), 102 x 132 cm, London, National Gallery.

which Narcissus will drown ("spreta latet silvis", III, 393). Such an evocation both of the heat of the sun, and of the shady grove and clear pool offering respite from the heat, is a familiar topos in the pastoral tradition, and Claude clearly locates the narrative in an arcadian landscape deriving from that tradition.

Horologgi's annotations to the Narcissus story, following earlier interpretations, refer to the nymph Echo, pining for Narcissus, as the "immortality of names", little regarded by "i Narcisi"; the latter, consumed with self-love, are spoiled by the evening-thus their "names" are buried with them.105 This emphasis on the fragility and evanescence of the Narcissus flower seems to me appropriate to Claude's interpetation, evoking again the mood of "elegiac pastoral" where the locus amoenus provides a temporary respite from the cares and dangers of the actual world.

Narcissus as a huntsman also has parallels in the pastoral tradition, where the huntsman rests briefly from his exertions; another example from the Metamorphoses is that of Cephalus, whose hunting expedition had such fatal consequences for his beloved Procris.106 Claude depicted the story of the reuniting of Cephalus and Procris by Diana (a rare subject-that of the death of Procris was more common, several times [Fig. 11]).107 Cephalus tests the fidelity of his wife Procris, disguis-

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13) Crispijn de Passe, <<Death of Procris,, engraving from Metamorphoseon Ovidianarum... (Cologne, 1602), fol. 66,

12) Claude Lorrain, <<Death of Procris,, 1646, drawing 83 x 133 mm. (Photo: Glasgow University Library). (LV 100), 197 x 258 mm, London, British Museum.

ing himself as stranger; she flees and roams the countryside as one of Diana's train of huntresses. Eventually she yields to Cephalus' pleas for forgiveness, and brings him the presents that Diana had given her-a hound and a spear. The spear, ironically, becomes the means of her death, since she in turn suspects the fidelity of Cephalus and hides in bushes to watch him; he hears rustling and attacks her. Claude departs from Ovid's text in showing the goddess Diana (or possibly one of her nymphs) present at the meeting of the lovers, presenting Cephalus with the fateful spear.108 In one version, of the 1630s, the motif of crossed dead tree-trunks in the foreground may refer to the tragic outcome.109

In his rendering of the Death of Procris, known only from the Liber Veritatis drawing [Fig. 12], Claude exceptionally shows the dramatic moment of discovery (though not the actual moment of death).110 Here a jagged branch, as well as circling birds, and dramatic lighting effects, may allude to the tragedy. Anguarilla's translation also conjures up a sense of foreboding, suggesting somnolent heat and enclosing woods:

Ne I'hora, che piu caldo il Sol percote E che quasi suoi raggi a piombo atterra, E fa I'ombre drizzar verso Boote, E del piu grande incendio arde la terra... (etc.)

The "rest" and "peace" invoked by the text are, however, ironically bestowed, finally, on Procris.111 The basic composition may be indebted to C. de Passe's engraving [Fig. 13].

The subject of Apollo as herdsman, guarding the herds of Admetus, which are stolen by Mercury, presents an obviously appropriate subject for pastoral scenes; as noted, it figured among the scenes in the Temple of Pales described by Sannazaro, and the Ovidian narrative is thus located securely within the pastoral tradition.112 It was also a favourite with Claude, with versions of this theme ranging from the 1640s to the noble and expansive compositions of the 1660s.113 In LV 92, Claude's first version [Fig. 14], Apollo plays the violin (as in Raphael's Parnassus), in contrast to the representation of the myth by Domenichino's studio at Frascati, or to his own depiction in LV 128, where the god is shown playing a pipe, in accordance with Ovid's text.114 Music-making, as we have observed, plays an essential part in the pastoral tradition, (with the lovelorn shepherd singing or playing a musical instrument), and this fact too is appropriate once more for Apollo both as shepherd and as god of music. As Kitson has written Claude "was to make this theme his own in the middle and later part of his career, [and was to] identify [it] with the idea of pastoral... [my italics]"115 In LV 135 and LV 152, the figure of Mercury-seen driving the cattle away, like a herdsman in a pastoral-is considerably smaller than that of Apollo, in contrast to the equal prominence given to both in LV 92.116 LV 170, of 1666, in Kitson's words, shows the

140


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14) Claude Lorrain, (<Landscape with Apollo and Mercury>>, 1645, drawing (LV 92), 261 x 191 mm, London, British Museum.

two figures "as almost a pure pastoral, with both the gods bare- ly distinguishable from classical herdsmen."117 In his late painting (c. 1678) of a rarely depicted episode from this myth, LV 192 [Fig. 15], Claude shows Apollo receiving the gift of a lyre from Mercury, in compensation for stolen herds; here the artist appears to have relied on Anguarilla's account, since the episode does not occur in Ovid's text-another instance of his close adherence to the translation (if not to the classical text).118

Claude's painting of Mercury and Battus (LV 159, Chats- worth, 1663), is possibly pendant to LV 152, and depicts a relat-

15) Claude Lorrain, <Landscape with Apollo and Mercury,,, 1678, drawing (LV 192), 192 x 250 mm, London, British Museum.

ed episode from the second book of the Metamorphoses [Fig. 16].119 (Battus was an old man who witnessed the theft by Mercury of the herds of Admetus, tended by Apollo, and who was eventually transformed to stone in order that he should never reveal the theft). This episode also had been described by Sannazaro as among the scenes depicted in the temple: "And in that same section was the one who revealed the theft, Battus, transformed to stone, holding his finger outstretched in the act of pointing..."120 Although the transformation to stone is an exceptionally brutal one, Claude characteristically avoids the moment of metamorphosis and shows a gentle pastoral scene. De Passe's engraving has a similarly pastoral setting [Fig. 17].

Another episode of the same myth which Claude treated twice is also depicted in Sannazaro's temple: that of Argus guarding lo (in the form of a white heifer), again tricked by Mercury. The story, from the first book of the Metamorphoses, relates how Jupiter changed lo, daughter of the river-god Inachus, into a white heifer, to hide her from the jealousy of Juno. Juno, suspecting Jupiter's infidelity, insists that lo is placed in the care of the 100-eyed Argus (usually, as here, represented as a giant). Eventually Mercury succeeds in lulling Argus to sleep by playing to him on a reed pipe, and then cuts off his head. Sannazaro's version runs: "And a little lower

141

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16) Claude Lorrain, <<Landscape with Battus and Mercury,,, 1663 (LV 159), Chatsworth, Devonshire Collection, 75 x 112 cm. Reproduced by permission of the Duke of Devonshire and the Chatsworth Settlement. (Photo: Photographic Survey, Courtauld Institute of Art).

18) Crispijn de Passe, ((Mercury and Argus,,, ,, engraving from Metamorphoseon Ovidianarum... (Cologne, 1602), fol. 16, 83 x 133 mm. (Photo: Glasgow University Library).

17) Crispijn de Passe, <<Mercury and Battus,, ,>, engraving from Metamorphoseon Ovidianarum... (Cologne, 1602), fol. 27, 83 x 133 mm. (Photo: Glasgow University Library).

19) Claude Lorrain, (<The Heliades Searching for their Brother Phaeton,,, c. 1657-1658, drawing (LV 143), 195 x 257 mm, London, British Museum.

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20) Claude Lorrain, ((The Heliades at the ate Tomb of Phaeton, c. 1645, drawing, 247 x 354 mm, Rome, Pallavicini-Rospigliosi Collection. (Photo: Istituto Centrale per il catalogo e la documentazione).

Mercury was to be seen again, who, being seated on a large rock, was sounding a shepherd's pipe with swelling cheeks, ...watching a white heifer that stood nearby, and with every wile he was exerting himself to deceive the many-eyed Argus..."121

Claude depicts Argus watching over lo twice, first in a painting for Camillo Massimi, of about 1645, and again in LV 98 of about the same date.122 In the version for Massimi, the

painter shows lo's two sisters, mentioned in Ovid's text, who add to her pain by failing to recognize her.123 Two later works depict different moments in the story: LV 149 shows Juno Confiding lo to the Care of Argus, while its pendant shows Mercury piping to the giant Argus-the latter, in particular, recalling the piping shepherds of pastoral. De Passe's engraving [Fig. 18] has a similarly pastoral quality.124

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21) Anonymous, (<The Heliades at the Tomb of Phaeton,, 22) Claude Lorrain, (Coast Scene with Acis and Galateao, engraving from Les M6tamorphoses d'Ovide, Paris, 1619), c. 1657, drawing (LV 141), 353 x 465 mm, Windsor Castle. 112 x 135 mm. (Photo: Edinburgh University Library). (The Royal Collection 2000, Her Majesty Queen Elizabeth II).

The original pendant to LV 86, made for Massimi, was LV 99, Apollo and the Cumaean Sibyl, from the fourteenth book of the Metamorphoses.125 Here Claude, almost certainly guided by Massimi, has depicted a relatively unusual episode, where Apollo grants the Sibyl her wish to live for as many years as there are grains of sand in her hand. She forgets, however, to ask for eternal youth, and therefore, since she refuses to yield to Apollo's advances, is condemned to an extreme old age. The intimation of this outcome, the passing of the Sibyl's youthful beauty, is reinforced by the ruins in the background; this seems to me the dominant meaning, but it may also be the case that Massimi chose the topics of these pendant works as examples of heroic suffering.126

In another relatively unfamiliar Ovidian subject, Claude depicted the three Heliades searching for their dead brother Phaeton, after he has been struck down by Jupiter for his temerity in driving the chariot of the sun across the sky [Fig. 19].127 The Heliades are also shown, in a highly finished compositional drawing of c. 1645, mourning at the tomb of Phaeton [Fig. 20].128 It was more usual, for instance in the illustrated editions of the Metamorphoses, to represent their transformation into poplars [Fig. 21]. In the drawing, the

atmosphere of gentle melancholy is enhanced by the fact that it is a moonlight scene (as is implied in Ovid's text).129 The artist thereby prompts our elegiac meditation on the event, rather than involvement in the dramatic action itself (though there is an indication of the Heliades' eventual fate in the figure in the background). This invitation to contemplation and meditation, again, provides a link with the pastoral tradition. As we have noted, the theme of the shepherd mourners gathered round a tomb is also one central to classical pastoral; for instance, the tomb of Daphnis in Vergil's fifth Eclogue; in the Arcadia, shepherds gather round the tomb of Androgeo, and mourning and elegy comprise the theme of his Egloga 5.130

Claude's rendering of Acis and Galatea in Dresden, dated 1657, provides a particularly telling example (as we have suggested above) of the sense of idyllic peace and harmony shot through by a premonition of imminent tragedy.131 Kitson has written of "a significant correspondence between picture and text", referring to "the contrasting moods of terror and bliss".132 Ovid's text is followed closely in the rendering of the setting, with a high "wedge-shaped" mountain jutting out into the sea (according to both the Odyssey and the Aeneid as well

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23) J. W. Baur, <Polyphemus, Acis and Galatea,, 1640-1641, etching, 135 x 210 mm. (Photo: London, British Museum).

as Ovid and Theocritus, the location for the Cyclops was Mount Etna, in Sicily). Anguarilla's translation describes how "a mountain extends far into the sea, so that it is virtually embraced by water."133

Water here too has an ambiguous quality, for the sea assumes an ominous character, and Acis is eventually transformed into a river. The painting reminds us that in Ovid an element of mystery may be contributed by the description of caves; for the lovers Acis and Galatea hear from their "cave- like" shelter the sound of the Cyclops, as a premonition of the violent act that will shatter their idyllic love. The conjunction of caves and water in mysterious settings has a particularly potent effect; recalling the elemental forces underlying an apparently untroubled scene.134 The prominent rock forms, especially in the elaborate preparatory drawing at Windsor [Fig. 22], while possibly reminiscent of landscapes by Polidoro da Caravaggio, are also close to those which Claude had transcribed in some of his nature drawings and his early pastorals, and may also (as will be discussed below in relation to the Perseus) be modelled on forms found in antique paintings.135

The main emphasis in Claude's painting is on the idyll of the lovers Acis and Galatea; their tragic fate is, however, hint- ed at, for instance by the clouds gathering on the horizon- and it is significant that according to sixteenth- and seventeenth-century mythographers Polyphemus was allegorized

as representing the origin of storms.136 Here, however, the threat is a remote one, and the giant Cyclops is relegated to the distance, in his role as a shepherd playing his pipes and singing of his love for Galatea. There is a marked contrast between the flowering bushes sheltering the lovers and the barren rock where the Cyclops waits. It is the moment of happiness before the tragedy that is emphasized. In this context it should be noted that for many commentators the age of the Cyclops was located in the Golden Age, before the reign of Saturn: a point which lends an extra edge to Dostoievesky's response to Claude's painting as epitomising the qualities of the Golden Age.137

The general tenor of Claude's interpretation of the story may be contrasted with that of Nicolas Poussin, for instance, in an early drawing made for Marino.138 Here the giant Polyphemus dominates, caught at the moment of greatest dramatic tension, about to hurl down a rock on Acis. Poussin's drawing is probably based on an illustration to the 1619 edition of the Metamorphoses (in turn derived from an engraving by Tempesta).139 In his painting of c. 1630 in Dublin, Poussin approaches Claude's interpretation more closely in the dispo- sition of the figures and in general mood: Rosenberg describes the painting as having a "romantic quality" which gives it a "nostalgic poetry".140 However, it also has an exu- berant energy, with figures, including sea-nymphs and tritons, on a larger scale in relation to the landscape; that of Polyphemus, in particular, dominates the work rather than being relegated to the far distance. Poussin's later mythological painting, Landscape with Polyphemus (1649), presents a far more complex image; as has been observed, it is unique among depictions of Polyphemus in showing the giant alone, not juxtaposed with the figures of Acis and Galatea.141 It shares with Claude's interpretation its rendering of the giant in a moment of pastoral calm, rather than violent action, shown reclining on the distant hill. However, Claude's chief focus in his painting is not so much on Polyphemus as on the figures of Acis and Galatea in their landscape setting-formally quite similar to some of the illustrated Ovids, particularly that of Baur [Fig. 23]. To reiterate, Claude's concern is with the tran- sitory moment of idyllic happiness ("sommo diletto") of the lovers, although his painting is suffused with a premonition of the tragedy that will disrupt that happiness.

The pendant to the painting of Acis and Galatea was that of the Metamorphosis of the Apulian Shepherd, one of the more unusual subjects chosen by Claude in the 1650s: probably at least in part the artist's own choice, and not solely that of the patron [Fig. 24].142 (It is possible that Poussin may have exerted some influence on Claude's choice of increasingly

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24) Claude Lorrain, ((Landscape with Apulian Shepherd,,, c. 1657 (LV 142), drawing, 197 x 260 mm, London, British Museum.

esoteric subjects at this stage.) Here Ovid's text is illustrated with "considerable precision".143 The artist reinterprets his favourite motif of the rural dance, found in the early pastorals, but now with a more precise significance. The dancing figures occur in illustrated editions of Ovid, for instance in Crispijn de Passe's engravings for the 1602 edition [Fig. 25], and those in Renouard's translation of 1619. A choral dance occurs too in Ovid's text, where the shepherd frightens a group of nymphs and as a punishment is turned into an olive tree.144

This is one of the rare examples where Claude shows the actual moment of metamorphosis, perhaps because he is focussing on the dance, with all its connotations, rather than the fate of the shepherd. This is the impression given by one of the preparatory drawings, where the shepherd is still chiefly a spectator to the dancing figures [Fig. 26].145 In the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries, the dance was considered as emblematic of cosmic harmony; it is therefore of some significance that the rural dance was one of Claude's favourite motifs, as it is his constant concern to illustrate the harmonious relationship between man and his natural surroundings.146

A marine subject from the Metamorphoses which preoccupied Claude throughout his career was that of the Rape of

25) Crispijn de Passe, <Apulian Shepherd,, engraving from Metamorphoseon Ovidianarum... (Cologne, 1602), 83 x 133 mm. (Photo: Glasgow University Library).

Europa [Fig. 27]-a favourite subject with other artists, notably Titian. As has been demonstrated, Titian exploits the erotic potential of the subject, and in general, the decorative and the- atrical aspects of the story have been those chiefly stressed.147 The myth, from the second book of the Meta- morphoses, describes how Jove, disguised as a bull, carries the maiden Europa off to sea. Of Claude's several versions, all are variations on the same basic composition, though differing to some extent in complexity, and in the balance between the various elements.148 The subject is in a sense consonant with Claude's depictions of coast scenes; the idea of embarkation, of arrival or departure by sea, is a familiar one in his work; such scenes have associations of imminent drama. (In Ovid's text, the sea-coast, which figures prominently, generally bears ominous associations).149 However, in contrast with the voluptuous energy of such a version as Titian's, Claude presents us with an innocent, apparently festive scene; Europa is on the shore, surrounded by her maidens-not yet carried out to sea, though already mounted on the bull's back.150 In one version at least, she clutches the bull's horns, as described in Ovid's text, and her fluttering garments are also mentioned in the text-though of course the artist may be indebted to visual rather than literary precedents here. For instance, an early figure drawing [Fig. 28] may derive from engravings in the illustrated editions of the Metamorphoses [Fig. 29], and perhaps

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26) Claude Lorrain, <(Apulian Shepherd>,, c. 1657, drawing, 170 x 240 mm, Haarlem, Teyler Museum.

27) Claude Lorrain, <cCoast Scene with Rape of Europa>>, c. 1655 (LV 136), 193 x 253 mm, London, British Museum.

28) Claude Lorrain, <cEuropa,, 1640-1645, figure study, 125 x 185 mm, Amsterdam, Rijksmuseum.

29) Antonio Tempesta, (<The Rape of Europa,>, 1606, engraving, 97 x 115 mm. (Photo: Warburg Institute, University of London).

147

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31) Claude Lorrain, <Drawing after Antique Fresco,,, 1661, 214 x 309 mm, London, British Museum.

30) Claude Lorrain, <Coast Scene with Perseus and the Origin of Coral,,, 1677 (LV 184), 100 x 127 cm. By kind permission of the Earl of Leicester and the Trustees of the Holkham Estate (Photo: Photographic Survey, Courtauld Institute of Art).

also from the celebrated mosaic in the Barberini collection (drawn and later engraved by Bartoli, among other contemporary copies).151 Kitson's view is that "the scene is innocent, carefree, and frozen in time".152 However, despite the apparently insouciant depiction, I would suggest that even here there are implications of the tragedy to come, in the very associations of the sea, which in Ovid's text was often seen as a threatening element, and which, in other paintings by Claude himself, emphasized the loneliness of the individual. We may recall the pensive pose of Psyche by the seashore (whether abandoned or sleeping) in Claude's painting of 1664, as well as his similarly poignant rendering of Ariadne alone by the shore, forsaken by Bacchus, in LV 139.153

The sea, with its sense of movement and more precisely its implications of leave-taking and departure, is again the dominant element in the subject of Perseus and the Origin of Coral, of 1674, which is my final example [Fig. 30].154 The subject of Perseus rescuing Andromeda, chained to a rock, from the Gorgon Medusa was relatively common, but the later

episode was rarely depicted.155 Claude treated the subject only once, late in his career; it was painted for the learned anti- quarian Cardinal Camillo Massimi. It is exceptional in depicting the actual moment of transformation-indeed, the very process of metamorphosis is the subject of the painting.156 According to Ovid's account, Perseus, after killing the monster that threatened Andromeda chained to a rock, washed his hands in the sea. He laid the head and the air of Medusa on a bed of seaweed; the blood from the head stiffened the seaweed and turned it pink, to the wonder of the sea-nymphs who scattered sprigs on the waves.157 (Claude characteristically omits the figure of Andromeda, which other artists had dwelt on for its erotic and voluptuous qualities).

The subject was almost certainly suggested (as indicated by an inscription on a drawing in New York) to Claude by the patron, Cardinal Massimi, in whose collection was a drawing by Poussin of the same subject ("The Origin of Coral") which Claude almost certainly knew.158 Although there appears to be little formal relationship to Poussin's drawing, there are certain common motifs, notably that of Pegasus tied to a tree. This episode occurs in Anguarilla's translation, though not in Ovid's text; it is likely, therefore, that Poussin's composition was based on that translation, which Claude also used (in this instance, Claude may have derived such motifs directly from Poussin's work).159 Apart from possible exegetical references, the palm tree may have special significance, since Philostra-

148


32) Claude Lorrain, <<Coastal Scene with Perseus and the Origin of Coral,, 1674, drawing, 253 x 321 mm, Paris, Mus6e du Louvre, Departement des Arts Graphiques.

tus used the palm tree as a symbol of natural fertility, while, according to mythographers, "nothing in the vegetable king- dom is so close to human nature as the palm tree."160 The prominence of the winged horse Pegasus, with hoof raised, may reflect the fact that Pegasus was associated with Apollo and the Muses; it was said that he struck the ground at the foot of Mount Helicon with his hoof, causing the fountain Hippocrene to burst forth. (It is notable that the pendant of this painting was the View of Delphi with a Procession, LV 180, of 1673-representing a sacred site associated with Apollo and poetic inspiration.)161

Although Claude made only one painting of this subject, it evidently had a hold on his imagination, for he produced three drawings and three figure studies related to the theme.162 The basic composition remains unaltered; the difference between the three drawings consists largely of a variation in balance and distribution of light and shade; the pale shape of Pegasus, the crouching figures by the shore, the framing tree on the right, and especially the great rock arch which fills the right half of the composition. This arch form may have been inspired by the Arco di Misena, on the coast of Fusero, near Naples, but surely also had its source in Claude's own work. Similar rock arches occur, for example, in some of the early

pastorals (here perhaps indebted to paintings by Breenbergh and Tassi).163 The arch form appears also in his drawings, both those from nature and-notably-a drawing made in 1661, after an antique fresco [Fig. 31], which in my view is the most important source.164 This drawing is a copy of a fresco found in c. 1627 in the grounds of the Barberini Palace; the fresco was identified in the seventeenth century as a "Nym- phaeum", or sacral-idyllic landscape sacred to the nymphs.165 The antique fresco was much celebrated (although criticized by Rubens, who identified it as a "nymphaeum", as merely "an artist's caprice, without representing any plate in rerum natu- rae").166 It was also frequently copied, for instance, for Cassiano dal Pozzo's "Museo Cartaceo" and also, significantly, by Pietro Santi Bartoli in a volume made for Cardinal Massimi, the patron for whom Claude painted the Perseus167). The rock arch was interpreted by the Barberini librarian Lucas Holste (Holstenius) as representing Porphyry's Neoplatonic reading of the Homeric Cave of the Nymphs, seen as the source of generation (since the nymphs were associated with moisture). Such an interpretation would surely have been known to Massimi, and is highly significant in relation to the underlying theme of the painting-that of metamorphosis.168

This interpretation may partly, at least, account for the potent force which the rugged rock arch has in Claude's composition. In a preparatory drawing of 1671-74, there is a second arch, behind the first; both are lightly touched in, giving an ethereal effect.169 In the pictorial drawing in the Louvre [Fig. 32], the arch is more emphatic, looming up mysteriously against the light, a shape both impressive and forbidding.170 This drawing, and also the Liber Veritatis drawing [Fig. 33], which are on blue paper-rare with Claude-may indicate a moonlight scene (though the Massimi inventory describes the painting as a sunrise).171 Certainly the subtle touches of light on the wings of Pegasus in the Metropolitan drawing, or skimming the figures by the shore, have a nocturnal sugges- tiveness. At any rate the very ambiguity enhances the effect of mystery and magic evoked by the subject depicted. The mas- sive rock arch itself is also strangely ambiguous: so fantastic a form of nature, yet so closely resembling art (suggesting perhaps an arch of triumph), bridging-both formally and fig- uratively-nature and art, and with numinous suggestions deriving from the antique Nymphaeum. (This interplay between art and nature is one of the traditional themes of the pastoral tradition, also).

Whereas in general Claude is faithful, if not to Ovid's text, at least to Anguarilla's version of it, this is not his first consideration; he may depart from the text in certain cases, in order to cre- ate a particular mood or emotional effect. In the haunting painting of Perseus and the Origin of Coral, he is more than faithful to

149

CLAIRE PACE

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the text, using it as kindling to his imagination. Touching on, del- icately suggesting, so many mysteries-of night and day, earth and water, birth and death-it may be taken as a fitting culmina- tion of Claude's interpretation (rather than mere illustration) of the Metamorphoses-"magical transformations."

Thus we may conclude that in his earlier renderings of Ovidian subjects, Claude presents versions of the pastoral tra-

dition; indeed, it might be said that he succeeds in reintegrat- ing Ovid's fables into that tradition. In later interpretations of themes from the Metamorphoses, Claude shows a greater concern both to select more unusual subjects, and to follow the Ovidian narrative more closely and convey its meaning precisely, by means of the conjunction of figure and landscape. He is likely to have shared at least the general assump-

150


tions and moral tone of sixteenth- and seventeenth-century allegorisations of those fables (if not Poussin's subtle explo- ration of the complex connotations of such allegorisations). But the pastoral and elegiac mood dominate over any moral

interpretation: it is in part the note of muted regret at the tran-

* Part of this paper originated in a lecture given at the National Gallery, London, on the occasion of the exhibition, Claude: the Poetic Landscape, London, 1994; the catalogue by Humphrey Wine has been a stimulus, as have the lectures and writings of Helen Langdon on Claude. I am grateful to Eleanor Winsor Leach for her helpful comments. Any discussion of this subject must also be indebted to the writings of Marcel Roethlisberger and Michael Kitson. Thanks to the Department of History of Art, Glasgow University, for financial assis- tance towards photographic costs. The excellent catalogue by J.-C. Boyer to the exhibition, Claude Lorrain et le monde des dieux (Epinal, 2001), which appeared after this article was written, discussed many of Claude's mythological sujects. The Liber Veritatis (LV) was a book of drawings made by Claude after his own compositions, from c. 1635, originally as a record against forgery.

1 Coast View with Acis and Galatea, LV 141, Dresden, Gemalde- galerie.

2 Cf. D. Magarshak, Dostoievsky, London, 1962, pp. 358 ff.: "It was Lorrain's picture that left its greatest mark on Dostoievsky's writings... the unsuspecting happiness of the lovers... before Poly- phemus descends upon them and kills Acis became associated in his mind with the Golden Age of 'the first and last days of mankind'... [He] used [the passage] originally in The Devils, then transferred it to The Raw Youth and finally came back to it again in his philosophical tale, The Dream of a Ridiculous Man..."

3 M. Roethlisberger, "The Subjects of Claude's Paintings", Gazette des Beaux-Arts, LVII (1960), pp. 209-24; cf. also idem, "Les Dessins de Claude Lorrain a sujets rares", ibid., LIX (1962), pp. 153- 64.

4 Cf. Diane Russell, Claude Gellee (exh. cat., Washington and Paris, 1982-83) and esp. Humphrey Wine, Claude: the Poetic Landscape (see above).

5 See pp. 7-8. For a thoughtful outline of the tradition of depictions of Ovidian subjects, cf. Nigel Llewellyn, "Illustrating Ovid", in C. Martindale, ed., Ovid Renewed, Cambridge, 1988, pp. 151-276, with bibliography.

sience of happiness, or the apprehension of imminent tragedy, pervading Claude's apparently harmonious landscapes that

gives many of his later renderings of Ovidian subjects a pecu- liar poignancy, and which also links them with the pastoral tradition.

6 Cf. Roethlisberger (with D. Cecchi), L'Opera completa di Claude Lorrain, Milan, 1975; hereafter MR-C, p. 5: "Si deve volgere I'attenzione alla letteratura, in particolare alla poesia bucolica, che sin dai tempi di Teocriti ci avera data una variata fioritura di opere, per comprendere la fonte d'ispirazione del paesaggio... solo Claude seppe rendere chiaro dal punto di vista figurativo quanto era stato pre- cedemente cantato nell'ambito della poesia... la sua inclinazione por- tandolo a ricreare il mondo delle Egloghe e Georgiche virgiliane come quello della poesia di Ovidio..."

7 For the pastoral tradition, especially in Venetian painting and graphic art, cf. David Rosand, "Giorgione, Venice and the Pastoral Ideal", in R. Cafritz, L. Gowing and D. Rosand, Places of Delight, Washington and London, 1988, pp. 20-81.

8 There is an extensive body of criticism on the pastoral tradition in literature; cf. inter alia, Renato Poggioli, The Oaten Flute: Essays on Pastoral Poetry and the Pastoral Idea, Cambridge, Mass., 1975; T. G. Rosenmayer, The Green Cabinet: Theocritus and the European Pastoral Lyric, Berkeley, 1969.

9 Cf. Charles Segal, "Landscape into Myth: Theocritus' Bucolic Poetry", in Poetry and Myth in Ancient Pastoral, Princeton, NJ, 1981, pp. 210-34.

10 Cf. Idyll I, 132-36; Idyll 7, 72-77; Segal, ibid., p. 127. 11 Cf. Idylls 1, 13-36; 7, 74-76; Segal, ibid., p. 222. 12 Cf. Segal, ibid., p. 213 and n.11. 13 Cf. Eleanor Winsor Leach, Virgil's Eclogues: the Landscape of

Experience, Ithaca and London, 1974, passim; eadem, "Parthenian Caverns: Remapping of an Imaginative Topography", Journal of the History of Ideas, XXXIX (1978), pp. 539-60.

14 Eclogue V, esp. lines 40-44. 15 Cf. Leach, "Sacral-ldyllic Landscape and the Poems of

Tibullus' first Book", Latomus, XXXIX (1980), pp. 47-69. 16 Cf. Leach, "Parthenian Caverns", p. 55. 17 Cf. Segal, ibid., p. 74. 18 "... in silvis inter speleae ferarum..."; "per rupes... lucosque

sonantis..." The translation of the Eclogues quoted here is that of Guy Lee, for Penguin Classics, Harmondsworth, 1984, p. 105, line 57.

19 Cf. Leach, "Parthenian Caverns", p. 53.

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CLAIRE PACE

20 Cf. A. O. Lovejoy and G. S. Boas, Primitivism and Related Ideas in Antiquity, being Vol. I of A Documentary History of Primitivism and Related Ideas, Baltimore, 1935; reprinted 1965.

21 Jacopo Sannazaro, Arcadia, Venice, 1504; references here are to the 1586 edition in Cambridge University Library. Translations are from R. Nash, Jacopo Sannazaro, Arcadian and Piscatorial Eclogues, Detroit, 1966. Helen Langdon gave an illuminating lecture on Claude's interest in Sannazaro at the National Gallery, London, in 1994.

22 Sannazaro, Arcadia, ed. cit., p. 11-11v; Nash, ibid., p. 30-31. 23 Vergil, Eclogue X, line 42: "hic gelidi fontes, hic mollia prata,

Lycori..."; tr. Lee, ibid., pp. 104-5. 24 Cf. Nash, ibid., p.13; Leach, ibid., p. 546. 25 Cf. Leach, ibid., p. 550. 26 Eclogue I, line 1: "Tityre, tu patulae recubans sub tegmine

fagi..."(tr. Lee, ibid., p. 31) 27 Sannazaro, Arcadia, Prosa I; ed. cit., p. 12.; Nash, ibid., p. 31. 28 Sannazaro, Arcadia, Egloga 2; ed. cit., p. 20; Nash, ibid., p. 36:

"... I'ombra de gli ameni Faggi/ Pasciute pecorelle homai che'l Sole/ Su'l mezzo giorno indrizza i caldi reggi..."

29 LV 15, Pastoral Landscape (London, National Gallery, c. 1636), M. Roethlisberger, Claude Lorrain: The Painting, London 1961, (hereafter MRP), fig. 54; another version is in Rome (Pallavicini coll., 1637, MRP fig. 55); Pastoral Landscape (Washington, National Gallery of Art, 1633-35; MR-C no. 30).

30 LV 39 (private coll., c. 1639; MRP fig. 99); LV 155, Pastoral Landscape (Duke of Rutland, 1661, MRP fig. 254, MR-C, no. 225).

31 Eclogue I, lines 51-53: "Fortunate senex, hic inter flumina nota/ Et fontis sacros frigus captabis opacum..."; tr. Lee, ibid., p. 33.

32 Theocritus, Idyll 1, lines 68 and 118. 33 Sannazaro, ibid., Prosa IV; ed. cit., p. 32; Nash, ibid., p. 50. 34 Pastoral Landscape with the Temple of the Sibyl at Tivoli

(Melbourne, National Gallery of Victoria, 1630-35; MR-C no.39); LV 62, Pastoral Landscape (Duke of Wellington, 1641); MRP figs. 133, 131b. Other examples include Wooded Landscape with Stream (p.c., 1630; MR-C no. 18); Landscape with Shepherds (p.c. 1636; MR-C no. 57).

35 Sannazaro, Arcadia, Prosa IV, p. 32v; Nash, ibid., p. 51: "pastori belli... ambiduo di Arcadia & egualmente a cantare..." The source is Vergil's Eclogue VII, 1.4.

36 LV 11 (two versions, c. 1636: formerly Earl of Haddington, MRP fig. 44, and copy, MRP fig. 47; MR-C no. 63); LV 25 (painting unknown, 1637, MRP fig. 71, MR-C no. 96).

37 For LV 39, see n. 30 above; MRP fig. 99; MR-C no. 102?); Pastoral Landscape, LV 42 (New York, Metropolitan Museum, 1639), MRP fig. 108.

38 Landscape with Country Dance (St Louis, Missouri, c. 1630; MR-C no. 12); Landscape with Country Dance (Florence, Uffizi, 1637; MR-C no. 65); Landscape with Country Dance, LV 13 (Earl of Yarborough, 1637; MRP fig. 50, MR-C no. 67). Another country dance is depicted in LV 53 (Duke of Bedford, Woburn Abbey, c. 1640; MRP fig. 122).

39 Anthony Blunt, Art and Architecture in France (3rd ed., Harmondsworth, 1970), p. 181; M. Kitson, Claude Lorrain: the Liber Veritatis, London 1978, p. 59. The passage to which Blunt refers is pre- sumably Georgic II, lines 527-531 (describing the 'Rustick pomp', in Dryden's version).

40 Sannazaro, ibid., ed. cit., Prosa III, p. 24v: "... tutti lieti con dilet- tevoli giochi, intorno a gli inghirlandati Buoi....(etc.)"; Nash, ibid., p. 42.

41 Sannazaro, ibid., ed. cit., Prosa II, p.19: "... di passo in passo guidando con I'usata verga i vagabondi greggi che si imboscav- ano..."; and Prosa V, pp. 38v: "... [i greggi] li quali di passo in passo con le loro campane per le tacite selve... (etc.)", Nash, ibid., p. 57.

42 Landscape with Shepherds (France, p.c., 1630-35; MR-C no. 32); Pastoral Landscape, LV 18 (Duke of Portland, 1637; MRP fig. 58, MR-C no. 73).

43 Landscape with Imaginary View from Tivoli (London, p.c., 1642; MRP fig. 138, MR-C no. 131).

44 Cf. Leach, Vergil's Eclogues, esp. pp. 76-77. 45 Cf. Erwin Panofsky, "Poussin and the Elegiac Tradition," in:

Meaning in the Visual Arts, Princeton 1955, p. 300. 46 "Era gia per lo tramontare del sole...": Sannazaro, ibid., pp.

37-37v; Nash, ibid., p. 55. 47 "... luogo veramente sacro... Hor quivi come la candida luna

con ritonda faccia apparira a'mortali sopra la universa terra, ti menero io..."; ibid., p. 82v; Nash, ibid., p. 106.

48 Leach, Vergil's Eclogues, p. 78. 49 Cf. Roethlisberger, "The Dimension of time in the Art of Claude

Lorrain", Artibus et Historiae, 20 (1989), pp. 73-92; he concludes that "the representation of the passage of time can be taken as the leitmotif of his art..."

50 M. Roethlisberger, Claude Lorrain: the Drawings, Berkeley and Los Angeles, 1968 (hereafter MRD), no. 547, pp. 221-22; cf. p. 10.

51 For travellers' responses to the ruins of Rome, cf. esp. Margaret McGowan, "Impaired vision: the experience of Rome in Renaissance France", Renaissance Studies, 8, no. 3,1994, pp. 244-55.

52 On the concept of a "Golden Age", and its links with that of Arcadia, cf. Charles Fantazzi, "Golden Age in Arcadia", Latomus, XXIII (1974), pp. 280-315.

53 Cf. Vergil, Aeneid, VIII, lines 86-126. We are reminded that Romulus himself was, according to tradition, a shepherd.

54 Cf. Leach, "Sacral-ldyllic Landscape Painting and the Poems of Tibullus' First Book", Latomus, XXXIX (1980), pp. 47-69; idem, The Rhetoric of Space, Princeton, 1988, pp. 198-200.

55 Cf. Elaine Fantham, "Images of the City: Propertius' New-old Rome", in T. Habinek, ed., The Roman Cultural Revolution, Cambridge, 1997, pp. 122-35.

56 Sannazaro, Arcadia, ed. cit., p. 24 verso. 57 LV 185, Landing of Aeneas at Pallanteum (1675, Lord

Fairhaven, Anglesey Abbey); MRP fig. 301. Cf. Leach, Vergil's Eclogues, pp. 57-58; Kitson, Liber Veritatis, pp. 168-69; Helen Langdon, "The Imaginative Geographies of Claude Lorrain", in C. Chard and H. Langdon (eds.), Transports, New Haven and London, 1996, pp. 151-78.

58 "... i circostanti Pini movendo i loro sommita, gli respondeano, e le forestiere Querce dimenticate della propria selvatichezza abban- donavano i nativi monti per udirlo..."; ibid., p. 81; Nash, ibid., p. 104.

59 MRD, no. 801, p. 301 (Museum Boymans-van Beuningen, 1656). 60 Sannazaro, ibid., "Argomento" to Prosa X, p. 78v.; Nash, ibid.,

p. 103. 61 "... il reverendo & sacro bosco... trovammo sotto una pen-

dente ripa, fra ruinati sassi una spelonca vecchissima & grande... dentro di quella del medesimo sasso un bello altare, formato da rus- tiche mani de pastori...."; ibid., p. 79v.; Nash, ibid., p. 102.

62 "Dinanzi alla spelonca porgeva ombra un pino altissimo & spatioso ad un ramo del quale una grande e bella sampogna pende- va..."; ibid., p. 79v (Prosa X).

63 "saltan Fauni & Silvani/ Ridan li prati, & le correnti linse..."; ibid., p. 29v (Ecloga III); Nash, ibid. p. 47; Ovid, Metamorphoses, I, 193-94: "..sunt, rustica numina, Nymphae/ Faunique, Satyrique, & monticolae silvani..."

64 LV 55, Landscape with a Dancing Satyr and Other Figures (Toledo, Ohio, Museum of Art, c. 1641; MRP fig. 123, MR-C, no. 119), Kitson, Liber Veritatis, p. 87.

152


65 Luba Freedman, The Classical Pastoral in the Visual Arts, New York, 1989.

66 "Finalmente quanti fanciulli & magnanimi Re furono nel prio tempo pianti, da gli antichi pastori, tutti se vedevano quivi transformati fiori..."; Sannazaro, ibid., p. 86 (Prosa X); Nash, ibid., p. 111.

67 "...vedemmo in su la porta dipinte alcune Selve, & colli bellis- simi, & copiosi d'alberi fronduti, & di mille varieta di fiori, tra quali se vedeano molti armenti che andevan pascendo, & spatiandosi per li verdi prati... De pastori alcuni mungievano... altri sonavano sam- pogne... Ma quel che piu intentamente mi piacque di mirare, erano certe Ninfe ignude...." Sannazaro, ibid., ed. cit.., pp. 24v-25 (Prosa ill); Nash, ibid., pp. 43-44; cf. Langdon, "Imaginative Geographies", p. 157.

68 Sannazaro, ibid., p. 25v: "Et in un de' lati vi era Apollo biondis- simo, il quale appogiato ad un bastone di selvatica Oliva guardava gli armenti di Admeto alla riva d'un fiume... non se avedea del sagace Mercurio che in habito pastorale... gli furava le vacche..." The subject occurs in Metamorphoses, I, 680 ff.

69 The phrase "paysage mystique" is that of Pierre Grimal, in "Les Metamorphoses d'Ovide et la Peinture paysagiste de I'epoque d'Auguste", Revue des etudes romaines (1938), pp. 145-61; cf. Segal, ibid., p. 45: "A secluded grove, quiet water, shade, coolness, soft grass, sometimes rocks or a cavern..."

70 Segal, ibid., p. 74; Theocritus, Idylls 1, 1-3, 7-8, 105-7; 5, 31- 34, 45ff.; 7, 7-0, 135 ff; 22, 37-43.

71 Cf. C. Segal, "Landscape in Ovid's Metamorphoses", Hermes, Einzelshriften 23-25, 1969-70, pp. 1-7.

72 Cf. Grimal, ibid., also L. P. Wilkinson, Ovid Recalled, Cam- bridge, 1955, pp. 180-81.

73 Cf. Wilkinson, ibid., esp. pp. 180-81: "There are a dozen extended descriptions of natural scenery in the piece, and practically all of them centre round water, cool, calm and shaded... The water is not generally cascading, but gentle, calm and translucent, shaded by trees or overarching rocks..."

74 Cf. Segal, ibid., pp. 16-17. 75 E.g. Eclogue X, lines 13-15: "The laurels even, even the tama-

risks wept for him/Lying beneath a lonely cliff; even Maenalus'/Pine forests wept for him, and cold Lycaeus" ("Ilium etiam lauri, etiam fle- vere myricae, /Pinifer ilium etiam, sola sub rupe iacentem/ Maenalus et gelidi fleverunt saxa Lycaei...")

76 Cf. Wilkinson, ibid., pp. 183-84; Grimal, ibid.; also Roger Ling, "Studius and the beginnings of Roman landscape painting", Journal of Roman Studies, LXVII (1977), pp. 1-16. Grimal concludes: "... il est certain... qu'Ovide s'est souvenu, dans les Metamorphoses, de la peinture paysagiste." He sees this influence as explaining the generalized character of Ovid's landscapes, and also as contributing to a "romantic" quality ("la couleur romanesque") (ibid., pp. 159-60, 152, 154). 77 Cf. M. Kitson, "The Altieri Claudes and Virgil", Burlington Magazine, vol. 102 (1960), pp. 312-18. H. Langdon, Claude Lorrain, Oxford 1989, esp. p.141; Wine, Poetic Landscape, pp. 93-103.

78 Cf. N. Llewellyn, "Illustrating Ovid" (as in note 5). The approach of Northern artists such as Elsheimer was generally "play- ful" and lighthearted, and in some of his earlier Ovidian works Claude shows an affinity with this approach (cf. Kitson, Liber Veritatis, p. 88, writing of LV 57).

79 The inscription is on the verso of LV 70, Coast Scene with Mercury, Herse, and Aglauros, Rome, Rospigliosi-Pallavicini coll., 1643; MRP fig. 142). The episode occurs in Metamorphoses, II, 708ff. As Mrs Pattison first noticed, the inscription is an almost verbatim tran- scription of Horologgi's notes to Anguarilla's translation (Claude Lorrain, 1884, p. 97; cf. MRP, p. 212). The inscription reads: "Aglauro che dimande a Mercurio gran soma di denari per lasciarr goder lam-

ore della sorella chiamata herse Favola cavata nell'annotatione del secondo libro d'Ovidio". The reference is to Le Metamorfosi di Ovidio ridotte da Gio. Andrea dell'Anguarilla in ottava rima, 1st ed., 1583; refs. here are to the 1584 edition, and the relevant passage is on p. 65.

80 Carlo Del Bravo, "Letture di Poussin e Claude", Artibus et Historiae, 18 (1988), p. 151 and n. 7. As Del Bravo observes, both Kitson and Roethlisberger had attributed this episode to the Homeric Hymn to Apollo. Del Bravo's chief concern in his article is to emphasize Poussin's debt to Anguarilla's translation of Ovid, and Claude's interest in Plutarch, in Amyot's translation (p. 162); I wish here to emphasize Claude's reliance also on Anguarilla's version of Ovid.

81 Cf. Ann Moss, Poetry and Fable: Studies in Mythological Narrative in 16th-Century France, Cambridge, 1984, p. 26.

82 For a survey of the tradition of Ovidian illustrations, cf. M.D. Henkel, Illustrierte Ausgaben von Ovids Metamorphosen im XV XVI, und XVII Jahrhundert, Hamburg, 1930.

83 Moss, Ovid in Renaissance France, London, 1982, p. 90. 84 The illustration of Polyphemus in the 1619 French edition is

likely to have been a source for one of Poussin's early Ovidian drawings for Marino; cf. note 138 below.

85 Svetlana Alpers, "The Tradition of the Illustrated Ovids and Rubens' Sketches for the Torre de la Parada", in The Decoration of the Torre de la Parada, Corpus Rubenianum Ludwig Burchard, London and New York, 1971, p. 79. The prints illustrating Anguarilla's translation, with a full-page plate at the beginning of each book incorporat- ing various episodes, are not likely to have been directly influential.

86 Seep. 18. 87 For J.W. Baur, cf. F. Hollstein, German Engravings, Etchings

and Woodcuts, II, Amsterdam, 1954, p. 161f; Henkel, ibid., pp. 58-144. Born c. 1600 in Strasbourg, Baur was in Rome and Naples from 1631 to 1637; he died in 1642, in Vienna.

88 The Judgement of Paris, MRP no. 201, fig. 22 (not in Liber), pp. 461-2; Parnassus with Minerva visiting the Muses, 1680, LV 195 (Jacksonville, Florida, Cummer Gallery of Art; MRP fig. 315). The subject is probably taken from Metamorphoses, XV, 253 ff.

89 Cf. Kitson, Liber Veritatis, p. 95, claiming that Claude departs from Ovid's text in showing the scene as taking place outside. See note 79 above. Cf. Ovid, Met., II, 730: "vertit iter caeloque petit terrena relicto"; Anguarilla trans., ed. cit., p. 56-57, esp. stanza 276.

90 LV 70, again, was made for Rospigliosi, who may well have prescribed the subject; cf. Kitson, Liber Veritatis, p. 95

91 On Titian's Ovidian paintings cf., inter alia, Llewellyn, ibid. 92 Cf. Russell, ibid., p. 85. 93 Landscape with the Flaying of Marsyas (LV 45, Moscow,

Pushkin Museum, 1639-40; MRP fig. 109; and LV 95, Holkham Hall, Earl of Leicester, 1645, MRP fig. 176); LV 45 was the first mythological scene represented in the Liber Veritatis; cf. Kitson, Liber Veritatis, p. 80. The subject occurs in Metamorphoses, VI, 383 ff.

94 Cf. Richard Spear, Domenichino, New Haven and London, 1982, cat. 55.i and pl. 181. The fresco is now in the National Gallery, London. The transformation of the old shepherd Battus is a similarly brutal metamorphosis; he is turned to stone, having witnessed the theft of Admetus' herds by Mercury. However, Claude avoids the moment of metamorphosis; see p. 10.

95 Cf. Wine, ibid., esp. pp. 18, 24. 96 Landscape with Ceres and Arethusa (London, British Museum,

c. 1635; MRD no. 113). The story occurs in Metamorphoses, V, 487-89; cf. also lines 572-76 and 642-43.

97 Eclogue X, lines 1-4. 98 The evidence is from an inscription on the verso of LV 70,

Mercury and Aglauros; cf. note 79 above.

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99 Anguarilla, ed. cit., Book V, p. 175, stanzas 197ff., esp. stanza 201: "Tornando lassa da la caccia un giorno / Sola, che le compagne havea lasciate, / Veggio di pioppi, e salci un fiume adorno / Ambe le sponde, e d'ombre amene e grate: / solo era il loco, e'l sol girando intorno / Sul carro havea la porigliosa State, / E il faticoso di cacciar diletto / Di doppia State ardea lo stanco petto..."

100 "... la Castita fuggendo la lascivia, e conosciuto chiara, e limpi- da come I'acque chiare di un fonte..."; Anguarilla trans., ed. cit., p. 182.

101 Landscape with Narcissus, LV 77 (London, National Gallery, 1644, MRP fig. 150). The subject is from Metamorphoses, III, 353ff., esp. 402f. This is one of only two paintings recorded as made for an English patron-possibly for Sir Peter Lely; cf. MRP, p. 222. For a study of the iconography, cf. Dora Panofsky, "Narcissus and Echo", Art Bulletin, XXXI (1949), pp. 112 ff. and Oskar Batschmann, "Poussins Narziss und Echo im Louvre", Zeitschrift fur Kunstgeschichte, XLII (1979), pp. 31-47.

102 Cf. Andrea Alciati, Emblematum Liber (1612), p. 127. 103 Domenichino's fresco is repr. in A. Neppi, Gli affreschi del

Domenichino a Roma, 1958, pl. 2; Spear, ibid., cat no. 10, iii and pi. 13. 104 Metamorphoses, III, 407 ff. In Anguarilla's translation, the pas-

sage runs (p. 83, stanza 162): "Dentro un' ombrosa selva, a pie d'un monte/ Dove verdeggia a lo scoperto un prato,/ Sorge una chiara, e cristallina fonte,/ Che confina a la linea di quel lato:/ Che, quando equidistante a I'Orizonte / De I'Orto, e de I'Occaso e il Sole alzato,/ L'ombrosa spalla del monte difende,/ Che'l piu cocente Sol mai non I'offende."

105 Anguarilla trans., ed. cit., p. 99. Horologgi's commentary runs: "La favola di Narciso e assai chiara, per se stessa, onde per venir all'Allegoria diro che per Echo si puo intendere I'immortalita dei nomi, amata molto da gli spiriti alti, e nobili, ma poco prezzata da i Narcisi, che dati alle delicie s'innamorano miseramente di se medesimi; e al fine poi son trasformati in fiori, che la mattina sono vaghi, e la sera guasti, cvsi questi venendo a morte rimangono sepolti insieme con i loro nomi eternamente..."

106 The story is taken from Metamorphoses, VII, 690 ff. 107 For Martin Davies' suggestion that LV 91 is related to a play

by Niccolo da Correggio, cf. National Gallery catalogue, The French School, 1957 ed., p. 32. The depictions of Diana reuniting Cephalus and Procris are: LV 91 (London, National Gallery, 1645; MRP fig. 171); LV 163 (Earl of Plymouth, 1664, MRP fig. 264); MRP no. 233 (Rome, Galleria Doria-Pamphilj, c. 1645-46, MRP fig. 173); and MRP no. 243, fig. 24 (painting destroyed, formerly Berlin, mid-1630s; not in Liber).

108 The story occurs in Metamorphoses, VII, 752 ff.; Anguarilla trans., ed. cit., pp. 256ff., esp. p. 261. As Del Bravo noted, Anguarilla refers to the nymphs surrounding Procris and it may be one of these who appears with Cephalus and Procris (ed. cit., p. 261, stanza 297): "II confessato errore, il prego, e'l pianto/ Col mezzo de le Ninfe e de gli amici/ Con I'indurata mia moglie fer tanto, / Che scaccio dal suo cor le volge ultrici". Cf. Del Bravo, ibid., n. 140.

109 MRP no. 243, fig. 24, as in note 107. 110 The painting has disappeared, though a copy survives in the

National Gallery, London. Cf LV 100; 1646-47 (MRP fig. 100); Kitson, Liber Veritatis p. 115.

111 Ed. cit., p. 267, stanza 317; cf. also stanza 318: "Mentre il piu caldo giorno il mondo ingombra, / E I'aere, e'l bosco non si move, e tace, / Et io son corso a riposarmi a I'ombra, / [...] Tu, che sei il mio riposo, e la mia pace..."(etc.) Russell (ibid.) has suggested a possible debt to the "Ovide moralise"; e.g. she proposes that in the depiction of Cephalus and Procris reunited by Diana, the figure of the goddess Diana may be identified with the Virgin Mary, giving the scene Christian significance. However, she concedes that Claude's repre-

sentations in general "are not emblematic or esoteric" and with that I must concur.

112 The source is Metamorphoses, II, 680-707. 113 E.g. LV 92 (Rome Galleria Doria-Pamphilj, c. 1645; MRP fig.

172); LV 128 (1654, destroyed; MRP fig. 217); LV 135 (Earl of Leicester, Holkham Hall, 1654-55; MRP fig. 232); LV 152 (Wallace coll., 1660, MRP fig. 250).

114 Cf. Kitson, Liber Veritatis, p. 111. 115 Kitson, ibid., p. 111. 116 Kitson, ibid., p. 111. 117 Ibid., p. 158. LV 170, Landscape with Apollo and Mercury (p.c.,

1666; MRP fig. 275). 118 LV 192 (painting lost); cf. MRP Fig. 312. See note 80 above. Cf.

Anguarilla trans., ed. cit., p. 56, stanza 266: "... Lanimo verso Apollo amico e buono/ Gli die questo istrumento, e insieme I'arte/ Gli insegno..."

119 Landscape with Mercury and Battus, Chatsworth, 1663 (MRP no. 159); the subject is from Metamorphoses, II, 676-707; Anguarilla trans., ed. cit., p. 55, stanza 258.

120 "Et in quel medesimo spatio stava Batto palesator del furto transformato in sasso"; Sannazaro, ibid., p. 25 verso; Nash, ibid., p. 43.

121 "E poco piu basso si vedeva pur Mercurio, che sedendo ad una gran pietra con gonfiate guancie sonava una sampogna, & con gli occhi torti mirava una bianca vitella, che vicina gli stava, & con ogni astutia s'ingegnava di ingannare lo occhiuto Argo..."; Sannazaro, ibid., p. 25 verso; Nash, ibid., p. 43; cf. Metamorphoses, I, 644 ff.; Anguarilla trans., ed. cit., p. 18.

122 Landscape with Argus guarding lo, LV 86 (Earl of Leicester, Holkham Hall, c. 1645; MRP fig. 164); LV 98 (painting unknown, c. 1646; MRP fig. 179). It is likely, as Roethlisberger suggests, that Massimi proposed the subject to Claude; cf. also the recent discussion of Massimi's patronage of Claude in Victoria Gardner, "Cardinal Camillo Massimi, Nicolas Poussin and Claude Lorrain: A Study of Neostoic Patronage in Baroque Rome" (unpublished Ph. D. thesis, University of Pennsylvania, 1998), esp. pp. 184 ff. This thesis was available to me only when the writing of this article was completed. The relevant passage in Ovid is Metamorphoses, I, 652-4; Anguarilla trans., ed. cit., pp. 18-19 (stanzas 164 ff.)

123 It has been suggested that Massimi may have been responsi- ble for this close adherence to Ovid's text; cf. Gardner, ibid.

124 LV 149, Landscape with Juno Confiding lo to the Care of Argus, (Dublin, National Gallery of Ireland, 1660); cf. MRP fig. 246 (the subject is from Metamorphoses, I, 610 ff); LV 150, Landscape with Mercury and Argus (p.c., 1660); cf. MRP fig. 247 (from Metamorpho- ses, I, 664 ff.; Anguarilla trans., ed. cit., pp. 19-20). Claude also made an etching of this composition in 1662; cf. L. Mannocci, The Etchings of Claude Lorrain, New Haven and London, 1989, cat. 42.

125 Coast Scene with Apollo and the Cumaean Sibyl (LV 99, St Petersburg, Hermitage, 1646); from Metamorphoses, XIV, 132-55; cf. MRP fig. 180, Kitson, Liber Veritatis, pp. 114-15.

126 The ruins have been identified as the Trofei di Mario, now on the Capitol, but at one time part of the fountain called the Aqua Martia; engravings showing them as still part of the fountain existed in the seventeenth century (e.g. in Sandrart), and Claude probably used one of these; cf. Kitson, Liber Veritatis, pp. 114-15; MRP, p. 262. For the suggestion that the paintings are linked by a Neostoic theme, cf. Gardner, ibid., p. 190.

127 Landscape with Three Heliades Searching for the Dead Phaeton, LV 143; MRP pp. 340-42; painting unknown, though three copies exist. The subject, from Metamorphoses, II, 340 ff., is identified by an inscription on the verso of the Liber Veritatis drawing (d. 1657); cf. Anguarilla trans. ed. cit., pp. 40-41; Kitson, ibid., p. 141.

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128 MRD no. 547, pp. 221-2 (Rome, Pallavicini coil., c. 1645). 129 Metamorphoses, II, 343 ff. ("Luna quater iunctis inplerat

cornibus orbem...") For the connection of moonlight with a sacred aura in Sannazaro, cf. n. 47 above.

130 Cf. Nash, ibid., p. 58f. 131 Coast Scene with Acis and Galatea, LV 141, Dresden,

Gemaldegalerie, 1657 (a cupid and two doves were added later); MRP fig. 236.

132 Kitson, Liber Veritatis, p. 140. These moods he describes as "symbolised pictorially by the combination of the sun low over the horizon and the thunderclouds at the upper right..."

133 Cf. Metamorphoses, XIII, 750 ff., esp. 778ff. In Anguarilla's version (ed. cit., p. 474, stanza 271): "Un monte lungo in mar tanto si stende,/ Che quasi I'onda il cinge d'ogn' intorno./ II fiero innamorato un di v'ascende,/ Per volervi passar parte del giorno./ II gregge, se ben cura ei non ne prende,/ Va seco, e presso al suo pasce sog- giorno,/ E giunge, mentre ne la costa ei siede, / Quasi al giogo col crin, col piede al piede..."

134 Cf. Segal, ibid., pp. 21-22. 135 MRD 802 (Windsor Castle, 1657); MRD fig. 1178; MRD no. 435

(and see below, n. 164). 136 According to mythographers, Polyphemus is an allegorised

embodiment of thunderstorms, formed of earth and air; cf. Comes, Mythologie (tr. J. Baudoin, Paris, 1627), where the Cyclops' violent nature is explained as resulting from the mixture. Vigenere's translation of Philostratus also links Polyphemus to thunder and lightening (Les Images..., 1614 ed., p. 443). Sheila McTighe has an illuminating discussion of this interpretation, in relation to Poussin's Landscape with Polyphemus, in Poussin's Landscape Allegories, Cambridge, 1996.

137 Cf. p. 1 above. The idea that the Cyclops inhabited a Golden Age is found in, for example, Blaise de Vigenere, Les Images ou Tableaux de Platte Peinture des deux Philostrates..., Paris 1615 ed., pp. 438 ff.

138 For Poussin's early drawing, cf. W. Friedlander and A. F. Blunt, The Drawings of Poussin, III, London, 1953, pi. 139, no. 162; P Rosenberg and A. Prat, Les Dessins de Poussin, Paris, 1994, I, no. 12 (pp. 20-21).

139 Cf. J. Costello, "Poussin's Drawings for Marino", Journal of the Warburg and Courtauld Institutes, XVIII, 1955, pp. 296-317; Blunt, Nicolas Poussin, I, p. 40, n. 97.

140 P. Rosenberg, in exh. cat., Nicolas Poussin, Rome and Dusseldorf, 1978-79, no. 19; cf. also exh. cat., Poussin: Sacraments and Bacchanals, Edinburgh, 1981, no. 7.

141 Landscape with Polyphemus (1649, St Petersburg, Hermitage Museum). For an illuminating explication of the connotations of the painting, cf. McTighe, ibid., esp. pp. 40 ff.

142 Metamorphosis of the Apulian Shepherd, LV 142 (Duke of Sutherland, 1657; MRP fig. 237 and MRD no. 806, p. 303). The subject is from Metamorphoses, XIV, 517-28.

143 Kitson, Liber Veritatis, pp. 140-41. 144 Lines 517-26: "An Apulian shepherd of that region caused [the

nymphs] to run away in terror. But soon.....they returned to the choral dancing again with nimble feet..." ("Apulus has illa pastor regione fugatas/ terruit et primo subita formidine movit: / mox, ubi mens rediit et contempsere sequentem,/ ad numerum motis pedibus dux ere chore- as...". Cf. also Anguarilla trans., ed. cit., p. 505, Stanzas 217 ff. and p. 518.

145 MRD, no. 805 (Haarlem, Teyler Museum, c. 1657) The subject is from Metamorphoses, XIV, 517-26.

146 On the significance of the rural dance, cf. Russell, ibid., Introd. p. 91 and cat., P 14, 24 and esp. D 56. The dance occurs also in Claude's etching of Time, Apollo and the Seasons of 1662 (cf. L.

Manocci, The Etchings of Claude Lorrain, New Haven and London, 1989, pp. 267 ff., no. 43; Russell, ibid., cat. no. G. 50. This, and the recently rediscovered painting of the same subject attributed to Claude by Roethlisberger, were made for Rospigliosi, the learned patron for whom Poussin painted the work now entitled Dance to the Music of Time (London, Wallace Collection, c. 1638-40). Cf. Roethlisberger, "Claude Lorrain's 'Dance of the Seasons"', Pantheon XLV (1987), pp. 103-6.

147 Cf. Llewellyn, ibid. (with bibliog.) The story occurs in Meta- morphoses, II, 843 ff. (Anguarilla trans., pp. 60 ff.)

148 The versions of the Coast Scene with the Rape of Europa comprise: a painting of 1634 (Fort Worth, Texas, Kimbell Art Museum; cf. Kitson in Burlington Magazine, CXV, 1973, pp. 175-79); an etching also of 1634 (Manocci, no. 14); LV 111 (Utrecht, Centraal Museum, 1647; MRP fig. 193); LV 136 (Moscow, Pushkin Museum, 1655), with later copy, Coll. H.M. the Queen, 1667; MRP fig. 278); LV 144 (p.c. 1658; MRP fig. 239.

149 Cf. Segal, ibid., pp. 58-59. 150 Russell, following Kitson, suggests that Claude has here

ignored the essential point of Ovid's story. Kitson writes of the Fort Worth painting that "the bull will never plunge into the sea..." (cit. Russell, ibid., cat. P 15)

151 Cf. 1619 ed. of Metamorphoses (tr. Renouard), p. 69; for a copy of the Barberini mosaic of the Rape of Europa, cf. PS. Bartoli, Le Pitture antiche, Append, tab.xii. As Helen Whitehouse has observed, it is surprising that this mosaic is not represented among the copies in Cassiano's paper museum; cf. Whitehouse, "Copies of Roman Paintings and Mosaics in the Paper Museum", Cassiano dal Pozzo's Paper Museum, I (Quaderni puteani, 2), 1992, pp. 109-10; there is, however, a copy of a similar mosaic depicting Europa and the Bull (RL 19223, repr. ibid., fig. 3).

152 Kitson, Burlington Magazine (as in n. 148). 153 Landscape with Psyche at the Palace of Amor, LV 162

(London, Nat. Gallery, 1664); cf. M. Wilson, The Enchanted Castle (London, 1982) and M. Levey, Burlington Magazine, CXXX (Nov. 1988), suggesting the latter interpretation; also H.D. Russell, 'The Psyche Pendants' in P. Askew (ed.), Claude Lorrain (Washington, Nat. Gallery Symposium, 1982). Ariadne on Naxos, LV 139 (Arnot Art Museum, Elmira, NY, 1656; MRP, fig. 233). The subject may be inspired by a passage from Metamorphoses, VII (cf. Kitson, Liber Veritatis, p. 139).

154 LV 184, Coast Scene with Perseus ('The Origin of Coral') (Holkham, Earl of Leicester, 1674, MRP fig. 299); cf also MRD, no. 1067.

155 For Perseus, cf. the recent discussion of Claude's painting in Gardner, ibid., p. 196ff. She points out that Perseus figured largely in the iconography of the Farnese family.

156 Gardner interprets Claude's paintings for Massimi in the context of the patron's Neostoic beliefs.

157 The subject occurs in Metamorphoses, IV, 740-49. Anguarilla trans., ed. cit., p. 145, Stanzas 436 ff.

158 Cf MRD no. 1064, Russell, ibid., cat. no.69, with inscription: "Claudio/ fecit/ pensier de Illmo/ il Cardinale de Massim[o]". This might signify a preliminary drawing, or alternatively, and more probably, correspond to the "concetto"of Massimi (cf. Russell, ibid., p. 286). In my view, both Russell and Gardner are correct to emphasize the close collaboration between Claude and Massimi here.

159 Anguarilla trans., ed. cit., p. 145, stanza 436. For Poussin's drawing, cf. Friedlander and Blunt, ibid., III, pl. 164, no. 224; Rosenberg-Prat, ibid, I, no. 36 (pp. 68-69).

160 Vigenere, Les Images (1615 ed.), p. 75 ("Les Marescages"): "...rien que ce soit ne se trouve en tout le genre vegetal qui approche plus de la nature humaine, que les Palmiers...".

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161 Cf. Russell, ibid. cat. D 69-73. 162 Cf. MRD no. 1064 and no. 1066 (New York, Metropolitan

Museum of Art); MRD no. 1065 (Paris, Musee du Louvre); MRD no. 1067 (Viscount Coke); MRD 1068 (London, British Museum); Russell, ibid., Cats. D 69-73.

163 E.g. MR-C, no. 13 (New York, p.c., 1630); MR-C, no. 17 (Houston, Museum of Fine Arts, 1630). Cf. Roethlisberger, "De Bril a Claude", Revue de I'Art, 5 (1969), pp. 54-60, esp. pp. 58-59.

164 MRP p. 434 and fig.722; MRD no. 862. Russell suggests that the rock arch may be intended to represent Mount Helicon (ibid., p. 291). The drawing raises the question of the extent of Claude's knowledge of antique painting. It should be recalled that many of the most celebrated examples of mythological landscape painting from classical antiquity now known to us were not excavated at the time. However, copies were made for Massimi by P.S. Bartoli of other antique landscape paintings in the same volume as that which includes his copy of the Barberini landscape (see n. 167).

165 On the "Barberini Landscape" cf. esp. H. Whitehouse and N. Turner in The Paper Museum of Cassiano dal Pozzo (Quaderni puteani 4), 1993, pp. 113-14, cats. nos. 68 and 69; also Whitehouse, "Copies of Roman Paintings and Mosaics in the Paper Museum", Cassiano dal Pozzo's Paper Museum, I (Quaderni Puteani 2, 1992), pp, 116-17, and fig. 7.

166 Rubens, letter to Peiresc, 16 March 1632; in R. Magurn (ed.), Letters of P. P Rubens, Cambridge, Mass., 1955, pp. 403-4, no. 238.

167 The copy for the Dal Pozzo collection is now in the Royal Library; cf. Whitehouse, ibid. and that made for Massimi, in Glasgow University Library (MS Gen.1496); cf. article by present writer in Papers of the British School at Rome, XLVII (1979), pp.117-55. Bartoli

also made copies for Massimi of the manuscript "Vatican Virgil", some of these have a dominant landscape element. Cf. D.H. Wright, "The Study of Ancient Virgil Illustrations from Raphael to Cardinal Massimi", in Cassiano dal Pozzo's Paper Museum, I (as in note 151), pp. 260-83.

168 Lucas Holste (or Holstenius), Vetus pictura nymphaeum refer- ens commentariolo explicata, Rome, 1676; the essay was published posthumously but written several years earlier. For Holste's interpretation of the rock arch as a Nymphaeum, cf. esp. McTighe, ibid., pp. 107 ff. As she writes, "Porphyry interprets the cave described by Homer as the site of the generation of souls into nature..."; the Barberini landscape, in Holste's interpretation, represents "the image of Porphyry's allegory".

169 MRD no.1064, New York, Metropolitan Museum, Lehman coll.; Russell, ibid., Cat. D 69.

170 MRD no. 1065, Paris, Louvre, RF 4601; Russell, ibid., Cat. D 70. The elaborate pictorial sheet, perhaps a presentation drawing made for Massimi, in the Metropolitan Museum (MRD no. 1066, Russell, ibid., Cat D 71) is similar in compositional format, though larger, and on cream paper with a bluish wash.

171 Russell argues that it is a moonlight scene, pointing out that the time of day given in inventories does not always agree with what we perceive, and that the change from white to blue paper (rarely used by Claude) must have some significance (ibid., p. 287). The Massimi inventory refers to it as a sunrise: "Un Paese di Monsu Claudio con la favola di Perseo, con la levata del sole" (cf. M. Pomponi, ed., "La Collezione del Cardinale Massimo e I'inventario del 1677", in Camillo Massimo: Collezionista di Antichita-Fonti e mate- riali, Rome, 1996, pp. 91-157, esp. p. 100 (no. 165).

156

pace c., ''the golden age... the first and last days of mankind. claude lorrain and...

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