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Page 1: Palestinian Civil Society Index - Pngo.net · 2018-09-04 · Palestinian NGOs coordination council and the research team was formed in order to discuss the research methodology and

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Palestinian Civil Society Index

Page 2: Palestinian Civil Society Index - Pngo.net · 2018-09-04 · Palestinian NGOs coordination council and the research team was formed in order to discuss the research methodology and

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The Coordination Council for Palestinian NGOs

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0.5

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1.5

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2.5Environment

Structure

Impact

Value

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Field Researchers

Research Team

Ahmad Khatab Ahmad Abu Al-Heja Amani Nazal Ayman Abdul Majeed Diana Jarrar دDr. Nadia Abu Zahrah Sarah Warasneh Dr. Saed Dorra (Team Leader) Samar Barham Samar Husary Shomous Harb Samir Seif Ola Joulani Hend Abed Fadia Hawareish Lina Jamil Mahmoud ‘Ebiat The team of Coordination Council For Palestinian NGOs Najah Samasrah Issam Arruri Nisreen Abbas Dr. Shatha Owdeh Nash’at Abdul Fattah Dr.Mouhamad Abushi Nihaya Sabri Muharram Barghothi Hanadi Nasrallah Monjed Abu Jesh Nasfat Khoufash Moatasim Zaid Mohamad Shalaldih Shafik Abu Hamad Reem khalili Dua’a Qurie Mohamad Ghazawnih Mohamad Hassaneh

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Contents Executive Summary .................................................................................................................... 5

Section One: Introduction and Definition .................................................................................... 15

1. Background ....................................................................................................................... 15

2. The Palestinian Civil Society ............................................................................................. 21

3. Objectives of the Study and Research Methodology ...................................................... 37

3.1 Objectives .................................................................................................................. 37

3.2 Methodology ............................................................................................................. 38

3.3 Phases of Consultancy Tasks .................................................................................... 40

Section Two: Civil Society Index ................................................................................................... 48

1. Introduction ...................................................................................................................... 48

2. Civil Society Index Analysis ............................................................................................... 49

2.1. Structure .................................................................................................................... 49

2.2. Environment .............................................................................................................. 78

2.3. Values ...................................................................................................................... 108

2.4. Impact...................................................................................................................... 128

3. Civil Society Index ........................................................................................................... 147

3.1. Structure .................................................................................................................. 147

3.2. Environment ............................................................................................................ 148

3.3. Values ...................................................................................................................... 150

3.4. Impact...................................................................................................................... 150

List of Annexes: ....................................................................................................................... 153

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Executive Summary

The Palestinian NGOs coordination council, which includes the Palestinian NGOs Network (PNGO) and its partners in the National Commission for Palestinian NGOs (NCPN) and the Palestinian Union of Charitable Societies (PUCS), seeks to diagnose the status of the Palestinian civil society and analyze its capacities, abilities and needs in order to provide the information needed to develop an intervention program that aims at improving the chances of sustaining the Palestinian civil society’s organization, and in order to promote its position and activate its role in social development and national struggle as well as strengthen its contribution to social change and development, towards addressing risks and challenges more efficiently. The participatory methodology was used to implement the tasks vested in this consultancy research, including the engagement of relevant stakeholders at all stages of planning, implementing and evaluating consultancy services. The relevant stakeholders include the members of the Coordination Council of Palestinian NGOs, the project team at NCPN, PUCS and PNGO, as well as a randomly selected sample of Palestinian NGOs, Charitable societies, specialized NGO Networks, and some representatives of the private sector, unions and some official commissions. In identifying the civil society index, the methodology adopted a tool to assess the civil society. The tool was developed and prepared based on the internationally used methodology, CIVICUS. The Civil Society Index relies on four key components; the civil society structure, the external environment in which the civil society operates, the values that lead civil society organizations in their work, and the effect of civil society organizations. The research was prepared through different stages, following are the key activities:

- Explanatory meetings were held with the representatives of NGO networks, literature review with relation to consultancy services was conducted, the study methodology and final vision were drafted, and a joint team consisting of the Palestinian NGOs coordination council and the research team was formed in order to discuss the research methodology and terms of reference.

- An analytical study on the concept of civil society in the Palestinian context was prepared. The study mainly included literature review, and review of international experiences and literature with relation to the index and with similar social, economic and political conditions to the Palestinian context. A draft paper on the definition of the society as well as a concept paper on the definition of civil society in the Palestinian context were submitted. A stakeholder analysis was also prepared.

- The conceptual framework of the Palestinian civil society was prepared. In codifying the research, it was agreed to focus on the frameworks and institutions

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known as NGOs that operate in accordance with law No. 1 of 2000 (NGOs and Charitable Societies) and adopt the lists of member organizations at the three networks. The total number of organizations was 410 after the exclusion of mutual members.

- The “indicator” and the qualitative and quantitative research tools were developed. A draft questionnaire that includes the key indicators to Palestinian civil society organizations was developed to be used as the basis for the automated database and NGOs map. The civil society index was also developed based on the revision, adaption and amendment of Civicus Civil Society Index in accordance with the conceptual framework of the Palestinian civil society, while maintaining the key elements of the index to ensure its transparency and appropriateness to constitute a qualitative and quantitative research tool. An automated software has been developed to be used to fill the questionnaire, and then to serve as a database for NGOs.

- The field work team which covered all geographical areas: the West Bank, Jerusalem and Gaza Strip, was formed. The targeted sample from the field work was identified. In order to develop the database (NGO work map), the total number of targeted organizations was 410 after review. In order to develop the index and identify the status of the civil society, over 35% of the member organizations at the different networks were targeted (115 organizations), taking into account the sectors, field of work, and fair geographic distribution of active organizations.

- In order to collect qualitative data to develop the Civil Society Index, workshops and meetings were held with representatives of the groups composing the civil society and targeted categories (political factions, independent unions, the Palestinian General Federation of Trade Unions, a feminist organization, the Independent Commission for Human Rights – the ombudsmen bureau, AMAN, Media Review Network, specialized networks – the Palestinian NGO Against Domestic Violence Against Women and the Human Rights Coalition).

- All the collected information was analyzed after being reviewed and the final report was drafted. The index was identified from such information, while ensuring existence of information on the aforementioned four components and rating each indicator and component.

The field work team faced a number of obstacles, namely: organizations’ membership in

several networks, notably membership in PUCS and NCPN at the same time; a number

of registered organizations have been inactive for several years; some societies are

registered as cooperatives; some organizations refused to cooperate with the field work

team despite having a clear mission in this regard, including five societies from Nablus;

when visiting the listed address of some organizations, it turned out that they are not

located there; and there was limited response from some organizations where they

filled one questionnaire and refused to fill the other one.

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The final report is composed of two key part, the first part includes a background on the

Palestinian civil society and its evolution based on the concept papers prepared during

the research, as well as the definition of the civil society and its components based on

the concept note on civil society adopted by CIVICUS, and a presentation of the research

objectives and the adopted methodology in detail. While the second part of the report

focused on the analysis process of the four civil society index components based on the

information collected from different sources, the analysis was as follows:

The Structure: the analysis of the civil society structure included 6 indicators, as follows:

1. Broad Participation: the analysis was based on the participation and

involvement of the public in the civil society, including public participation in

politics and organizations receiving regular donations for humanitarian causes;

membership in NGOs; and NGOs’ reliance on voluntary work and volunteers.

This indicator received a 2.4 out of 3 rating based on the collected and analyzed

information. Accordingly, we can state that participation amongst civil society

organizations is notably high.

2. The Depth of Public Participation: the analysis was based on the depth and

meaning of public participation in the civil society, the frequency and intensity of

public engagement in the civil society, the amount of regular annual donations,

and the amount of voluntary work done for the benefit of civil society

organizations. This indicator received a 2 out of 3 rating based on the collected

and analyzed information. Accordingly, we can state that the depth of

participation amongst civil society organizations is good but not as good as the

previous indicator.

3. The Variety of Participants in the Civil Society: the analysis was based on the

variety of representation in the civil society and the equal participation of social

categories in the civil society; the variety of social categories who participate in

NGOs’ activities or who are targeted by the NGOs’ services; and the categories

represented in the leadership of civil society organizations. The variety of

participants received a 2.5 out of 3 rating based on the collected and analyzed

information. Accordingly, we can state that there is notable variety in the active

and targeted categories amongst civil society organizations.

4. Level of Organization: the analysis was based on the organization of the civil

society; the quality and level of participation, including having umbrellas

(networks) in which the organizations are members and the efficiency of such

umbrellas; the efficiency of self-organization efforts of NGOs and NGO networks

to build the capacity of civil society organizations; the level of support provided

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by the surrounding environment to the civil society; and membership in

international networks or umbrellas. The level of organization received a 2 out of

3 rating based on the collected and analyzed information. Accordingly, we can

state that the level of organization is good but not as good as expected from

umbrellas in the civil society.

5. Relations: the analysis was based on the strength and productivity of relations

between civil society representatives, the efficiency of the civil society in terms

of organizing and participating in activities and communicating with civil society

organizations on issues of interest to the civil society, and civil society alliances

and coalitions in which organizations participate and which are crosscutting with

the organizations’ line of work. The relations between civil society organizations

received a 2.5 out of 3 rating based on the collected and analyzed information.

Accordingly, we can state that the relations in the form of coalitions and

alliances are very good compared to the level of organization.

6. Resources: the analysis was based on the availability of sufficient resources at

civil society organizations for them to achieve their objectives; and the

organizations’ funding sources, human resources, technical resources and

infrastructure. The resources indicator received a 2 out of 3 rating based on the

collected and analyzed information. Accordingly, we can state that the status of

resources is good but not as good as expected since funding sources have a

negative effect on the resources indicator.

As an end result, the structure received an average rating of 2.25 out of 3, which is a

very good rating, as the civil society structure has been subject to long developmental

stages that have led to increasing this rating. Therefore, we reached the following

conclusions and recommendations:

- Participation is a sensitive issue and could be lethal to NGOs. In order to

maintain their identity and not become organizations for the elite that benefit

only themselves, these organizations must work strenuously on promoting deep

public participation, opening membership to their general assemblies for such

categories, developing teamwork culture at their organization, and

implementing their activities.

- Networks may develop capacity building programs for organizations on

activating participation, including awareness raising and training, documenting

and sharing best practices in terms of participation, transfer of experience with

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relation to creating work regulations and manuals, reviewing the laws and code

of conduct with the general assemblies of other organizations.

- The variation of funding sources and increasing the self and local funding margin

in the financial structure of NGOs constitute a safe approach towards ensuring

the sustainability of services provided by NGOs. Networks must work on and

contribute to building the capacity of NGOs, namely grassroots NGOs, in terms of

mobilizing self and local funding and improving their readiness for accountability.

The Environment: the analysis of the civil society environment included 7 indicators as

follows:

1. The Political and Legal Context: the analysis was based on the political situation in the country, its effects on the civil society and its reflection on NGOs and their implementation of their activities; the effects of the existing factions system on the work of NGOs; the application of rule of law on higher authorities; the control over corruption in the public sector; the ability of the authorities to achieve the goals adopted in the strategic plan; and government spending on local governments. This indicator received a 1.05 out of 3 rating based on the collected and analyzed information, which is a very low rating. Accordingly, we can state that the political and legal context is an impeding element before the work of civil society organizations and will negatively affect the surrounding environment indicator.

2. Political Freedoms and Rights: the analysis was based on the extent to which civil freedoms are protected by the law and practices, public access to governmental documents and information, and legal guarantees to the freedom of press and the application of such laws. This indicator received a 1.33 out of 3 rating based on the collected and analyzed information, which is a low rating as there are violations of freedoms and there is a lack of laws that guarantee freedom of access to information.

3. The Socio-economic Context: the analysis was based on the socio-economic situation in the country and its effects on the civil society, and the effects of prevailing socio-economic factors on the work of civil society organizations. This indicator received a 1 out of 3 rating based on the collected and analyzed information, which is a very low rating that shows the negative effect of the socio-economic situation on the work of civil society organizations.

4. The Socio-cultural Context: the analysis was based on the effect of socio-cultural standards and behaviors on the civil society through examining the trust of individuals of the society in each other, the extent of tolerance between individuals in the society, and the sense of belonging amongst individuals in the society. This indicator received a 2 out of 3 rating based on the collected and analyzed information, which is a high rating compared to the other environment indicators, due to the positive cultural standards with relation to the Palestinian civil society’s work.

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5. The Legal Environment: the analysis was based on the extent to which the current legal environment allows for the civil society to work, namely the registration of civil society organizations; the freedom of civil society organizations in engaging in advocacy and support programs and/or in criticizing the government; and the tax exemption system that encourages individuals and organizations to use tax deduction and loans in tendering procedures. This indicator received a 1.58 out of 3 rating based on the collected and analyzed information, which is a low rating, due to the constraints in the civil society’s legal environment.

6. The Relation between the Civil Society and the State: the analysis was based on the nature and quality of the relation between the civil society and the state through enabling the civil society to exist and work independently without state intervention, the dialogue between the state and the civil society, and the extent to which the civil society obtains resources from the state. This indicator received a 1.43 out of 3 rating based on the collected and analyzed information. The rating is low due to limited relations, the existence of some issues that limit the work of civil society organizations and the limited dialogue and its decreased efficiency.

7. The Relation between the Civil Society and the Private Sector: the analysis was based on the nature and quality of the relation between the civil society and the private sector through examining the private sector’s view of civil society organizations, private sector institutions’ commitment to their social responsibilities, and the support received by NGOs from the private sector. This indicator received a 1.5 out of 3 rating based on the collected and analyzed information. The rating is low due to limited relations and partnerships with the private sector, and the limited support provided to the civil society.

As an end result, the environment received a 1.41 out of 3 rating, which is a low rating due to the fact that the surrounding environment around the civil society may be impeding to the work of the civil society. Accordingly, the following conclusions and recommendations were reached:

- The environment surrounding civil society organizations is characterized by challenges, instability and in many times difficulty, which requires the three networks to conduct an in depth and detailed study on the different aspects of this environment and develop interventions to address them in order to improve the work conditions of NGOs and charitable societies.

- The social values system is subject to numerous negative effects, namely constricting collectivity values such as trust, tolerance, acceptance, and social belonging. Which requires attention to this trend and the development of promotional and awareness campaigns on positive social values that encourage participation and voluntary work.

- Should NGOs be unable to stabilize the political situation and expand the horizon of hope, the three umbrellas are able to develop intervention programs with different socio-political parties, including political parties and unions, to thwart

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the deterioration in public participation and promote participation, voluntary work and social values that strengthen collective belonging.

The values: the analysis of values that guiding the civil society included 7 indicators as follows:

1. Democracy: the analysis was based on the civil society’s practices of democracy through the organizations encouraging their targeted categories on practicing democracy, and promoting democracy on the social level. This indicator received a 2.5 out of 3 rating based on the collected and analyzed information, which is a relatively high rating because civil society organizations stated that they practice democracy and promote it in the Palestinian society.

2. Transparency: the analysis was based on the civil society’s practice of transparency through examining the extent of corruption in the civil society, the extent to which NGO’s publish their financial reports to the public, and the processes and activities promoting governance and participation transparency. This indicator received a 1.87 out of 3 rating based on the collected and analyzed information, which is low compared to that of democracy because there are few civil society organization that provide their information to the public and engage in activities to promote transparency, such practices are found in central organizations.

3. Tolerance: the analysis was based on civil society organizations’ practices of tolerance values in light of the fact that civil society is the embodiment of tolerance, and the organizations’ activities towards promoting tolerance on the social level. This indicator received a 2 out of 3 rating based on the collected and analyzed information, which is a very good rating, as civil society put tangible efforts into spreading and promoting tolerance values.

4. Non-violence: the analysis was based on the civil society practices of non-violence values and promoting non-violence through raising awareness on non-violence definitions, and how NGOs deal with combatting violence. This indicator received a 2 out of 3 rating based on the collected and analyzed information, which is a very good rating, as civil society puts tangible efforts into spreading and promoting non-violence values.

5. Gender Equality: the analysis was based on the civil society practices of gender equality and promoting gender equality, and how NGOs deal with positive discrimination in favor of women. This indicator received a 2.3 out of 3 rating based on the collected and analyzed information, which is a very good rating, as civil society exercises tangible efforts to this end and always works on positive discrimination in favor of women.

6. Combatting Poverty: the analysis was based on the extent to which the values of combatting poverty are promoted amongst the civil society through projects and activities implemented by NGOs towards combatting poverty. This indicator received a 1.8 out of 3 rating based on the collected and analyzed information,

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which is a relatively good rating, as civil society provides efforts to this end and always attempts to combat poverty.

7. Environment Sustainability: the analysis was based on the extent to which the civil society maintains the sustainability of the environment through the projects and activities implemented by NGOs to this end. This indicator received a 2 out of 3 rating based on the collected and analyzed information, which is a very good rating, as civil society provides efforts to this end and always attempts to maintain the environment.

As an end result, values received a 2.07 out of 3 rating, which is a very good rating as the civil society is led by a number of positive values. Accordingly, we reached the following conclusions and recommendations:

- The civil society worked on promoting democracy and gender equality through its different activities and continued communication with the public. This was evident from the numerous activities implemented by the civil society towards promoting democracy values and raising public awareness on this issue.

- There is a strong approach from civil society organizations to reach gender equality. NGOs are exercising great efforts to reach gender equality and they are also working on networking and cooperating with other public and private sectors towards promoting gender equality.

- A large number of civil society organizations have signed the code of conduct, however work needs to be done in this context on two components; the first is that these organizations should incorporate the code of conduct provisions in their regulations and policies and apply them. The second is that the umbrella networks must discuss the code of conduct with the general assemblies of organizations and build the capacity of the organizations in this regard.

- With regards to transparency and accountability, civil society organizations need to increase their preparedness for accountability and build the capacity of their staff on handling and applying accountability considerations.

- Civil society organizations must promote transparency and increase publication of financial and administrative reports.

Impact: the analysis of the civil society’s impact included 5 indicators as follows:

1. Effect on Public Policies: the analysis was based on the efficiency and success of the civil society’s effect in public policies through examining the efficiency of the organizations’ activities and programs aiming at effecting public policies, the experiences of organizations in working on effecting public budget, and maintaining integrity in partnership and cooperation with the public and private sectors. This indicator received a 1.25 out of 3 rating based on the collected and analyzed information, which is a relatively low rating, as civil society experiences in effecting policies were limited.

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2. Maintaining Integrity in Partnerships and Cooperation with the Public And Private Sectors: the analysis was based on the efficiency and success of the civil society in maintaining integrity in partnerships and cooperation with the public and private sectors through examining the organizations’ participation in campaigns and programs aiming at monitoring government performance and maintaining integrity, and the organizations’ efforts in maintaining integrity in projects implemented in partnership with the private sector. This indicator received a 2 out of 3 rating based on the collected and analyzed information, which is a very good rating, as there are good experiences in this regard.

3. Response to Public Interest: the analysis was based on the civil society’s response to public interest through examining NGOs’ response to the priorities in social interests, and trust with the public. This indicator received a 1.5 out of 3 rating based on the collected and analyzed information, which is a relatively low rating, as there are good but limited experiences in this regard due to limited financial resources.

4. Empowering the Public: the analysis was based on the efficiency and success of the civil society in empowering the public, particularly marginalized categories, to be able to make life changing decisions through educational programs on public issues; and the efficiency and success of NGOs in: building the capacity of the public to organize themselves, identify resources, and work collectively to solve general issues; the programs implemented by NGOs with the aim of empowering marginalized categories; the programs aimed at empowering women; the programs and activities aimed at building social capital; and the efficiency of the civil society in creating and supporting employment. This indicator received a 1.75 out of 3 rating based on the collected and analyzed information, which is a good rating, as the civil society is exercising great efforts to this end, and such efforts are conditioned by the availability of financial resources.

5. Meeting social needs: the analysis was based on the civil society’s efficiency and success in meeting social needs, particularly those of indigent people and marginalized categories, through examining NGOs’ achievements in pressuring the government towards meeting urgent social needs; the services provided by NGOs to meet urgent social needs; and the evaluation of services in comparison with the services provided by public organizations in the same field of work in terms of quality and quantity. This indicator received a 1.43 out of 3 rating based on the collected and analyzed information, which is a low rating, as there are efforts from the civil society in this regard but these efforts are dependent on the availability of financial resources.

As an end result, the effect received an average rating of 1.64 out of 3, which is a very low rating because the civil society’s effect is contingent on combined and complementary efforts from all civil society organizations. Accordingly, we reached the following conclusions and recommendations:

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- Civil society organizations were successful in pressuring political powers for the greater national interest in limited instances, such as spreading the culture of human rights. They also had a role in encouraging political participation and affecting decision making, even though it was not at the required level many times.

- The successes of the civil society included increasing the effect of its wok through civil society organizations’ ability to respond to the social needs, namely rapid response in aid processes; implement projects to create employment opportunities; and build the capacity of marginalized and targeted categories, as well as providing economic, social, educational and medical support to these categories.

- Civil society organizations must involve the largest targeted categories in needs assessment processes, planning and implementation of activities targeting them, in parallel with promoting and accumulating the effect of their work.

- Civil society organizations must review national policies and plans and build on them to increase the effect and ensure its accumulation in order to achieve greater results from their programs and projects.

- Increase the visibility of civil society programs’ effect through the use of media and social media, which could be done through the umbrella networks.

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Section One: Introduction and Definition

1. Background

The subject of civil society emerged as one of the most important issues being discussed

at this period of time during which many changes are taking place globally, and in the

Arab World in particular. The central concept of civil society is manifested in

contemporary literature related to democratic transition in different countries around

the World, including the countries of the Arab World1. It is noticed that arguments

related to the civil society, as a concept and as a social structure, are usually raised

during historical eras that witness many social transformations and changes. Especially

changes related to the governing regime and ruling authority, and in the economic,

social and living patterns connected to these regimes2. One can also notice that this

concept appears in political literature and ideological debates, then starts to vanish

gradually and later disappears so that the related debates no longer exist, but then it

comes back to the top strongly, this time in a different context in terms of the historical

moment, related content and the needs that this debate tries to provide answers to.

This was the case when there was a need to revive the concept of civil society, it was

described by saying that “the main source for forming a social capital lies within the

social society”3. Just like other concepts, the concept of social society is connected to

the ideological school addressing the concept and the historical context contained

within it.

Libraries are loaded with publications, theories, interpretations and readings related to

or discussing the subject of civil society. Despite this attention, this concept, and the

1 Shukor, AbdulGhafar (2003) “Civil Society and its Role in Shaping Democracy.” In AbdulGhafar Shukor

and Mohamed Moro. Domestic Society and its role in Shaping Democracy. Damascus: Dar Alfikr. P.57. 2 Seymour Martin Lipset, Jason M. Lakin, (2004) The Democratic Century, Norman: University of

Oklahoma Press, 128. 3 Michael Leicht, A Reformed European Model: Social Capital as a Competitive Advantage, (Norderstedt:

GRN Verlag, 2000), P. 72.

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reflections it has on the socio-economic and political structures, is considered one of the

most debated concepts as there is a large gap between the different views of the

concept and in the method used how to handle it. Differences include: definition; as it is

difficult to agree on one unified definition, there are many dissimilar definitions,

although in some cases definitions have some similarities. In addition, writers also have

different views about its components, conditions and its roles or uses.

Although the 1980’s have witnessed a return of the discussions about the concept of

civil society on an international level due to the changes that took place in Eastern

Europe, the notion in Palestine was noticed strongly after the year 1994, when wide

debates and arguments were triggered among Palestinian researcher and intellectuals.

The debates and discussions related to the concept of civil society in Palestine escalated

due to the political developments that were unusual to the Palestinian society. The most

prominent development was the formation of the Palestinian National Authority as a

product of Oslo Accords. The Palestinian Authority represented a new social structure in

the Palestinian society which was unfamiliar to the society. The issues of governance, a

state, democracy, citizenship, human rights and civil society were some of the hottest

topics in the context of developmental thought and political thought, which aspired for

changes despite the incomplete process of national liberation and independence. This

new structure resulted in a need to search for interpretations and definitions for

existing social formations and new ones, to provide explanation for the related

concepts, and to highlight the strong relation between them and the position of each

formation in the social structure. Through this research, Palestine went through detailed

discussions and debates about local organizations and the civil society, their emergence,

development, the terms of their existence, their components, their roles and

definitions.

There were many different opinions related to the concept, roles, terms of existence

and the emergence of a civil society, some researchers agreed that the Palestinian civil

society was formed amid the formation of the contemporary social structure and during

the resistance against colonialism before the Palestinian Nakbah of 1984 and before the

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existence of Israel4. Others believe that the “Palestinian Civil Society” has been formed

during the resistance of the Israeli occupation after the year 19675. Furthermore,

others, who believe that the existence of a national state is a main condition for the

development of a civil society, said that the “Palestinian Civil Society” was formed after

the existence of the Palestinian National Authority, i.e. after 19946.

Due to the unusual formation of the Palestinian civil society, as it was formed in the

absence of a national state and while under occupation, the issues related to the

objective conditions that should exist in a society in order to be able to accept the fact

of the existence of a Palestinian civil society and to recognize it was the most dominant

issue in the current debates. Some specialists considered that there are some main

conditions and distinctive characteristics that should exist in a society so that it could be

considered a civil society, probably the most important conditions are: having a national

state, separation between governmental organizations and civil organizations, the

existence of a democratic political system, having an effectively participant society, and

having a society that shows recognition of all its citizens, despite the differences in their

affiliations, and a society that differentiates between contemporary and historical social

structures7. Due to the overlap between these conditions, and since the Palestinian

society was put under notable external pressure, many researchers refused to

acknowledge the existence of a civil society due to the absence of an independent

Palestinian State and the absence of the related structural and divisional formations.

According to this point of view, a civil society will be established under the case of

mutual exclusion from the State. Another point of view refused to acknowledge the

4 Abrash, Ibrahim (2006) “The Palestinian Civil Society from The Revolution to the Establishment of a

State”, General Information Association: Ro’ya Magazine, issue, February, P 60-61. 5 Ziyad Abu Amr (1995) Civil Society and Democratic Transformation in Palestine, Ramallah: MUWATIN

The Palestinian Institute for the Study of Democracy, P. 27. 6 Jukman, George (1995) “Civil Society and the Palestinian Authority”, in Mousa AlBudairy et al,

Palestinian Democracy: Cash Money, Ramallah: MUWATIN The Palestinian Institute for the Study of Democracy, P. 108; Mustafa AlBarghouthi “The Current Era and Changes to Civil Organizations in Palestine”. In May AlJayyousi (Edited), Liberation, Democratic Transformation, and Building a State in the Third World: Proceedings of MUWATIN Conference held in Ramallah on the 7

th and 8

th of November

1997, (Ramallah: The Palestinian Institute for the Study of Democracy, 1998), P. 77. 7 Azmi Bshara Civil Society, Critical Review, Ramallah, MUWATIN The Palestinian Institute for the Study of

Democracy, P. 33

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existence of a Palestinian civil society, even after the existence of the Palestinian

National Authority, considering that this Authority does not have independent

sovereignty, and the existence of an independent democratic state is a main condition

for having a civil society8, thus, this point of view did not consider the mere existence of

a Palestinian Authority enough. As for the group who adopted the point of view which

defended the right of recognizing a civil society in Palestine, there were some variations

in their conditions; some did not consider the existence of a Palestinian Authority a

condition to acknowledge the existence of a civil society, they considered that the

existence of a civil society is a result of social and historical development and that it was

formed before the existence of the Palestinian Authority, and that democratic formation

is an accumulative historical process in which the civil society is shaped and hardened,

despite the fact that the democratic process is occurring during the ongoing conflict on

political authority. Others considered that the establishment of the National Authority

and the existence of a Palestinian Parliament are enough for the acknowledgement of

the existence and development of a Palestinian civil society, and see that the Palestinian

civil society, with its different components and organizations, and the strength of the

society and its different connections and interactions, are all part of the Palestinian

social structure9.

As for the debate related to the components of a civil society, it can be summarized in

the nature of these components (structures) that should be either included or excluded

from the framework of the recognized civil society. Some considered that the

components of a civil society shall include social structures that are based on willingly

created connections between the individuals as citizens, and shall not include any

connections that are based on blood or inheriting connections. In other words,

connections which exclude family members and connections based on family ties.

Others chose to exclude political parties from the context of the civil society as they are

8 Ziyad Abu Amr (1995) Civil Society and Democratic Transformation in Palestine, previous resource, P.

123, 148. 9 Jukman, George (1995) “Civil Society and the Palestinian Authority”, in Mousa AlBudairy et al,

Palestinian Democracy: Cash Money, Ramallah: MUWATIN The Palestinian Institute for the Study of Democracy, P. 108.

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considered one of the components of a state, others excluded cooperatives due to the

nature of their relation with the market. It may be that the different opinions related to

the components of the civil society are a result of the different opinions related to the

definition of a civil society, as the differences in defining the civil society were reflected

on the components and terms of creation of a civil society. The debate over the role of

the civil society was limited between those who found a positive effect for the

Palestinian civil society, whether the role is spreading positive values in the society and

meeting its needs or its role in affecting policies, on one hand, and those who have not

found such positive role on the other10.

From the perspective of CIVICUS Methodology11, the concept of civil society is used

recurrently and in a simplified manner only to describe non-governmental and non-

profitable organizations. Each society consists of:

- Public Sector (Governmental and State Organizations): which is the ruling and

controlling sector, it includes the governmental executive body, the legislative body,

civil services and military and judicial bodies. This sector is the sector that controls

the legitimate use of power.

- Private Sector (Business and Market Sector): which is the sector that regulated

businesses and works towards creating wealth for individuals and organizations

through gaining profits by offering different products and services. This sector

consists of companies, business organizations, and other profitable organizations.

- Civil Society Sector (Citizens Sector, Non-Governmental and Non-Profit Sector):

which is the third sector and can be considered the vaguest of all three sectors due

to the many different concepts, definitions and understandings of this sector. It is

formed of the groups of citizens who have come together for purposes other than

controlling people or generating profit.

10

For more information about the Palestinian Civil Society and the surrounding arguments see: Nadia Abu Zaher, (2008) “Civil Society” between the Descriptive and Normative, Dismantling the Concept Issue and the Chaos in Meanings, Ramallah: MUWATIN The Palestinian Institute for the Study of Democracy. 11

World Alliance for Citizen Participation, Assessing the State of Civil Society: a user guide for the CIVICUS Civil Society Index Rapid Assessment (CSI RA) 2012 Part: 1, 2, 3, 2012

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What differentiates the civil society from the private and the public sectors is that the

organizations forming the civil society are formed slowly on the basis of increased

interest in the rights and benefit of people supported by these organizations. Many

organizations were formed in an intent to give a voice to citizens, away from the voices

of the governmental and business sectors. These “popular organizations” include a

group of voluntarily created organizations, such as trade unions, specialized unions,

traditional organizations, organizations created based on religious beliefs, civil

organizations (non-governmental), vocational unions, retirement organizations and

others.

The debates regarding the civil society in the Palestinian situation remain ongoing, and

despite the importance of such theoretical debates in creating and enriching social

knowledge, there is also an urgent need to shed more light on the practical status of the

Palestinian civil society through which the civil society is evaluated in terms of its

practical effect on the standards of living and on the development of the society, in a

way that enhances the understanding of its concept, its components, its role and

capabilities, and the connections of strength between it and the other sectors. In order

to have an objective diagnosis, it is very important to use objective and previously

tested measurement tools in the diagnosis process. CIVICUS Methodology provides the

methods and measurement tools required for developing a Civil Society Index, as it

offers many objective and tested measurement tools that help in measuring the status

of a civil society. In order to develop this measurement tool, we have used the

methodology suggested by CIVICUS, which was developed based on practical group

experiments conducted in many countries, including Lebanon12, Morocco and South

Africa13.

12

International Management and Training Institute (IMTI) An Assessment of Lebanese Civil Society, Beirut 2006. 13

CIVICUS (2015), Consultation Document and Southern Africa Pilot Report: The Civic Space Monitor, CIVICUS. http://www.civicus.org/images/CvivicSpaceMinitorPilot.pdf

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2. The Palestinian Civil Society

Historically, there have been large numbers of charity and relief associations and

organizations that have operated in Palestine, which have been established based on

different considerations, including family and clannish basis, and were established to

provide services to the poor in the Palestinian Society. Such organizations were very

active during periods of war and after wars, in order to provide all kinds of help for the

people who were affected and displaced. Furthermore, these organizations have played

a vital role in the history of the Palestinians during the Israeli occupation which intended

to neglect the provision of services and to weaken the Palestinian economy and to

connect it with the Israeli economy, in addition to the negligence of the Palestinian

infrastructure and basic and social services. The absence of the National Authority or

any other official Palestinian governmental body in the West Bank and Gaza resulted in

pushing the non-governmental organizations and associations to work on covering the

deficiency resulting from the absence of official authorities, and to provide citizens with

the different vital services. Palestinian non-governmental organizations assumed the

role of providing services in the absence of a centralized national authority. Even after

the creation of the Palestinian National Authority, these non-governmental

organizations were responsible for 60% of the provided medical and primary care

services, and 49% of the provided secondary and third level services14. During the period

of Israeli occupation, Palestinian non-governmental organizations had two major roles,

which were: contributing in the resistance of the Israeli occupation on one part, and

supporting the Palestinian Society and protecting it from the effects of this occupation

from the other.

The Palestinian civil experience is one of the richest experiences, both in terms of its

ability to maintain the Palestinian social pattern, and in terms of maintaining the

solidarity of the Palestinian Society despite the huge amount of international pressure

14

Sari Hanafi. Linda Tabar, The Emergence of the Palestinian Globalized Elite: Donors, International Organizations, and Local NGO’s, (Ramallah: MUWATIN The Palestinian Institute for the Study of Democracy, 2006), P. 210.

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which has in many cases “thrown many other societies in a case of internal security

breakdown”15.

The Palestinian civil experience is one of the richest experiences of its kind as the

services and support that were provided by the civil society were used to cover the

deficiency caused by the lack of governmental services. This experience was also

characterized by the extensive popular contribution; as organizations of the civil society

depended for implementing its activities, and in some cases offering protection, on

popular initiatives and constructive partnership between the different categories of the

Palestinian society, which earned them a lot of respect especially during the first

Intifada (uprising)16.

Civil organizations were considered the base of developmental work in Palestine for a

long period of time, especially in the absence of an official Palestinian authority in the

Palestinian Territories. With the support of the Palestinian Liberation Organization and

other Arab and international organization, and since the civil organizations existed

alongside the public (was located on ground), these organizations were empowered and

have implemented many programs related to developmental and human rights issues,

provided services, and were directly engaged in the Palestinian people’s daily issues

and challenges. This gave the civil society an advantage over the “external leadership” of

the Palestinian Liberation Organization with its different factions. It is also worth

mentioning that the political nature, due to which many civil organizations were formed,

has in many cases encouraged the concept of actual contribution in the decision making

and implementation processes.

Despite the importance of their roles, Palestinian non-governmental organizations are

heterogeneous and have many differences on many levels, including: their perspective

15

George Jukman, “What is Political Word? About the Palestinian Party Crisis in the Current Stage?”, in The Palestinian Party Crisis: Proceedings of MUWATIN conference held in Ramallah on 24/11/1995, (Ramallah, MUWATIN The Palestinian Institute for the Study of Democracy, 1996), P. 82. 16

Naser Shaikh Ali, (2008) The Role of Civil Society Organizations in Reinforcing Political Participation in Palestine, Thesis (Master’s Degree), An-Najah National University – Faculty of Graduate Studies – Political Planning and Development Program, P. 112.

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towards civil work, the size of their organizations and their goals, the geographic

location and operating location, their developmental and political orientations, and the

developmental and charitable dimensions of these organizations. This helps in

explaining the dissimilarities in developmental trends and geographical location for

these organizations. With the forming of the Palestinian Authority, these organizations

had different opinions about the Palestinian Authority. In the times when some non-

governmental organizations were able and willing to fully merge with the institutions of

the Palestinian Authority and to become an integral part of it in terms of funding,

management, and types of offered programs, other organizations were able to maintain

their independence from the Palestinian Authority to a large extent, which resulted in

some kind of “competition” between the Palestinian Authority and these organizations

in many issues, particularly the issue of foreign funding17, on which both parties highly

depended in their operations. And as expected, the second category of civil

organizations were the most demanding for adopting a “mutual participation”

cooperation basis in defining plans, stating policies and decisions and applying them on

ground, unlike the first category of civil organizations which melted in the Authority and

there was no way to deal with them as civil organizations in its comprehensive meaning

(there were no differences between these organizations’ philosophy and Authority’s

philosophy in relation to developmental issues). Based on this, the independent

organizations requested the development of a modern law that regulates their relation

with the society, the Authority, and with other civil organizations, to protect their rights

and independence, and to reduce the chances of being controlled by the different

bodies on the Palestinian Authority in general, and the security forces in particular.

These organizations succeeded in forming some effective pressure committees that

secured the Legislative Council’s approval of its proposals which were provided in a form

of a proposed draft resolution for civil organizations and charitable societies. The

Legislative Council voted for the approval of this draft resolution in its first, second and

17

Majdi AlMalki, Taser Shalabi, Hasan Ladadwah, Census Report of Palestinian Non-Governmental Organizations in the West Bank and Gaza Strip 2007, (Palestine Economic Policy Research Institute (MAS)), P. P. 1-2.

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third readings, and which was returned to the office of the Head of the Legislative

Council for the revision of some core issues mentioned in it, such as the issue of

registration, although these issues have been previously discussed in details by the

Council. The draft resolution was certified by the Palestinian President after

transforming the registration process of civil organizations under the responsibilities of

the Ministry of Interior, after which it became the first law of the year 200018.

As for the Palestinian National Authority’s views of civil organizations, they are also

mixed. On one hand, some believe in the importance of finding a clear mechanisms to

control and regulate the work of civil organizations, as part of their view of a dominance

relation between the Authority and civil organizations in general. This view is a result of

the unacceptance of competition and the inability to accept the others, and the fear of

some Palestinian Authority officials of being replaced politically or developmentally with

other organizations, and for reasons related to the management of public money. This

view limits the chances of cooperation and effective partnership that are being

requested by the heads of many independent civil organizations. As for the other view

of the National Authority, it prefers to regulate the work of these organizations through

a “contemporary” law that gives these organizations the ability to function with

guaranteeing a “fair” degree of contribution, accountability and transparency. The

people adopting this view are concerned about many aspects, some see the work of the

civil society organizations from a “pragmatic” point of view. Controlling the work of

these organizations might lead to a decrease in the provision of the vital services they

offer. Others look into the importance of “collaboration” between civil society

organizations and the Palestinian Authority in the process of national liberation and in

enhancing the development process. The other justification for this view is some of the

Palestinian Authority’s member belief in the important role that some civil society

organizations play as a monitoring and accountability body over the organizations of the

National Authority itself, especially that many of these organizations were originally

18

Jean Francesco Costantini et al, (2015), An Analytical Mapping of the Palestinian Civil Society Organizations – Update 2015, European Union, P. 16, available on: http://wwas.europa.eu/delegations/westbank/documents/news/2015/pal_csomapping_2015_ar.pdf

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created for political purposes. In the absence of an active political opposition to the

National Authority, there is an urgent need for such organization19. These opinions

result from the fact that many leaders and members of the Palestinian Authority have

many important roles and direct and effective relationship with civil organizations and

organizations of the civil society.

Establishment and Formation: The developmental work in Palestine depended on civil

initiatives, historically and until the establishment of the Palestinian National Authority

on parts of the Palestinian land. These initiatives usually contradicted and conflicted

with the ruling authorities in terms of goals, policies and operating methods. These

initiatives aimed at filling the gap in the services sectors and at dealing with the

negligence imposed by the ruling authorities (Ottoman Rule, British Mandate, Jordanian

Mandate and Israeli Occupation), in an effort to “develop” the society in a manner that

helps it in its resistance against Israeli occupation, and to attain proper living conditions

for Palestinians20. The successive authorities (Ottoman, British, Jordanian, and Israeli)

played a limited role (and in many cases destructive roles) in providing social services to

citizens and in investing in human capital, therefore, civil organizations filled a

significant part of the gap resulting from these systematic practices.

Civil initiatives generated some organized bodies in the form of charity organizations

and non-governmental organizations, and other bodies that were of more mass-related

nature such as federations, unions, popular movements, and local councils (especially

during the first uprising “Intifada”). All these bodies (which will be referred to as civil

organizations) played a primary role in the developmental process in an effort to stop

the process of developmental retrogression (then followed by organized direct and

indirect destructive behaviors from the Israeli government). Despite these behaviors,

Palestinians were still able to maintain a “reasonable” standard of human development

19

(Hammami, 1995) 20

In the early eighties, the concepts of impossible development, resistant development, development for durability and popular protection development have imarged, which gave the concept of “civil” a special meaning connected to the Palestinian situation. See AlDaqaq (1995), Samarah (1990) and Abdulhadi (1996).

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according to international standards, especially in the fields of education, health and

social programs.21

Until the early eighties, the role of cooperative and charitable organizations operating in

the West Bank and Gaza, which was also the usual role for civil organizations, was

limited to charity and aid works that aimed at providing aid for the poor and

marginalized in general, and on providing human rights services. These types of

organizations coincided with the developmental theories that were prominent at that

time, and which dealt with poverty and ignorance as temporary symptoms that can be

defeated by offering different types of aids, without giving any real attention to treating

the root causes of such social issues. In addition, the 1980’s witnessed the spread of

other types of non-governmental organizations which appeared in the form of popular

committees and mass organizations lead by a political motive, which is resisting the

Israeli occupation22. This period also witnessed an increase in the contribution of people

from different categories of the Palestinian society, including students, workers and

some active women working under different political parties. The general interest of

non-governmental organizations, at that time, was focused on activities and events

directed at the resistance of occupation and its negative effects, without being involved

in any real developmental initiatives. From here came the concept of “development for

the sake of resistance”, which took a defensive form, and “resistant development”,

which resists the effects of destruction caused by occupation.23

With the beginning of the first uprising “Intifada” in 1987, there was an increased

importance of contribution, and it expanded to include different cities, villages, and

Palestinian refugee camps in the West Bank, Gaza Strip and occupied Jerusalem.

Political work was not restricted to certain categories, it extended to the different layers

of the society. Resistant development programs resulted in increased focus on the

importance of developing the Palestinian society through encouraging the development

21

The life expectancy index for Palestinians in the West Bank and Gaza Strip is 71.5, adults literacy index is 85.5. 22

(Sullivan, 1995) 23

Samara (1995, AlDaqaq, 1990)

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of local economy and the unofficial sector, such as the “house economy” which relies on

local resources and decreases the reliance on the Israeli economy, as an introductory

step for obtaining an independent Palestinian State. During that period, there were

many developmental initiatives that depended on the contribution of masses, such as

cooperatives “development through popular protection”, and there was an increase in

the number of non-governmental organizations that supported the building of

capacities to increase the efficiency of individuals and the society. Popular committees

started to form in most areas and neighborhoods in order to fulfill the different needs of

these areas in the fields of health, education, security, and providing food and water to

those in need. In light of this change, new concepts related to building the society’s

capabilities have emerged, in an effort to build a strong society that guarantees political

pluralism, protects democracy, and respects human rights.24

Many questions were raised about the role and importance of civil organizations,

especially in the field of reinforcing the contribution of individuals and the weak and

marginalized categories of the society, and the role of these organizations in

development and building the capabilities of the Palestinian people in light of the

historical changes in relations between the ruling authority and civil organizations. Do

civil organizations enhance the reinforcement of participation? And how? And how does

the Palestinian Authority deal with the important role of civil societies? Have they

defined a specific formula to regulate their relation? How successful is this formula? All

these questions form the topics of ongoing debate in the Palestinian Society.

Moreover, the absence of actual opposition, represented by political parties, led to

political emptiness and the absence of effective force that observes the performance of

the Authority and holds it accountable for any mistakes. This opened the opportunity

for Palestinian civil organizations to fill this gap; they organizations observed the

performance of the Authority, especially during the building phase which requires

monitoring on the status of human rights and the legislation process, and stressed the

24

(Sullivan, 1995)

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importance of striving to set democratic laws and ensuring their proper implementation

by forming pressure groups for the decision makers in the Palestinian Authority, which

was in many cases conducted in coordination with members of the Palestinian

Legislative Council. This is the strongest role known for civil organizations on the

international level. An in a rarely occurring initiative, Palestine is one of the few

countries in the world in which a specialized ministry for civil organizations was formed

(it was later disbanded), its mission was to regulate the work of civil organizations in

Palestine and regulate its relation with the Authority on the basis of integration and

comprehensiveness.

Types of Civil Organizations in Palestine: The name civil organizations covers a large

sector of organizations, associations and frameworks that form the civil society,

including clubs, unions, cooperatives, professional links, the press, and different kinds of

associations with their various interests25. The Palestinian definition of non-

governmental organizations has varied according to the phase. Charitable and

organizational traits were absent during the Ottoman rule and British Mandate. The

charitable trait was visible during the Jordanian Mandate. During the Israeli Occupation,

the name (characteristic) non-governmental organization was used for every

organization or association that was not under Israeli control, and that was non-

profitable, and worked voluntarily in the fields of humanitarian, social, developmental,

educational or political services. For this reason, some considered cooperatives part of

civil organizations, despite its relation with the market and the difference between the

basis of their creation and their principals of operation and those of other civil

organizations. Many non-governmental organizations were not officially registered.

Currently, and after the establishment of the Palestinian National Authority on parts of

the West Bank and Gaza Strip, this definition is starting to shift in another direction

related to the identity of the organization, its framework, nature of its registration as a

charitable association or civil organization, or educations, sports, social or legal

organization, according to the related ministry for that organization, which are: the

25

Different documents issued by the Palestinian Non-Governmental Organizations Network (PNGO).

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Ministry of Interior, the Ministry of Social Affairs, the Ministry of Justice, Ministry of

Culture, Ministry of Planning and International Corporation, Ministry of Youth and

Sports, Ministry of Agriculture, the Ministry of Labor and other, each according to its

field of specialization. There is no law that regulates the registration of associations,

unions, or even political parties. Currently, the registration of civil organizations of all

types and the related certification and monitoring is conducted by the Ministry of

Interior.

Role and Status: During the last decades, Palestinian civil organizations have worked,

and are still working in a rapidly changing and unstable atmosphere. Their operations

have been faced with many complications, limitations, successes and failures.

Undoubtedly, the complications of the current status, represented in the continuation

of Israeli occupation and Judaizing Jerusalem, political split and obstruction of

democratic life, the absence of a legislative council and what follows this absence either

internally or externally, all these complications put forward great challenges, which

might be new in their nature, in front of civil organizations, which also resulted in

setting the role and status of these organizations. And just like in any new phase, the

new reality requires a revision of the roles mechanisms and tools that control these

organizations, and to review them, if required, so that these organizations can continue

to play their historical and strategic role in the life if the Palestinian society which looks

forward to gaining its freedom and independence, to end the Israeli occupation, and to

attain development.

Despite the many complications, limitations and difficulties, the civil sector in Palestine

was able to set some basis for its relation with the different ruling authorities and state

bodies, which are based on three main principles setting the framework for this relation,

they are:

First: The legal framework of the relation which is based on the main law and the law of

associations and civil organizations number (1) for the year 2000, which is based on the

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regulations of the main law related to the rights of individuals and groups of creating

and forming civil organizations.

Second: The developmental framework of the relation between civil organizations and

the bodies and organizations of the state, which are built on the basis of harmonized

and integrated vision of social and economic development, and on the right of civil

organizations to pressure, influence and support the organizations of the state to adopt

developmental policies that serve the needs of the poor and marginalized in the

Palestinian Society.

Third: The framework of mutual official and social accountability, and the civil society’s

responsibility of defending the freedom of individuals and groups, and the role of civil

organizations in the reinforcement of civil rights movements, the freedom of formation

in the different groups of the society, and the engagement of these groups in defending

their civil and social rights.

On the internal level of civil organizations, the civil sector was able to fulfill many urgent

needs, including setting regulations, developing work procedures and processes,

developing integrity and democracy systems related to the operation of organizations,

developing the system of values that controls and regulates the work of these

organizations26, learning from their experiences and enhancing the systems of good

governance and utilization of services, and building the capabilities of the staff.

Although their cooperative work experience is still new, during the past 3 years,

Palestinian civil organizations have showed a positive example of serious work for the

development of a free, independent and sturdy society. Civil networks, with the

Palestinian Non-Governmental Organizations Network (PNGO) and the Palestinian

National Institute for NGOs (PNIN) and the General Union of Voluntary Societies, played

a major role in the coordination and activation of the Palestinian civil work efforts. This

role was developed through three main experiences:

26

See The Palestinian NGO’s Code of Conduct, The Civil Coalition for the Code of Conduct.

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First: In the year 2012, there was a development of a relationship between the different

networks through the partnership in the program for the reinforcement of the

capabilities of Palestinian non-governmental organizations, and the contribution in the

decision making process and the democratic process. This project was implemented by

the NGO Development Center (NDC) and was funded by the European Union through

the European Commission Office in Jerusalem. The project was considered a huge

progress in the reinforcement and development of dialog and partnership between the

European Union and the Palestinian civil organizations network.

Second: In the year 2014, civil networks formed the “Coordination Council of Palestinian

NGOs”, which acts as a democratic framework for civil society organizations, it is based

on a vivid developmental vision and works on protecting the independence of civil work,

enabling it and reinforcing its role in the national struggle and building democracy

through affected the public opinion, improving social coordination, networking and

participation, in addition to mobilizing the energies of the members of the civil sector,

based on the values of social justice and the rule of law, and protecting humans and

their dignity.

Third: In the year 2015, the leading civil networks, in coordination with the civil

organizations of specialty, launched the Civil Society Organizations’ Reinforcement

Project, which was directly implemented by the networks and the European Union. The

Project aims at reinforcing the role of Palestinian civil networks and unions in the

process of developing the Palestinian Territories through strengthening coordination,

cooperation and integration among these organizations, in addition to finding new

methods and tools for affecting governmental policies and the orientation of

international donors in a way that increases the effect of the role of civil society

organizations, fulfills the needs of the marginalized and promoted developmental

priorities on a national basis.

As part of its efforts to develop the Palestinian civil sector and activating the

cooperation between the basic components of the society, the Networks are now

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seeking to develop and prepare the Civil Society Index using a clear tool that was tested

in the context of civil societies, in order to reinforce the sustainability of the civil society,

to strengthen its role in positive social change and to enable it to face threats and

challenges in a more effective manner.

The civil networks’ vision of developing a methodology for evaluating the status of the

civil society is based on regional and international past experiences in this field,

particularly the experience of the World Alliance of for Citizen Participation (CIVICUS)

which offered a revelation of the status of civil societies in a large number of countries

around the world.

Classification of Civil Organizations: Palestinian non-governmental civil organizations

can be classified into many categories based on different measurements and standards

related to the level of operation of these organizations, the activities they conduct, the

source of funding, and other basis. And since the applied work methodology in this

Index is CIVICUS, there is need to clarify the classification adopted by this methodology.

Definition of the Civil Society according to CIVICUS: CIVICUS defines a civil society as

the “institutional space, organizations and individuals, existing within the family, the

state and the market, in which individuals voluntary engage, participate and correlate in

order to improve a situation or for a case of shared interest among them”.

There are multiple types of connections and fields of “shared interest”, which may or

may not be acceptable for some individuals, or which could be properly treated by all

the workers in civil society organizations. Knowing that freedom of opinion and freedom

of association are very important elements of a democratic society in which a citizens

are allowed to ally, engage and connect together in any fields of interest they choose,

without being equally attractive for other individuals.

Organizations which support the environment of civil work: Organizations which create

an environment that is adequate for civil society development and that promotes its

prosperity are those which are created within the framework of a country that provides

a space for hearing its citizens’ voices. According to the democratic liberal pattern which

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became widely and naturally accepted in the last 10 years (even if not actually

implemented), these organizations are: the executive authority, judicial authority,

legislative authority and media, local governments, popular organizations, universities

and transparent independent organizations, such as: the Elections Committee, human

rights organizations, anti-corruption committees, General Audit Committee, law firms

and observers. 27

Civil Society Organizations and organizations claiming to be so: According to CIVICUS,

civil society organizations can be classifies into two groups according to their role, in

addition to another group of organizations claiming to be civil organizations.

1. Organizations of Shared Interest: These organizations are formed of individuals

who are connected together to create a committee in which they become members,

individuals have a governance function to elect those who manage the organization, and

members reap benefit from these organizations. Such organizations may be very small

in size; a social organization in a particular geographical area, or a large organization

with a national framework. Examples of such organizations are: cooperatives, unions,

professional associations and self-support groups in villages. Such organizations may

include temporary components for topics such as boycott, strikes or other topics.

Below is an overview of the types of organizations classified under this group, and they

will be experimented one by one, despite the possibility of the existence of other local

variations.

1.1. Groups based on religion: this refers to organizations that serve their members

who belong to a certain religious sect, such as a specific religion (like Muslims or

Christians), or more common, religious sects (Shazly sect), or groups of a separate

religious framework of their own (not popular in our areas, if available they are kept as

secret since being part of such groups leads to punishments).

1.2. Community Organizations for Native Inhabitants: this refers to organizations

formed by native inhabitants, which reflects the interest, benefit and civilization of

27

For more details, see the related analysis attached to this report.

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those who belong to a certain geographical society or the native inhabitants of a certain

area (such as Samaritans, Turkman, or Bedouins).

1.3. Introduced Community Organizations (Proposed): this refers to civil

organizations that are introduced from outside the work environment, and formed from

people from outside the related society, it is formed and includes members (with

different levels) by locals. It means the social organizations that were proposed or

created by the State, donors, non-governmental organizations, or past members who

are often interested in a certain program or governmental project (nature preserving

groups).

1.4. Ethnic Organizations: Ethnic organizations offers a sense of identity for many

members of minority groups, especially against the controlling majority. Such

organizations are defined by individuals who share the same lingual group or come from

the same geographical background. Geography and language remain the main source of

power when ethnic origins are weak (cultural or lingual groups for Armen and

Circassians).

1.5. Political Parties: Some might say that political parties should be classified within

the governmental sector instead of the civil sector as “they might become a

government”, and therefore, the issue of political parties in always in question.

1.6. Employment Related Unions: this consists of organizations that represent

people according to the nature of their work, this includes:

- Labor unions

- Specialized unions of dentists, veterinarians, teachers … etc.

- Less formal unions, such as freelance workers, fishermen, tailors, pottery makers,

and others.

1.7. Cooperatives: just like the case for political parties that were classified under the

governmental sector, it is better to classify cooperatives under the business sector by

placing a question mark after it, as they are organizations created from the partnership

between individuals who perform different types of businesses. Such organizations

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possess huge developmental reserve, but in some countries they were controlled by the

governmental sector.

1.8. Popular Groups / Social Movements: This term covers a wide framework of

unions, which form a wide range of geographically specified gatherings. Some examples

include:

- The union of a large number of community based organizations (CBOs) which unite

with each other on a local basis, area basis or national basis.

- Wide groups from different popular sectors, such as women, youth or people with

special needs.

- Membership groups targeting a particular cause (topic), such as anti-child labor

movements, anti-corruption movements, pro-women projects movements.

- Organizations for wide mass gatherings established on religious or political

backgrounds.

1.9. Student Unions: Most counties include many students and former students who

have formed student unions that cover many interests (dealing with issues of interest to

them or their former colleagues to create a public life at their schools/universities) or to

support a specific social, cultural or general policy issues.

1.10. Entertainment and Cultural Organizations: Such groups (sports clubs and gyms,

birds’ observation groups, choirs) have a preserve for building social capital.

2. Organizations of General Interest: Below is a list of organizations that were

formed in the framework of general interest, they will be tested one by one, and there

might be other examples of such organizations.

2.1. Private Charitable Organization: This includes organizations that were formed

by wealthy members of the society allocating money and resources for specified groups

of people. The areas in which the resources are spent are defined by the investors.

2.2. Public Charitable Organization: Such organizations are usually shapes as

foundations which are created by an individual, or a group of individuals from the

business or government sectors, to attain public interest. In some cases, such

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foundations act as a direct implementer of its purpose for the benefit of the related

individuals. In other cases, such foundations, such as Rotary Clubs and Business Society

Services Club, aim at supporting certain groups. Another is example is Ford Foundation,

Abd Al Hamid Shoman Foundation, A. M. Qattan Foundation, or Welfare Association.

2.3. Religion-based Organizations: Such organizations were created based on

specific religious principles or regulations, however, the services and support they offer

are not limited to those who belong to these groups (in comparison with the previously

mentioned groups based on religion).

2.4. Location-specific Charitable Organizations: Such organizations are formed by

people coming from a geographical areas they no longer live in. they could live in the

capital of their country or in a foreign county. This type of organizations can be found in

larger numbers with the increasing immigration movement to cities or to other

countries, and with the trend of separating people from their roots. Such groups usually

form local shared interest groups or councils that carry the vision of people who have

willingly changed their location. Members of these groups usually gather to attend

weddings or funerals. (El-Lid Charitable Society, Lifta Charitable Society, and others)

2.5. Civil Organizations for Political Advocacy: Such organizations include those

organizations which aim at supporting other groups or organizations in the process of

changing laws, policies, procedures, or conducts. This type of organizations can be found

on an international level, such an Amnesty International, Greenpeace and others

2.6. Non-Governmental Developmental and Charitable Organizations: Such

organizations are created by citizens sharing the same interest in improving the living

conditions of less fortunate individuals, or improving the country in general. These

organizations are usually registered according to the laws of the country in which they

exist, they also has an official managerial structure and a paid staff (this does not exist in

small non-governmental organizations), examples of such organizations include:

1. Executive services organizations

2. Advocate organizations

3. Networking Organizations

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4. Research and investigation organizations

5. Organizations for building capabilities and providing support to non-

governmental organizations

6. Representative organizations

3. Organizations claiming to be Civil Society Organizations: This section addresses

the case of organizations that introduce their selves in a dishonest way by pretending to

be democratic, independent, and of shred interest, but in fact they are not. The reason

behind shedding light to this group is due to the negative environment they create

which questions the work of civil organizations, and to quickly change the attitude of

people by making them sarcastic and pessimistic of the civil sector and its role in many

countries. Organizations claiming to be civil organizations are spreading because this

type of organizations start their operations as true shared interest organization, but

with time they become profit gaining entities that provides income to their creators.

Examples include:

- Government-Organized Non-Governmental Organizations (GONGOs): These

organizations claim to be non-governmental organizations, whereas in fact they are

created and financed by the government.

- Business-Organized Non-Governmental Organizations (BONGOs): which are

organizations owned by the business sector, and they are considered very

dangerous.

- Donor-Organized Non-Governmental Organizations (DONGOs): Donors create non-

governmental organizations to perform their agendas without the complications of

clarifications and explanations.

3. Objectives of the Study and Research Methodology

3.1 Objectives

Based on the terms of reference for this consultancy research, the Coordination Council

of Palestinian NGOs, which includes the Palestinian Non-Governmental Organizations

Networks and their partners in the Palestine National Institute for NGOs, and the

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Palestinian General Union of Charitable Societies, and through conducting these

consultancy services, aim at diagnosing and evaluating the status of the Palestinian civil

society and evaluating its abilities, capabilities and needs. The goals of this research is to

provide the necessary knowledge base for the development of a guided intervention

program that aims at improving the chances of sustainability in Palestinian civil

organizations, and to reinforce their role in the process of social development and

national struggle. This consultancy study aims at supporting the national efforts exerted

for the development of the Palestinian civil sector and encouraging cooperation

between its different components, in order to reinforce the sustainability of civil society

organizations, to strengthen its role in social change and development, and to enable it

to face dangers and threats more effectively.

The vision of Palestinian Non-Governmental Organizations Networks for the future of

civil work in Palestine is based on learning and benefiting from regional and

international experiences in developing a methodology and an evaluation tool

appropriate for the case of the civil society in Palestine.

More precisely, through this research, the Networks, represented by the Coordination

Council of Palestinian NGOs, aim at creating a report that explains the status of the civil

society in Palestine on the national level basing the research on a special tool used for

the evaluation of civil societies developed and prepared based on CIVICUS

Methodology, which was used regionally and internationally in the creation and

development of a Civil Society Index, to detect and analyze the status of the Palestinian

civil society, represented by the Palestinian non-governmental civil sector organizations.

This research coincides with the development of an electronic database for non-

governmental and charitable civil organizations in Palestine which are part of the

networks forming the Coordination Council of Palestinian NGOs.

3.2 Methodology

The methodology adopted for conducting this consultancy research service is the

participatory approach, which included the participation of stakeholders and

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shareholders, including members of the Coordination Council of Palestinian NGOs, the

project team from Institute, the General Union and the Palestinian Non-Governmental

Organizations Networks, a random sample of Palestinian civil and charitable

organizations, some networks specialized in the field of civil organizations in addition to

representatives of the private sector, unions and official bodies, who participated in all

stages of planning, implementing and evaluating the consultancy services.

In reference to the Civil Society Index used by CIVICUS28, the methodology used to

develop the Index was based on four main dimensions:

First Dimension: the concept and structure of the civil society, which focuses on issues

such as membership, voluntary work, the number and characteristics of the related civil

organizations, their infrastructure and their human and financial capital.

Second Dimension: The external environment in which the civil society functions, in

terms of legislative, legal, political, cultural, economic environments, and the civil

society’s relation with itself and with others.

Third Dimension: The values that guide the operations of the civil society organization,

such as democracy, transparency, integrity, anti-corruption, and the relation affecting

decision making.

Fourth Dimension: The level of effect a civil society organization has on public policies

or on reinforcing people and local societies, and the degree to which it meets the needs

and priorities of local societies.

Based on the dimensions on which the research was based, which are very vital as they

form the basis upon which the index was developed and the adopted methods for

issuing international reports, and according to this perspective, it is very essential to

conduct detailed analysis for the concept of civil society in the Palestinian situation

within the broad accumulated experience of civil and domestic work in Palestine during

the different time periods starting from the 20’s of the last century and until now.

28

World Alliance for Citizens Participation.

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3.3 Phases of Consultancy Tasks

Consultancy tasks were performed on a number of phases:

The Preparatory Phase, which included:

- Conducting introductory meetings with representatives of the civil organizations to

ensure the mutual understanding of the consulting services.

- Reviewing all the related literature to the field to get a better understanding of the

goals and expectations from these consultancy services, some resources are:

Assessing the State of Civil Society – A User’s Guide, Part 1, 2, 3, 4 and Annexes,

(http://index.cso-index.net/?page_id=5459)

Assessing the Strengthening Civil Society Worldwide, Assessing the Health of Civil

Society, and an Assessment of Lebanese Civil Society,

- Developing the research methodology in its final shape, in coordination and revision

of the Coordination Council of Palestinian NGOs and the reference committee.

- Developing a detailed work plan for the implementation of the consultancy tasks.

- Forming a joint team from the Coordination Council of Palestinian NGOs, and a

research team to discuss the methodological and referential steps for conducting

the research, in a way that serves the vision and interests of civil organizations.

- Expanding the council created from the partnering organizations and enabling the

research team with abilities and experiences from outside the Council in order to

form a National Consultancy Group.

- Adopting the Coordination Council of Palestinian NGOs as a reference for working on

the Palestinian Civil Society Index and the Palestinian NGOs Map.

Phase One: Analytical study of the civil society concept in the Palestinian context, this

included:

- Reviewing all related literature which addressed the issue of Palestinian civil society

in a historical context (mentioned in the context of the study).

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- Reviewing international experiences and literature that included work on the index,

and which are similar to the Palestinian situation in terms of social, economic and

political status.

- Submitting a draft worksheet about the definition of a civil society which included

an overview of the different definitions of a civil society based on literature

published by CIVICUS, the Palestinian Civil Society map issued by the European

Commission, and a number of reports from centers studying this topic (MAS and

other centers).

- Submitting a conceptual paper about the concept of civil society inside the

Palestinian context, which used international concepts and accommodates them

with the Palestinian context with reference to interpretations attempts conducted in

Palestine.

- Discussing the paper with the National Consultancy Group, which included the

representatives from the different organizations of the Network, and adopting the

most appropriate definition for conducting the analytical study for the civil society.

Phase Two: An analytical study for the concept of the civil society in the Palestinian

context and stakeholders Analysis

- Deep Stakeholders Analysis is an analysis for all related organizations, frameworks

and groups of the civil society.

- Analyzing the general space and the civil society’s role in this topic, fuzzy boundaries

between the civil society, the state and the market through reducing the focus on an

organization and focusing on the roles and equations, and the fact that the civil

society implicates complex concepts.

- Forming the National Consultancy Groups (NAG), which is formed from

representatives of the different groups which form the civil society, stakeholders

and shareholders, representatives of the civil society and the other sectors related

to the work of the civil society.

- Submitting a pilot report about the analysis conducted by the NAG to be discussed

and approved.

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- Presenting the findings in a national workshop (conducted in Jericho, on the 15th and

16th pf April 2016), which included activists from the three networks.

- Approving the methodology and research framework concluded from the report.

Phase Three: Developing the conceptual framework for the Palestinian Civil Society

- Based on the results of the analysis and the related report, and through the reviews

conducted in a workshop attended by representatives from the Coordination

Council of Palestinian NGOs (including representatives from the three frameworks),

the methods for proceeding with Civil Society Index was agreed as below:

Focusing on the frameworks and organizations known as non-governmental

organizations, operating according to Law number (1) for the year 2000 (Civil

Organizations and Charitable Societies).

Adopting the lists of organizations that are members in the three networks. The

total number of organizations is 410, after excluding duplications in

memberships and lists.

Based on the above, the research subject was set (organizations targeted by field

survey). (See Annex 1) (http://index.cso-index.net/?page_id=5459)

Providing the research team with the main lists containing the names of civil

work organizations from the three networks.

Based on the annual report of the Independent Commission for Human Rights (Board of

Grievances), the total number of organizations registered in the West Bank is 2901 / 226

of which are international organizations. The number of disbanded organizations in the

West Bank, according to the Law of 2015, is 22 organizations, and the number of newly

registered organizations in 139 local organizations and 12 international organization

during the year 2015, 29 organizations were disbanded in 2015. As for Gaza, the number

of organizations registered in the Ministry of Interior until 21/12/2015 was 1005, 89

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were disbanded in 2015, and the number of rejected registration requests for

organization registration was 29 requests in Gaza and 0 in the West Bank. 29

Phase Four: Developing the “Index” and the research qualitative and quantitative

tools

- In order to build a database: an initial questioner was developed containing the

basic indicators of Palestinian civil society organizations to be used as a base for the

electronic database and NGOs map. The form contains basic information related to

names, addresses, objectives, field of work, geographic coverage, employment and

voluntary work, networks, target groups and other information essential for the

creation of a civil society index.

- In order to develop a Civil Society Index: based on the results of the literature review

and through workshops, a review for CIVICUS Civil Society Index was conducted, the

Index was then customized and amended to be in line with the conceptual

framework of a Palestinian Civil Society, with maintaining the main components of

the methodology to warranty its transparency and fitting. The indicators were

developed according to the below principles:

1- Adopting the four main dimensions (environment, structure, values and effect)

as a base for building the indicators’ matrix.

2- Adopting the main indicators mentioned in CIVICUS literature, and the indicators

used in other similar studies, such as the study conducted in Lebanon.

3- Adopting the special characteristics of the Palestinian situation, and the chances

of interaction between the indicators and the Palestinian situation.

4- Adopting the conceptual frame and the set of values dealt with in CSI-RA.

- A centralized workshop was conducted, with the participation of the Coordination

Council of Palestinian NGOs and a number if activists from the participating

networks of civil society organizations, to discuss the Index and its development.

29

The Independent Commission for Human Rights (Board of Grievances), Human Rights Status in Palestine, Annual Report for 2015

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- Adopting an appropriate draft of the database form.

- Adopting an appropriate draft of the information matrix 30 related to the Index,

adapting it and connecting it to the related measurement tool31 in order to create a

quantitative and qualitative research tool, in which the measurement tools include

the main dimensions mentioned previously, which are: the structure of the civil

society, the values that govern their operations, the external environment, and the

level of effect of an organization. Annex (2) (http://index.cso-

index.net/?page_id=5459).

- Developing data collection tools (forms/questioners) based on the information

matrix and categorized according to the source of information.

- Developing a computer program used for filling the forms and to be later used as a

database for civil organizations.

Phase Five: Field Surveys

- Forming a field work team, which will cover all the geographical areas: the West

Bank and Gaza Strip.

- Defining the sample to be targeted by the field survey, according to the below:

1. In order to develop a data base (civil work map), the survey targeted all civil

society organizations registered at the Ministry of Interior and which are

members in the three civil networks.

2. After receiving the lists from the three networks, the organizations mentioned

more than once in the same list or in the other lists were deleted (to avoid

repetition and duplication), after the audit, the total number of targeted

organizations is 410.

3. In order to develop the Index and determine the status of the civil society, over

35% of organizations which are members in the different networks were

targeted (115 organizations), taking into consideration the sectors, fields of work

and fair geographical distribution of active organizations.

30

Attached to this report 31

Attached to this report

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- Field research related to database (map):

1. Testing the form and developing the system.

2. Providing training for the field work team on filling the prepared form.

3. Starting the data collection process from all targeted organizations based on the

lists provided from the organizations’ database, after removing the repeated and

duplicated lists.

4. Data collection through visiting the targeted organization and entering the

related data to the system directly.

5. In cases were direct entry was not possible, the data entry process was done in

the Consultancy Group’s office.

- Field Survey related to the measurement tool:

1. Providing the fieldwork team with training on the use of the qualitative and

quantitative research tool. See Annex (3) (http://index.cso-

index.net/?page_id=5459).

2. Defining the list of organizations, which form 35% of the organizations in the

database.

3. Collecting data from the selected organizations through field visits.

- Collecting qualitative data to develop the CSI index, based on the below process:

1. Conducting workshops and meetings with the representatives of the groups

forming the civil society and targeted by this study (political parties, independent

unions, General Federation of Trade Unions, a women center, The Independent

Commission for Human Rights (Board of Grievances), AMAN-Transparency.

2. Reviewing the press, the related networks (Palestinian Non-Governmental

Organization against Domestic Violence against Women (Al-Muntada), Human

Rights Coalition).

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3. Reviewing all literature resources (mentioned in the text) to collect additional

secondary data.

The fieldwork team faced a number of obstacles. Some of the major obstacles were:

1. Repetition of the registration of many organizations in the records of more than one

network, most notably in the records of the Palestine National Institute for NGOs

and the Palestinian General Union of Charitable Societies.

2. Contact information was incorrect in many cases (phone number, contact person ..

etc)

3. A number of registered organizations are inactive since many years.

4. Some organizations are listed and cooperatives.

5. Some organizations refused to cooperate with the fieldwork team although they had

a letter for this purpose, this included five organizations in Nablus Governorate.

6. The fieldwork team had to repeat the same visit several times based on the schedule

of the related person.

7. Visiting the headquarters of some organization and finding out that they do not

exist.

8. Limited response from some organizations, in some cases, only one form was filled

and they refused to fill the remaining forms.

Phase Six: Analysis and Writing Phase

- Revising and auditing field data related to the database and Index.

- Entering data into the developed electronic database. Visit the website of the

Palestinian Non-Governmental Organizations Network.

- Reviewing data and correcting any mistakes found.

- Collecting, classifying and categorizing data.

- Analyzing all data related to the Index and extracting the needed data reflecting the

four dimensions mentioned previously, assigning a weight for each indicator and

component, and issuing a pilot report of the results and findings. See Annex 4, and

Annexes 5.1, 5.2, 5.3, 5.4. (http://index.cso-index.net/?page_id=5459)

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- Developing a draft national report and assigning initial weights for indicators

(weighing processes / quantitative evaluation) for the Index, according to the results

of the field survey, and producing the Index results.

- After presenting the results to the coordination council (the National Consultancy

Group), the Group recommended the use of the researchers’ point of view in

assigning weights at this stage, and to review the report two years from now and

develop the updates Index. See Annex (6) (http://index.cso-

index.net/?page_id=5459).

- Presenting the reports to the different parties for comments and feedback, and

updating the national report accordingly.

- Approving the final draft of the report and preparing in in Arabic and English.

- Approving an analysis for the stakeholders from the civil society and presenting it to

the Coordination Council of Palestinian NGOs.

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Section Two: Civil Society Index

1. Introduction

The analysis for the civil society status was done based on information collected from a

number of different sources, including a randomly selected sample from the civil and

charitable organizations targeted by the research, individual and group interviews with

related members in the Palestinian civil society, and the information extracted from the

different literature on the subject (as detailed in the Methodology). The questionnaire

was used to collect data from civil and charitable organizations by targeting a randomly

selected sample of the organizations related to the three networks: the Palestinian Non-

Governmental Organizations Network, Palestinian National Institute for NGOs (PNIN)

and the General Union of Voluntary Societies. The sample was selected randomly based

on the lists provided by the networks, as one of every three organizations mentioned in

each of the lists was selected, and researchers were able to visit the selected

organizations and fill the related questioner for the database. At the end of this process,

115 civil society organizations were visited (36% of the organizations forming the target

society). Based on the target random sample, the Civil Society Index questioner was

filled, which was developed based on the components of the civil society index used in

CIVICUS methodology after amending it to suit the Palestinian context. The questioner

was filled by 26 organizations in Gaza Strip and 89 organization in the West Bank, the

organizations’ distribution according to governorates was as below:

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2. Civil Society Index Analysis

The civil society has been analyzed based on the four dimensions of the index and the

results were as follows:

2.1. Structure

Institutionalization in civil society is the process of building a civil society organization

and the extent to which these organizations are based on the elements of institutional

construct in the fields of governance; administration; resources; financial; programs and

projects; relationships and networking for sustainability, and the extent to which

institutional construct is based on the regulatory legal principles to which the

organization resorts and on a management structure that identify how to manage the

work and the mechanism of decision making as well as the degree of the organization’s

commitment to the regulations and procedures in place, even if the organization has

Jerusalem4% Bethlehem

3%

Jenin8%

Ramallah10%

Jericho1%

Salfeet4%

Tulkarem10%

Gaza Strip23%

Qalqilia8%

Nablus14%

Hebron15%

Distribution of the Sample of NGOs for Civil Society Index

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expertise and human capital leading its work, in addition to the set of values driving the

work of the organization (which will be tackled in the dimension of values).

Moving to civil society organizations in the Palestinian case, it is worth referring to the

USAID report which found that Palestinian civil society organizations have, in

comparison with other Arab countries, an advanced organizational capacity and

infrastructure, especially in terms of its qualified cadre, in addition to the advanced

capabilities for work. However, the problem that USAID noticed through its report was

that having a qualified cadre does not apply to all civil society organizations, as the small

organizations have a difficulty in competing for employing highly skilled professional

staff and in keeping them. Despite the advanced infrastructure, with regards to the level

of institutionalization, it was not as strong, as when it comes to management structures,

boards of directors still work usually with an authoritarian, inherited or non-transparent

style, as per USAID’s description in its report. Boards of directors and members of

general assemblies rarely participate in the processes of policy making for civil society

organizations. Civil society organizations form local committees for the projects which

hire volunteers, yet as soon as these projects are completed, those structures get

dissolved32. Through its report, the USAID concluded that civil society organizations

operating in the countries covered in the report, including Palestinian civil society

organizations, suffer from weakness of internal management systems because of the

inactive boards of directors and unclear distribution of responsibilities. And in terms of

having internal democratic structures, those structures are rarely ready for work33.

On the level of the set of values, it is noticed that there is a wide spread of corruption

among civil society organizations, according to a survey conducted by AMAN-

Transparency Palestine on corruption. The survey shows a wide spread of corruption

among all the Palestinian labor sectors whether it was the public sector, private sector,

32

The 2012 Civil Society Organization Sustainability Report for the Middle East and North Africa, a previous resource, page 45. 33

The same previous resource, page 7.

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civil society organizations, media, or political parties … etc34. Palestinian civil society

organizations are still unable to set up strong internal structures that are democratic,

transparent and accountable35.

Based on CIVICUS Methodology, the components comprising the structure were

formulated as follows:

2.1.1. Participation

2.1.1.1. The public’s participation in political life (such as: participating in a

demonstration, participating in lobbying and advocacy activities)

Social participation forms the main derive for development, and democracy cannot exist

when social participation is excluded, including the participation of the youth, women

and the marginalized social groups, which requires solving the existing social gaps in

participation, on top of which is the gender gap represented in the patriarchal male

domination over all sectors of the society and family life. The importance of civil society

organizations’ involvement in the process of the democratic building of the society

based on fair principles is increasing, and the awareness and need for the necessity of

society structures and systems to be inclusive of structures that encourage participation

and providing equal opportunities is increasing as well, especially when it comes to

those groups who suffer injustice, and have been tolerating it for long decades and

centuries.

The task of civil society organizations’ involvement in formulating and approving

democratic policies and systems and in the struggle for social justice requires more

depth and range, professional knowledge and high level capacities in the fields of

lobbying, advocacy and networking. The study and analysis of pioneer (entrepreneurial)

experiences led by the Palestinian civil society organizations in this regard probably

34

“A special edition of a public poll conducted by AMAN on corruption”, (2009) Newsletter: AMAN-Transparency. (8): April 1

st-20

th, pages 1-3.

35 The 2013 Civil Society Organization Sustainability Report for the Middle East and North Africa, a

previous source, page 48.

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represent an essential step for accumulating the experience, examining it and learning

from it.

80% of the studied organizations see that there is a public participation in the political

life illustrated in: participating in demonstrations and participating in lobbying and

advocacy activities, while political parties see that the public’s participation in political

life is weak. There is a discrepancy in the level of participation in activities depending on

the nature of these activities and the degree of its direct impact on the public’s interest.

For example, the public’s participation in activities of solidarity have decreased, while

the movement demanding the amendment of the social security law witnessed a high

and tangible participation. The successive disappointments probably have contributed

to lowering the public’s participation, which was confirmed by a study conducted by the

Women Studies Center, which showed an evident deterioration in women’s

participation in political life36.

36

Women Studies Center “Women’s political participation in Palestine in light of the Arab Revolutions”, 2014.

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80%

16%

4%

Participate in Activiites Relevant to Lobbying and

Advocacy

Organise activities Relevant to Lobbying and Advocacy

No Particiaption

Public Participation in Political Life (1.1)

80%

17%

3%

Organisations' Involvment in Lobbying and Advocacy (1.2)

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2.1.1.2. Organizations receiving regular donations for humanitarian

issues

About 15% of the studied organizations receive regular donations for humanitarian

issues, while 85% of the organizations expressed not receiving regular donations for the

same purposes. In terms of the geographic location, around 30% of the organizations in

Ramallah and Gaza receive donations, while the percentage in Hebron, Jerusalem,

Bethlehem and Salfit was 0%. As for the size of these donations, they reached up to 50

thousand dollars in two cases and it ranged between one thousand and 50 thousands in

the rest of the cases. There is a general confirmation that there is a limitation in the

public participation when it comes to providing donations for civil humanitarian issues

while the participation gets wider when talking about issues of religious origins such as

Zakat or charity handouts. In spite of that, the campaign of collecting donations for

supporting people in Gaza when the siege was intensified as well as the families of

martyrs whose homes have been demolished, has witnessed a wide public interaction.

This can be explained in the sense that public participation in the field of donations

depends on the issue for which the donations are being collected and not the related

civil society organization; the participation increases when it’s about national

campaigns, and it deteriorates when it’s about civil issues related to the organizations.

There is a margin of the regular donations (organized by local community organizations),

such as Zakat committees and similar organizations, where the donations go directly

from the donor to the beneficiary for different purposes, including covering school and

university tuitions, and for supporting the family, etc. These donations are not

registered or documented.

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2.1.1.3. Civil society organizations’ membership

90% of the studied organizations mentioned that they depend on the membership

system in forming their bodies of reference (governance). It is worth mentioning here

that having bodies of reference relying on membership (general assembly or public

body) is a prerequisite for the establishment and work of charitable and civil society

organizations according to Law number (1) for the year 2000, therefore, it is not easy to

Yes14%

No84%

No information2%

Organisations' Receiving Donation for Human Issues (1.3)

6%

3%

91%

Distribution of Volunteers' Numbers at the Organisations for 2015

(1.4)

10-0

20-11

No Information

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consider this indicator as an evidence for true participation, rather it is a definite

evidence for having a body of reference which rely on membership, often the

membership in these bodies is limited to a certain group of people, and mostly it is

selective, and sometimes it is inactive and a form of formality. It is difficult to determine

the percentage of people from the Palestinian society who belong to one organization

at least, yet there are unions that include a wide range of membership such as the

General Union of Palestine Syndicates, the Palestinian General Union of People with

Disabilities, and the membership of vocational unions and clubs with a noticeable

deterioration in the membership of political frames and parties, while the duplication of

some people’s or groups membership is being pointed out in several bodies of reference

among the bodies of Palestinian civil society organizations.

2.1.1.4. Reliance of organizations on voluntary work in conducting its

activities events.

90% of the studied organizations confirmed that it rely, in one way or another, on

voluntary work in conducting their work, without any detailed clarification on the nature

of volunteering. The following section has more in-depth details on the magnitude of

volunteering and its percentage of the total organization’s work. The number of regular

volunteers per organization ranges between 40 and less than 10 volunteers in 40% of

the organizations, above 50 volunteers in 12% of those organizations, and between 11-

Yes86%

No11%

No information3%

Reliance of Organisations on Membership System (1.5)

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20 people volunteer in 25% of those organizations. Data gathered on the studied

organizations show that up to 40% of those organizations have recruited more than 50

women to participate in their group community activities during the last year (attending

a general meeting, participating in an organized social activity, in a lobbying and

advocacy campaign, or in collective effort to solve a general public issue) versus 36% of

the organizations which managed to recruit more than 50 men to participate in their

activities. The majority of organizations (55%) seek to include everyone in their activities

without any discrimination. While 15% of the organizations focus on the participation of

certain groups in their activities, and approximately 25% of the organizations emphasize

that they involve actively various groups in all institutional fields, from membership of

its bodies of reference, implementing its activities to volunteering and benefiting from

its services.

The number of regular volunteers of the studied sample organizations

Yes89%

No8%

No Information3%

Reliance of Organisations on Voluntary Work (1.6)

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The following graphs (1.8 – 1.10) show the number of people who participated in group

community activities of the studied organizations during the last year of 2015 (attending

a general meeting, participating in an organized social activity, in a lobbying and

advocacy campaign, or in a collective effort to solve a general public issue).

45

28

11

0

8

14

9

0 5 10 15 20 25 30 35 40 45 50

10-1

20-11

30-21

40-31

50-41

More than 50

No Information

Number of Organisations

Axi

s Ti

tle

Distribution of Volunteers inside the Organsiations (1.7)

18%15%

5%3%

6%

35%

18%

0

5

10

15

20

25

30

35

40

10-1 20-11 30-21 40-31 50-41 More than 50 No Information

Female Participation in the Organisations' Communal Community Activities for 2015 (1.8)

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2.1.2. The depth of citizens’ participation

2.1.2.1. The level of donations by people who are doing charity on

regular annual basis

When it comes to the level of donations by people doing charity, there are no official

statistics or projections that cover this aspect, while most of the citizens provide their

money Zakat annually which reaches up to 2.5% of fixed funds, in addition to donations

17%10% 10%

1%7%

31%24%

0

10

20

30

40

10-1 20-11 30-21 40-31 50-41 More than 50 No Information

Male Participation in the Organisations' Communal Community Activities for 2015 (1.9)

24%

56%

16%

2% 2%

Involvement of Different Social Groups in the Organsiations' Membership and/or Services (1.10)

Strongly involve everybody in their govenanace body and services

Involve all with no descrimination

Focus on specific groups

Receive Services only

No Information

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and charity related to religious occasions, as it is known, which allows us to say that

more than one third of the citizens donate no less than 2.5% of their money (assets and

savings) annually, yet it is not possible to identify the percentage of people and

donations provided for civil work.

2.1.2.2. The average hours volunteers provide for voluntary work

The average hours of voluntary work varies among the studied organizations to reach

less than 10 hours in 12% of the organizations and to over 50 hours per month in 37% of

them. In terms of the percentage compared to the total organization’s activities, 33% of

the organizations have voluntary work covering more than 50% of their work and

activities, which is on one side a clear sign of the depth of voluntary work contribution

to civil society organizations, and on the other, an indicator of the nature and size of the

studied organizations, which is self-reflected on the overall image, as the majority of

studied organizations are small local ones, in which voluntary work plays a significant

role. In this context, it is noted that more than half of the studied society (188

organizations out of a total of 315) are organizations where less than 10 people are

working, including 69 organizations which have 5 or less people working and 49

organizations which have no employees at all37.

37

Refer to the Coordination Council of Palestinian NGOs, Civil society organizations and charitable societies’ data base.

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The size of work done by volunteers compared to the organization’s total work

2.1.2.3. The percentage of civil society organizations members who have

memberships with more than one civil society organizations

12%

17%

9

8%

5%

37%

12%

0 5 10 15 20 25 30 35 40

10-1

20-11

30-21

40-31

50-41

More than 50

No Information

Monthly Working Hours Provided by Volunteers (1.11)

20%

16%

9%

7%

3%

33%

12%

0 5 10 15 20 25 30 35

10-1

20-11

30-21

40-31

50-41

More than 50

No Information

Proportion of Voluntary Work from to the Organisations Total

Work (1.12)

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In terms of people’s membership in more than one civil society organization, there is no

data showing the size of this phenomenon, even if assessments show that this

phenomenon is common in the center (Ramallah, Jerusalem and Gaza) due to the

density of organizations and the relationships among them, yet it drops down in other

districts. This phenomenon has its explanations that are related to the degree of

connection between civil society organizations and political parties, as well as the form

of representation of intellectual and developmental elites38.

2.1.3. Diversity of participants

2.1.3.1. Social groups participating in organizations activities or targeted

by the organizations’ services

The percentage of organizations involving women in their activities of or targeting them

with their services reaches to 80% of the studied organizations, and 64% of the

organizations involve the youth, whereas the percentage of organizations which target

refugees drops down to 25%, 41% of the organizations involve people from rural areas

or target them, and 37% of the organizations involve the poor, and there are several

cases where organizations involve more than one group in the same time.

Table (1.1): Distribution of Organizations Upon the Social Groups Involvement in their

Activities and Services

% of Organizations No. of Organizations Social Group

80 93 Women

37 43 Poor at Urban Areas

41 48 People of Rural Areas

5 6 Ethnic and Religious Minorities

25 29 Refugees

38

See the results of interviews, AMAN-Transparency Palestine.

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64 74 Youth

2.1.3.2. The groups represented in the organizations leadership (general

assembly and board of directors)

While the percentage of organizations in which women are represented in their

leadership bodies reaches to 70% and the percentage of the youth to 50% of the total

number of studied organizations, these percentages drop down with the representation

of people from rural areas, refugees, the poor and minorities.

2.1.4. Level of organization

2.1.4.1. Umbrella networks which organizations are members of

It is worth mentioning that all studied organizations are members of one network at

least, and that was one of the indicators of the studied society, (see Methodology) or

members of more than one network at the same time. The membership lists of those

networks showed duplication in the names of organizations repeated widely and

noticeably among the member organizations of the Palestine National Institute for

69%

9%

16%

3%

14%

49%

40%

0 10 20 30 40 50 60 70 80

Women

Poor at Urban Areas

People at Rural Areas

Ethnic and Religious Minorities

Refugees

Youth

Professionals

Groups Presented in the Organisations' Leadership Level (1.13)

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NGOs and the member organizations of the General Union of Charitable Societies, this

group has been considered as a container for researching a group of causes, probably

among the most important is that all active organizations belong to one of the

abovementioned networks. It is rare to find an active organization providing services

and has activities and yet does not belong to one of the mentioned networks. The

following table reflects the percentage of distribution of the studied networks among

the umbrellas (networks) according to the studied organizations’ point of view that

preferred stating their membership in a certain network over the others or confirmed

the duplicity or repetition of their membership which does not necessarily align with the

networks lists. It is worth mentioning also that some organizations confirmed the

duplicity or repetition of their membership in more than one of the three studied

networks, therefore, the total percentage of organizations membership in networks

exceeds 100% to reach 138%.

2.1.4.2. Efficiency of Umbrellas (Networks)

With regards to efficiency, 32% of the studied organizations see that networks efficiency

is limited, whereas 27% of the organizations see that networks have evident efficiency

53%

23%

45%

17%

0

10

20

30

40

50

60

PNGO PNIN PUCS Other

Umbrella Networks for the Organisations belogn To (1.14)

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in all aspects and more than 23% of them see that networks are efficient on all levels.

AMAN-Transparency Palestine sees that networking has a limited efficiency, as there is a

problem in the common understanding of networking and the coordination process,

because one of the organizations bears the main effort and the other organizations are

dependent on it. Networking would be more successful when there is a true interest

and all the work is focused on a specific shared issue. Part of the networks is established

as part of a project and networking continues with the continuation of the funding, and

usually it stops with termination of the project39.

2.1.4.3. The efficiency of internal organizing efforts taken by civil society

organizations and networks to build the capacities of civil society

organizations based on their work experience.

As for the impact and efficiency of internal organizing efforts put into building the

capacities of civil society organizations, based on the work experience of the studied

organizations, more than one third of those organizations (approximately 36%) see that

39

See the meeting and interviews results.

Tangible Effeciency at all Aspects

27%

Efficient at Specific aspects

24%

Limited Effeciency

32%

Not Efficient14%

No Information3%

Level of Effeciency of the Umbrella Networks (1.15)

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internal efforts are efficient and are effective and evident in building the capacities of

the civil society, almost half (48%) see that networks have limited efficiency, and a little

above 10% see it to be efficient. It is pointed out that 74% of the studied organizations

have signed the code of conduct and showed readiness to commit to it. The Anti-

Violence against Women Forum “Al-Muntada” sees that the efficiency of internal

organizing efforts does not exceed 40%40.

Whereas, with regards to signing the code of conduct, the following graph clarifies that

74% of the studied organizations have signed the Code of Ethics.

40 See meeting and interviews results, Al-Muntada interview.

Tangible Effeciency

37%

Limited Effeciency

48%

Not Efficient11%

No Information4%

Effeciency of Civil Society Intenral Organising Efforts to Build the

Capacities of Civil Society Organisations (1.16)

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2.1.4.4. The level of support by the environment surrounding civil

society

A number of private sector organizations working in Palestine support the capacity

building of civil society organizations in addition to the civil society organizations

working in this field such as NGOs Development Center (NDC), Palestine Consultative

Staff (PCS), organizations active in the field of community based rehabilitation (CBR),

and the educational institutions such as colleges and universities and media outlets that

provide support to civil society organizations, in addition to the umbrellas and unions

specialized in civil society. All these organizations provide support, capacity building and

organizing services to the civil society. To some extent, they are efficient in providing

the required support. Al-Muntada sees that the surrounding environment support is

limited, and there is an urgent need to improve that support.

2.1.4.5. Membership of an international network or umbrella

One third of the studied organizations (33%) confirmed having international connections

through their membership in an international network or umbrella, whereas 63%

confirmed having no international connections or relations.

Yes74%

No20%

No Information6%

Organisations Signed "Code of Ethics" Document (1.17)

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2.1.5. Relationships

2.1.5.1. The level of civil society’s efficiency with regards to organizing

activities, participating in activities and communicating with civil

society organizations on issues concerning the civil society.

Most of the organizations are involved in the participating or organizing of activities,

and communicate with civil society organizations on issues concerning the society. It

was found that 35% of the studied organizations organize and lead such activities and

events, 37% organize and participate efficiently in these activities and 15% participate in

the activities only.

Syndicates see no tangible coordination between the different poles of the civil society

except when an issue of a national significance that concerns everyone arises, such as

the campaign against enforcing the social security law. The experience of joint work

among civil society is still limited, despite the urgent need for such work. There is a need

for forming a conceptual framework that gives back the consideration to the role and

tasks of civil society organizations based on the role of socio-economic correlation.

Members of the civil society are supposed to have a unified stance toward social justice

versus the interests of the open market, which is non-existent. Working on the social

security law was not on the agenda of civil society organizations, rather it was imposed

by the circumstances, and it is too early to celebrate the achievement as the

Yes33%

No64%

No Information3%

Membership of Organiations in International Networks (1.18)

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amendments have not been approved yet and there are controversial issues and a need

for more discussion regarding this law41.

2.1.5.2. Civil society organizations coalitions and alliances that

organizations participate in and that cross the sector of the

organization’s specialty.

30% of the organizations confirmed their participation in local or international coalitions

that are active in their sector of specialty. Some of the examples of the coalitions that

the organizations participate in are:

- The Civil Rights Coalition and the Palestinian Civil Peace Network.

- The Coalition of Child Rights and Combating Violence.

- The Coalition of Justice for Change – The International Union of Graduates – The

Youth Network.

41

See meetings and interviews results, independent syndicates.

مدىأيالى

انترون

فاعلةمنظمتكم

المجتمعفً

حٌثمنالمدنً

الفعالٌاتتنظٌم

فًوالمشاركة

النشاطات

…والتواصل

Organise and Lead Activities

35%

Organise and Participate in

Activities37%

Participate in Activities

16%

Limited Participation

9%

Do Not Participate1%

No Information2%

Other11%

Effeciency of Organisations to Organise and Participate in Activities Relevant to Civil Society Aspects (1.19)

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- End Violence against Women Coalition – Resistance against the Wall and land

confiscations.

- The Coalition of Combating Violence and Preventing Child Labor.

- Coalitions relevant to people with disabilities.

2.1.6. Sources

Civil society sustainability sources: The sources of civil society organizations’

sustainability are many, the organizational structure with its different capacities

(governance, administrative capacities, human resources, financial capacities, activities

and projects, and relationships and networking) all together represent the main source

of the sustainability of any organization, as they cover all aspects of civil society

organizations life and work. The surrounding environment helps the continuation and

advancement of these organizations. Having a proper legal environment allows the civil

society to continue its work. Public relations and lobbying and advocacy provide civil

society organizations with a climate that helps in achieving sustainability. Whenever civil

society organizations lead campaigns advocating for various humanitarian and rights

issues, it is an indicator of their sustainability. Furthermore, infrastructure is one of the

sources of civil society’s sustainability42.

Aspects of financial sustainability are given a particular significance, despite their

shortcomings in working independently from the other capacity components, which is

due to civil society organizations need for a certain degree of independency and to

reduce its reliance on external funding from donors, especially that the chances of

sustainability of civil society organizations increase through building the capacities for

obtaining support from local resources43, to increase the level of its independency and

to be liberated from abiding to the donors agendas. That can be achieved if they gain

42

The 2012 Civil Society Organization Sustainability Report for the Middle East and North Africa, a previous resource, page 56. 43

Sarah Lewis et al. (2015), Building sustainability of civil society: Debates, challenges and moving forward, Oxford: INTRAC International NGO Training and Research Center, page 6.

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funding through charity campaigns and the private sector44. Probably one of the most

important indicators of civil society’s sustainability is the sustainability of the services

provided by the civil society organizations in compliance with the local needs.

Accusations are usually thrown at civil society organizations regarding their work

priorities to be abiding to external agendas related to the donors, rather than stemming

from an internal desire and the need and state of the society45.

In the Palestinian case, most organizations depend on regional and international

support, while some other components of the civil society, such as Zakat committees or

organizations pertaining to the private sector organizations, families, or groups with the

same geographical identity, depend on funding from the local community. Zakat

committees collect financial and in-kind donations directly from the society with the aim

of providing services and in many cases to provide aid for the poor and people in need

to help them face poverty46. Zakat committees are considered the biggest donors of

food in the occupied Palestinian territories after UNRWA47.

In general, it is difficult to say that civil society organizations depend on local funding,

whether it was private sources (receiving money for services, or membership fees) or

donations from the local community. It is also noticed based on the composition of civil

society organizations that the number of NGOs depending on external funding has

increased after the inception of the Palestinian Authority48.

2.1.6.1. Organization’s funding sources

44

OECD DAC Handbook on Security System Reform: Supporting Security and Justice, Op. Cit, pp 229-230. 45

Asef Bayat, How Ordinary People Change the Middle East: Life as Politics, 2nd

Edition, (Stanford University Press, 2013), page 77. 46

Nathan J. Brown, (2003) “Palestinian, civil society in theory and in practice”, Paper for the Annual Meeting of the Structure of Government, Section 1, International Political Science Association, Washington D.C., page 14. 47

Jonathan Benthall, (2008) Palestinian Zakat Committees 1993-2007 and Their Contested Interpretations, Occasional Paper,, Geneva: The Graduate Institute of International and Development Studies IHEID, page 31, http://graduateinstitute.ch/files/live/sites/iheid/files/sites/ccdp/shared/Docs/Graduate_Institute_HEI_2008_en.pdf 48

Majdi Al-Malki, Yasir Shalaby, Hasan Ladadwah, Palestinian NGOs Census in the West Bank and Gaza Strip 2007, previous resource, page 13.

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The studied organizations showed diversity in their sources of funding. 77% of the

studied organizations confirmed that they rely on self-funding, without identifying their

level of reliance on it. 53% of the studied organizations confirmed relying one way or

another on Palestinian funding, while 18% stated reliance on regional funding, and more

than the half (54%) confirmed relying on international funding. It is mentioned that

more than half of the organizations are small sized local organizations and part of them

do not receive external funding at all. The study also shows that 25% of the

organizations consider the available funding they receive to be irregular, 47% of the

organizations consider funding insufficient and that they face financial issues,

meanwhile 17% declared funding to be barely sufficient, only 8% of the organizations

considered funding to be sufficient and only one organization declared the funding to be

sufficient and to have surplus.

77%

53%

18%

54%

0 10 20 30 40 50 60 70 80 90

Relies on Self Financial Resources

Relies on Local Financial Resources

Relies on Regional Financial Resources

Relies on International Financail Resources

Reliance of Organisations on Different Financial Resources (1.20)

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Furthermore, 70% of the studied organizations pointed out that the private sector does

not contribute to covering the organizations’ needs of funding, and approximately 84%

confirmed that the Palestinian Authority and the Palestinian Liberation Organization do

not contribute to covering those needs.

The Palestinian National Authority or the Palestinian Liberation Organization’s

contribution to covering the funding needs of the organizations:

Sufficient with Surplus

1%

Just Sufficient8%

Hardly Sufficient

17%

Not Sufficient 47%

No Regular Fund25%

No Information2%

Sufficiency of Financial Resources to Organisations (1.21)

Yes30%

No66%

No Information4%

Contribution of the Private Sector in Covering Financial Resources

for Organisations (1.22)

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2.1.6.2. Human Resources

With regards to the availability of human cadre necessary for operating the

organizations efficiently in terms of numbers, approximately 74% of the studied

organizations declared the sufficiency of the human cadre size it has to operate the

organizations efficiently, and around 84% confirmed to have the necessary qualified

human cadre to operate the organizations efficiently.

Yes13%

No84%

No Information3%

Contribution of the PA and/or PLO in Covering Financial Resources for Organisations (1.23)

74%

24%

3%0

20

40

60

80

Yes No No Information

Availability of Human Resources to Operate the Organisations in an

Efficient Manner (1.24)

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With respect to the level of organizations focus on building capacities, approximately

87% of the organizations clarified working continuously on building the capacities of

their cadre which is done in different methods, most prominently: courses and

symposiums, empowerment and training, specialized courses and work manuals.

2.1.6.3. Technical resources and infrastructure

As for the infrastructure and technical resources necessary for operating the

organizations efficiently (headquarters, offices, office appliances, communication

devices and computers … etc), it was found that 65% of the organizations see that they

good to very good level of infrastructure, and only 6% see that infrastructure is not

available.

Yes84%

No14%

No Information2%

Availability of Qualified Human Resources to Operate the Organisations in an Efficient Manner (1.25)

Yes85%

No13%

No Information2%

Regular Efforts of Organisation to Raise the Human Resources

Capacities (1.26)

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It is worth mentioning that organizations that have no headquarters or centers through

it operates were excluded from this study.

2.1.7. Conclusions regarding the structure of Palestinian civil society

Based on the study and literature review, some conclusions on the structure can be

summarized as follows:

1. Participation is a sensitive topic, and it could be fatal to civil society organizations,

and for these organizations in order to preserve its civil identity and not turn into

elite organizations that only serve itself, they have to work hard on enhancing public

participation through opening to its target groups and providing information to its

audience, opening the membership of its bodies of reference to these groups,

developing the team culture in managing the organization and implementing its

activities, and expanding the participation opportunities of the target groups in

developing the organization’s plans and policies as well as in monitoring and

evaluating its performance. In this regard, networks can develop programs for

building the capacities of the organizations in the field of activating participation to

include raising awareness and training, documenting and mainstreaming the best

practices in the field of participation, transfer experiences, building the systems and

work manuals, and reviewing the laws and code of conduct with the organizations

bodies of reference, etc.

Very Good-Good65%

Good - Weak11%

Bad7%

Not Available6%

No Informatio11%

Availability of Appropriate Infrastructure and Technical Resources to Operate the Organisations in an Efficient Manner (1.27)

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2. NGOs, charitable societies and civil society organizations relay in general, one way or

another, on voluntary work to conduct their work and manage their affairs.

Regardless of the details of the voluntary work, in terms of the size, type and nature

of contributions, voluntary work is one of the pillars of civil society, which is formed

in a voluntary way and on voluntary basis. Therefore, networks should give special

significance to developing, systemizing and to well manage and use voluntary work

in its member organizations, whether it was through promotion of voluntary work or

through developing work manuals and systems for managing voluntary work well

and benefiting from it or building the organizations capacities to be able to manage

them and use them well.

3. Networking is one of the foundations of NGOs and charitable societies’ sustainability

due to the shared benefits it brings forth, especially for relevant organizations. It

became clear from the issues that emerged regarding the networks membership, in

terms of the repetition and duplication of membership, the name of inactive

organizations in the membership lists, or organizations that do not consider itself

members of a certain network, in addition to organizations with identities that differ

from the identity of the network such as cooperatives and youth clubs and other

issues that illustrated problems in the networks’ membership and in organizing the

networks relationship with its member organizations. Due to the importance of

networking and joint work, it is recommended to review the aspect of membership

of the three organizational umbrellas that form the Coordination Council for

Palestinian NGOs on all levels: membership conditions, the members commitment

to the conditions and participating in the networks life, monitoring the organizations

lists, activating the role of networks in building capacities among other topics

relevant to the networks membership.

4. Varying funding sources and increasing the margin of self and local funding in

forming NGOs budget represents a safe introduction for continuing provision of

NGOs. The networks should work on and contribute to building the organizations’

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capacities, particularly grassroots organizations with regards to self and local funding

and to enhance its readiness for questioning.

2.2. Environment

A civil society enabling environment means the level of relevance of the surroundings or

conditions in which the civil society works, whether it was economic, political, social,

cultural, legal or technical … etc, in empowering it to be active in the society and to have

a positive impact on one hand, and the citizens ability to participate voluntarily in the

civil society on another. The more relevant and enabling the environment is to the civil

society’s work the more people’s volunteerism and participation is activated which is an

indication of a healthy civil society49, and the more the environment is hindering its

work and people’s involvement is limited, it indicates an unhealthy civil society. There

are those who considered the civil society enabling environment to be “a group of

conditions that impact the citizens’ and civil society’s ability to participate in

development processes in a sustainable and effective way, whether in terms of drafting

policies and budgets, or implementation, support, impact on public programs and

projects or in continuation of achieving shared goals50.

The second dimension, which comes in second place in the Index, is the inspection of

the environment in which civil society works in the Palestinian case to know to what

extent this environment is enabling of its work and has a positive impact on people’s

participation or to what extent it is inhabiting and obstructive of its efficiency.

2.2.1. Legal and political context

49

Assessment Tools for Measuring Civil Society’s Enabling Environment, vol 4, issue, International Center for Not-For-Profit Law (ICNL), page 3. Available at: http://www.icnl.org/research/trends/trends5-1.pdf 50

Jeff Thindwa, Enabling Environment for Civil Society Organizations & CSOs Governance, World Bank, page 2. Available at: http://www.worldbank.org/content/dam/Worldbank/Event/MNA/yemen_cso/english/Yemen_CSO_conf_Pres_WB_EN.pdf

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Political environment in which the Palestinian civil society works affects the nature of

the role these organizations play within the society in general, and overshadows the

style and nature of a civil society. The political reality of the Palestinian context has

given civil society organizations a special status that made it differ from other civil

society organizations, stemming from the Palestinian Issue itself and the fluctuation of

the political circumstances the Palestinian society undergoes. This special status is

depicted in the civil society organizations being overshadowed with the national

libertarian work and its uniqueness in terms of its inception in the absence of a national

state and under occupation, adopting national libertarian programs on top of the social

programs. Palestinian civil society organizations were established and developed in the

absence of national state and while the Palestinian society was under non-national

authorities, the latest is the Israeli occupation authority and then within the frame of a

Palestinian Authority, with a small margin of freedom of organization through which

political and social organizations and institutions conducted its various activities with

the continuation of the occupation and the presence of a Palestinian state with limited

sovereignty51.

With the inception of the National Authority, the political environment remained a

challenge facing the civil society and NGOs working in various geopolitical environments

in terms of the political authority and the legal reference. Organizations working in the

West Bank are subject to the procedures, regulations and practices imposed by the

Palestinian National Authority forces which are not always abiding to the legal

references, such as putting their hands on charitable societies and NGOs, dismantling

elected boards of directors or delegating boards external to the institution’s references

to manage it, while these organizations are subject to Israeli monitoring and control

when part of their activities or work is implemented in the so called Area C in

compliance with Oslo Accords, or if they work in Jerusalem. These organizations suffer

sometimes from pressure, search campaigns and its members and leaders being

51

Nadia Abu Zaher, (2008) “Civil Society” Between the Descriptive and the Normative: Deconstructing a Conceptual Muddle, previous resource, page 237.

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arrested by the Israeli occupation regardless of where it is active. In addition to the

pressures facing organizations working in the West Bank from the Palestinian Authority

forces and the Israeli occupation, they face many difficulties and various obstacles in

conducting their activities in Jerusalem, Gaza or Area C. Organizations working in

Jerusalem are subject to different political and legal working conditions stemming from

the Israeli control over Jerusalem. Those organizations registered in Jerusalem must

have the readiness to face this reality and work under these circumstances while

preserving its Palestinian national identity and steadfast against the harassment of the

different Israeli forces. In Gaza Strip, civil society organizations are subject to different

political working conditions and to the regulations and procedures of the civil and

security forces controlling the authority in Gaza. These organizations suffer from the

pressures and control of the authority forces working in Gaza and managed by Hamas.

The obstacles and challenges facing civil society organizations working in various

environments have contributed to the exclusion of some organizations and prevented

other organizations from operating and being active. This reality became a challenge

that pushed organizations to refine themselves, strengthening their regulations and

organizational structures and to develop their capacities and enhance their readiness for

accountability, even if it automatically led to imposing a nationalistic political libertarian

agenda on top of those organizations social, cultural, rights, charitable or developmental

agendas.

Due to this intense overlap between civil society organizations within the Palestinian

context and the political environment embodied in the libertarian Palestinian issue, the

future of Palestinian civil society and the role it plays in the society as well as its impacts

with the developments and mobilization within the political scene, which forced the civil

society organizations, on multiple occasions, to prioritize the political nationalistic

agenda over the social, cultural and developmental agendas, and to switch from

developmental activity to relief work and provision of humanitarian aid. During the first

Intifada, for example, civil society was forced to play a political role in facing the Israeli

occupation which was violating the humanitarian security of the Palestinians and their

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freedoms, and to provide health services, and social and educational care which the

nonexistent Palestinian State was supposed to provide. People back then were ready to

participate voluntarily in the different civil society activities52.

The political environment through which the civil society worked during the

establishment of the Palestinian Authority, following Oslo Accords, had its impact on the

role of civil society and its development as well as the growth of one of its components

rapidly. On one hand, the establishment of the Palestinian Authority contributed to the

rapid spread of NGOs, increasing the number of civil society organizations53. On the

other hand, the new political environment drew the attention of civil society which has

engaged in the debate regarding the shape of the upcoming political system for the

emerging Palestinian Authority. It contributed to stating questions regarding the shape

of the Palestinian political system and the extent of the Palestinian civil society’s

contribution in determining the shape of that system54. Thus, the future of the

Palestinian civil society and its impact on the democratization process became linked

organically to the political developments in the region55.

The stage following Oslo Accords witnessed a significant historical turning point in the

history of the Palestinian People in terms of the establishment of the Palestinian

Authority for the first time since the establishment of the State of Israeli Occupation in

1948 over the lands of the Palestinian People, and in terms of a new reality and turning

point for the civil society. This called for a reconsideration of the identity of the

organizations of this society, its role and vision. The political split within the Palestinian

political parties also created another turning point for the Palestinian civil society.

Despite the increased number of civil society organizations after the split, this increase

52

Nadia Abu Zaher, (2013) The Role of Palestinian Political Elite in Generating Social Capital, Doha: Arab Center for Research & Policy Studies, pages 146-147. 53

Mhaisin, Taysir, (2001) “Political Parties and Voluntary Organizations within the Palestinian Context”, Ro’ya Magazine, Issue 11, page 6. 54

Al-Malki, Majdi (1999) “Democracy and Civil Society: A Review of Palestinian Literature”, Palestinian Politics, Issue 24, page 34. 55

Manuel Hassassian, (2002) “NGOS in the context of national struggle” in Benjamin Gideon, Stanely N. Katz and Yeheskel Hasenfeld (eds), Mobilizing for Peace: Conflict Resolution in Northern Ireland, Israel/Palestine, and South Africa, Oxford: Oxford University Press, page 134.

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did not prevent the increase of the authority’s interventions in the work of the civil

society, both in the West Bank and Gaza. The split contributed in the weakening of civil

society organizations and their ability to affect policy making and to complicating the

role of human rights organizations in the field of advocating for civil and human rights56.

The legal framework regulating the formation of NGOs and charitable societies and their

registration, and organizes and determines their relations among themselves, with the

state and society, is the main component of the legal environment through which civil

society organizations work which differ in principle from the state and represents the

modern social structures which occupy the space between the individual and the state

outside the market and are independent of the institutions of the state, hence

separating the civil society from the state57. This separation is very important even if the

state is organizing the civil society through creating a legal frame, registering society

organizations, and controlling its work58.

The requirements and foundations of the legal environment through which civil society

organizations worked within the Palestinian context varied from one political stage to

another, and in principle it differed from the experiences of its counterparts in the Arab

World, whether in terms of the surrounding circumstances, or in terms of the laws

regulating the right to from associations and the control over its activity. Civil society

organizations; NGOs and charitable societies, are subject to the Ottoman Law on

Associations of the year 1907, where article (2) was indulgent to forming associations

given that it does not require a license, article (6) banned the work of secret

associations and article (7) imposed strict control over its work59.

56

The 2013 Civil Society Organization Sustainability Report for the Middle East and North Africa, USAID, page 50. 57

Nancy Fraser, (1992) “Rethinking the Public Sphere: A Contribution to the Critique of Actually Existing Democracy”, in Craig Calhoun (ed), Habermas and the Public Sphere, Cambridge: MIT Press page 133. 58

Claudia- Yvette Matthes, (2003) “The Economic Foundations of Civil Society: Empirical Evidence from New Democracies in the Baltic Sea Region”, in Norbert Gotz and Jorg Hackmann (eds), Civil Society in the Baltic Sea Region, England: Ashgate Publishing Limited, USA: Ashgate Publishing Company, page 86. 59

Mazin SiSalem, Isac Muhanna and Soliman Dahdouh (preparation and assembly), The Set of Palestinian Laws, volume 7, edition 2, 1994, (D. N.), page 29.

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During the British Mandate, civil organizations were subject to the defense (emergency)

regulations, 1945, which dictated many constrains on its work60. After the Israeli

occupation of the Palestinian lands in 1948, civil society organizations both in the West

Bank and Gaza Strip underwent two different legal systems. In Gaza the Ottoman Law

on Associations remained valid, with no amendments by the Egyptian Administration;

whereas the Jordanian Law was applied to the West Bank and the rest of the active

Palestinian organizations around Palestine were subject to the Israeli Military Orders.

Since the establishment of the Palestinian Authority, the Palestinian Basic Law

guaranteed the freedom of forming associations according to item (2) of Article (26) of

the law adopted by the Palestinian Legislative Council in 1996, which was signed by the

late president Yassir Arafat in 2002, and was amended by the Palestinian Legislative

Council in 2003 and 2005. The law states that “Palestinians have the right to form

syndicates, associations, unions, leagues, clubs, and public institutions in compliance

with the law”61. The main element of the legal environment through which civil

organizations work within the Palestinian Context is Law (1) of the year 200 on civil

bodies and charitable societies62. The Palestinian Legislative Council issued this law

which identifies the conditions necessary for charitable societies’ formation and activity,

while the executive regulations of this law, issued with a decree by the Cabinet, clarifies

several detailed issues related to the conditions of forming a charitable society, the

authorities responsible for its registration, the specialty of the departments responsible

for its registration and the registration mechanisms, and illustrates the ministry

responsible for follow up its activity among other details on the societies and their

commitments … etc63.

60

The previous resource, page 39. 61

Item (2) of Article (26) Part 1, The Basic Law amended in 2005, Ramallah: The Palestinian Legislative Council, page 17. 62

Law (1) of the year 2000 on Civil Bodies and Charitable Societies, Ramallah: The Palestinian Legislative Council. 63

Cabinet Decision (9) 2003 regarding the executive regulations of Charitable Societies and Civil Bodies Law number (1) 2000, Ramallah: Fatwa and Legislation Office, available through:

http://www.dft.gov.ps/index.php?option=com_dataentry&pid=8&Itemid=27&des_id=427

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The Arab Network for Social Accountability (ANSA) exalted the Palestinian laws that

guarantee the right to forming associations in Palestine compared to the Arab

Countries. According to the network, the freedom to establish associations in

accordance with the Palestinian law “The Civil Bodies and Charitable Societies Law

1/2000” makes it relatively advanced compared to the Arab Countries, based on the

laws applied in the region, despite the political pressure and the violation of rights in

both the West Bank and Gaza Strip64. Despite this praise, the Civil Bodies and Charitable

Societies Law and its executive regulations face many critiques65 as it gives the

governmental authorities the space to interfere in civil society organizations.

Furthermore, executive practices obstruct its work; in addition to critiques66 on issuing

Presidential decrees and regulations in violation of the law that obstruct the

development of the civil society.

With regards to practice, the Civil Society Organization Sustainability Report pointed out

that what the governments led by the Palestinian National Authority and Hamas did in

terms of continuation of security check of civil society organizations applying for

registration is a form of violation of the Civil Bodies and Charitable Societies Law. Such

security check requires the approval of the Ministry of Interior and the Intelligence

64

Jamal Atwan et al, (2013) Initial Assessment of Social Accountability in the Arab World: The Final Report of the Arab Network for Social Accountability (ANSA), Care International Egypt, London: Integrity Research and Consultancy, page 102. 65

The most important critiques on the law and its executive regulations can be summarized into:

The law gave the Minister of Interior the power to dismantle any association in violation with its own basic law, where it should have given the Minister the right to resort to Judiciary requesting dismantling the association, as associations should not be dismantled unless with a court verdict.

Article (29) of the draft executive regulations limited the term of an association’s board of directors to three years, where the law didn’t dictate any duration of board of directors’ term, and left its identification to the internal law.

Articles 1 and 2 of the executive regulations confined the field of activities the associations can be involved in. This means that associations cannot operate outside of those fields dictated by the regulations, unless the Minister approves it.

66 “Forming Associations in the Areas of the Palestinian National Authority between the Law and

Practice”, (2002) Reports Series (15), Ramallah: The Independent Commission for Human Rights, pages 5-

7. Available in Arabic through: http://www.ichr.ps/pdfs/sp15.pdf

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Department both in the West Bank and Gaza Strip, and this delays in many cases the

registration process of civil society organizations or obstruct it67.

There is another issue concerning the particular legal environment in which the civil

society organizations work, besides the succession of several governing authorities and

changing the laws governing the work of civil society organizations, related to Gaza and

Jerusalem. Civil society organizations in East Jerusalem and in Area C of the West Bank

to military orders and the Israeli law68, as for Gaza, after the division, civil society

organizations there are under the authority of Hamas government which amended the

executive regulations of the Law number (1); the aforementioned decision carries the

number (11/205/3) of the year 2011, regarding modifying the Cabinet verdict number

(9) of the year 2003 regarding the executive regulations69. In conclusion, the references

and supervisory committees and authorities are numerous. Control mechanisms and

Anti-Corruption are used as tools for control and exclusion by the Palestinian Authority

in Gaza and the West Bank as well as by the Israeli authorities after providing the

security mechanisms and justifications.

2.2.1.1 Reflection of the political reality on organizations and the implementation of

its activities in terms of the strictness of constrains over the citizens political

rights

67

The 2012 Civil Society Organization Sustainability Report for the Middle East and North Africa, USAID, page 44. 68

According to the Israeli Law, there are three laws regulating the freedom of forming associations:

The Law on Associations (1980) which regulates the process of forming and the work of NGOs, companies and cooperatives.

The Criminal Law “Prevention of Terrorism Ordinance” (1948)

And the “Interim Agreement on the West Bank and Gaza Strip” (1994) and the Prohibition of Financing Terrorism Law (2005).

69 Article (9) which has been added is considered the most criticized by the civil society organizations in

Gaza and is considered in principle in violation with the Charitable Societies Law. The Article states: “1. all branches of local associations and bodies should provide the Ministry and the responsible Ministry with any files, documents or papers when requested. 2. the Ministry and the responsible Ministry preserves the right to monitor the work and activities of the branches of associations and bodies to confirm that its money has been spent for the purpose of it was allocated for”. See: the Palestinian Center for Human

Rights (2011), Available through: http://pchrgaza.org/ar/?p=4079

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Around 11% of the organizations confirmed the existence of serious constrains on the

political rights of civilians preventing citizens participation and suffocating the

organizations, while approximately 33% of the studied organizations indicated the

existence of some constrains on the political rights of civilians that restrict the citizens’

participation and hinder the organization’s work. The percentage of organizations

declaring no constrains and that the organization works freely and that the citizens

practice their political rights reached to 53%.

2.2.1.2 The impact of the factional system on which organizations’ work is based

Despite the Palestinian Basic Law guaranteeing the freedom of affiliation with and the

formation of factions, there is no law regulating the work of political factions until now.

In spite of its continuous role the struggle for liberation, existing Palestinian

organizations and factions did not reach the level of parties and yet carry some features

of resistance movements due to the ongoing stage of national liberation which makes it

difficult to describe it as political parties70.

70

Meetings and interviews, the political parties meeting.

الواقعٌنعكسكٌف

منظمتكمعلىالسٌاسً

لنشاطاتهاتنفٌذهاوعلى

علىالقٌودقوةحٌثمن

المواطنٌنحقوق

السٌاسٌة؟

0%

There are Limitation

11%

There is a Certain Limitation

33%

There is no Limitation

53%

No Information3%

otherا56%

Reflection of the Political Context on the Civil Society's Activities Relevant to the Citizens Political Rights (2.1)

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2.2.1.3 The level of enforcement of the rule of law in the Palestinian Authority areas

according to the organizations

According to the studied organizations, 16% of the organizations believe that the rule of

law does not exist, which is what has been confirmed by the representatives of the

factions by saying that enforcing the law is weak, while 48% indicated that the rule of

law exists but limited, and 31% of the studied organizations confirmed the existence of

the rule of law efficiently. According to the political parties, syndicates and media, there

is an overlap between the authorities and there is no clear separation among them71.

2.2.1.4 The level of corruption witnessed in the public sector (governmental) according

to the organizations

Opinions varied on the issue of corruption. According to 39% of the studied

organizations, corruption exists evidently in the public sector, the same that has been

confirmed by the parties, syndicates and other civil society organizations including

AMAN-Transparency, and that has been reflected in the reports of the Anti-Corruption

71

See the previous resource, in addition to the syndicates’ meeting

No Enforcement17%

Limited Enforcement

49%

Efficient and Tangible

Enforcement31%

No information3%

Level of Enforcement of Law at PA Areas (2.2)

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Commission, the Board of Control and AMAN-Transparency, while the Federation of

Industries sees that it’s too early and there must be an agreement on the definition of

corruption first72, and 17% of the studied organizations confirmed no corruption in the

public sector.

2.2.1.5 The level of the Palestinian Authority’s ability to achieve the goals stated in the

strategic plan according to the organizations

In terms of the Palestinian Authority’s achievement of its goal, 10% of the studied

organizations only sees that the Palestinian Authority was able to achieve its goals while

almost half of the studied organizations (48%) that achieving the goals was limited, and

35% sees that the Palestinian Authority did not achieve its goals which is what the

political factions, syndicates and networks has confirmed.

72

See previous resource, The Federation of Industries Interview.

39%

%

17%

5%

0 5 10 15 20 25 30 35 40 45

Tangible Existence

Limited Existence

Does not exist

No Information

Level of Corruption Witnessed at the Governmental Sector (2.3)

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2.2.1.6 The level of the government’s expenditure on local authorities

There are no allocated budgets for the local authorities at the central authority despite

having allocated taxes items for those purposes, and local authorities get funding

through projects or grants. Local authorities rely in managing its affairs on what it gains

in the form of fees, taxes and cost of services, in addition to external projects funding,

whether it was direct or through the Municipal Development and Lending Fund. In rare

occasions local authorities finance NGOs or cover the costs of its activities (such as the

experience with the Women Corner in Nablus).

2.2.2. Political freedoms and rights

2.2.2.1. The level of ensuring civil freedoms by the law and practices

Political factions see that civil freedoms are ensured to a limited extent; in Jerusalem

Israel violates the freedom of citizens and their rights systematically including their

livelihood. In the West Bank and Gaza Strip the human rights organizations’ data

indicate (Al-Haq for example) the executive authority violating citizens’ rights in aspects

of freedom of expression, gathering, organization, and the rest of civil rights. There are

complaints documenting these violations, for example, the Independent Commission for

Human Rights report (Board of Grievances) of the year 2015 that the commission

Tangible Acheivement

10%

Limited Achievement

49%

Did not do any Acheivement

35%

No Information6%

Level of PA Acheivemnet of its Strategic Goals (2.4)

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received 56 claims of human rights violations regarding freedom of speech, 15 out of

which are in Gaza73. As for organizations opinion, 29% of the studied organizations

admitted that freedoms are ensured in a tangible way, 41% admitted that freedoms are

poorly ensured, while 30% see that there is violation of freedoms.

2.2.2.2. The level of public’s access to governmental documents and

information according to the organizations

There is no law regulating the process of access to and obtaining information (according

to the interview of AMAN-Transparency and the Independent Commission for Human

Rights). Half of the studied organizations see a difficulty in access to information, and

30% see that it is not possible to obtain information, while 14% see that it is easy to

obtain information. Political factions confirmed the absence of the law and a difficulty in

access to information.

73

The Independent Commission for Human Rights (Board of Grievances), The State of Human Rights in Palestine Report, 2015.

29%

41%

30%

1%

0 5 10 15 20 25 30 35 40 45

Tangible Commitment

Weak Commitment

There is Violation

No Information

Level of Commitment to Ensure Civil Rights by Law and Practice (2.5)

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2.2.2.3. The law guaranteeing freedom of press and its implementation

according to the organizations

There is no law regulating the work of press and that guarantees its freedom, also there

is no law regulating the work of the Journalists Syndicate which works according to its

own rules of procedures. With the inception of the Palestinian Authority a Presidential

decree regarding printing and publication, which was approved by the Palestinian

Legislative Council at later stage and it is the law in place in this field. According to the

Journalist Syndicate, journalists are exposed to different types of harassment and

continuous violations whether it was by the Israeli occupation, the Palestinian Authority

or the Government in Gaza. Harassments reach to intimidation, physical assault,

imprisonment and attempt on the life of the journalists. Journalism organizations also

suffer from various harassments74. 59% of the studied organizations see that the law

ensures the freedom of press in a limited way, and only 23% of them see that the law

ensures the freedom of press in a tangible way.

74

See meetings and interviews, the Journalist Syndicate interview.

Easily and Widely14%

Hardly with Limtied Access

50%

No Access29%

No Information7%

Level of Access to Information and Governmental Documents (2.6)

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2.2.3. The socio-economic context

The social medium in which the civil society organizations work has an impact, in the

Palestinian context as well, on the nature and the role civil society plays and the degree

of its impact on the society. Social behaviors and values that dominated the periods of

resisting the occupation has affected the civil society organizations in terms of acquiring

it the spirit of social cooperation and coherence as well as participation. NGOs enjoyed

the public social trust, and the tolerance and forgiveness among the different members

of the society, which gave these organizations a mass’s nature and contributed to the

Palestinian society embracing it. Due to the dominance of public interest over the work

of NGOs, community volunteerism contributed to supporting civil society with tangible

energies and competencies that helped activate the role and enhance the status of

charitable and civil organizations within the Palestinian social structures. Whereas the

blockade of the political horizon and the security and political deterioration in the

region, as well as the despair and poor performance of the different forms of

organizations along with the weakness or absence of their social agenda has led to

changing and deterioration of the collective values versus personal values and gains and

to bouncing from collective salvation to individual salvation75, and to the deterioration

75

Meetings and interviews, Independent Syndicates and the Journalist Syndicate interview.

Tangible Commitment

23%

Weak Commitment

59%

There is Violation16%

No Information2%

Level of Commitment to Ensure Media Freedom by Law and Practice (2.7)

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of social participation include voluntary work and the public political and social

activities. All of that was reflected in the deterioration of trust, tolerance and

acceptance of the other and the lack of general belongingness. The study that was

conducted to measure social capital in Palestine revealed the presence of a Palestinian

society dominated with a high degree of lack of trust among individuals in general, as

well as in the Palestinian Authority institutions, factions, syndicates and civil society

organizations, in addition to the international organizations and donor countries76.

The relationship between economy and civil society is controversial. Opinions ranged

from those defending the role of economy in civil society because economy protects the

civil society from the state violations and its interventions therefore protecting its

independency, to those arguing that civil society needs protection from the economy in

the first place77. Whatever the argument on the relation of economy to civil society is,

whether it was a positive or negative relation, the economic environment in which the

civil society works affects the nature of the role it plays in the society. When the

economic environment is poor, the role of the civil society usually focuses on fighting

poverty and affecting the public policies of the state to fight poverty and achieve more

economic development. But if the economic environment is rich, usually the civil

society’s role is focused on achieving more social welfare and to impact the state’s

policies to achieve that.

In the Palestinian context, both issues of poverty and unemployment are considered

among the most significant issues civil society suffers from. The Israeli occupation

imposes restrictions on the Palestinian People’s control over its assets and on its use of

its available economic and natural resources by fully controlling the natural reserve of

economic resources in Area (C) and Jerusalem, including control over all agricultural

lands, the Dead Sea, the touristic sites, access to the Jordan River and connection

between the different areas of the West Bank. This limits opportunities for development

76

Mohammad Nasr, Jamil Hilal, (2007), Measuring Social Capital in the Palestinian Territories, Ramallah: Palestine Economic Policy Research Institute (MAS), page 95. 77

John Varty, (1997) "Civic or Commercial? Adam Ferguson's Concept of Civil Society." in Robert Fine and Shirin Rai (eds), Civil Society: Democratic Perspectives, London: Frank Cass & CO.LTD. p.p 27-30.

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and increases poverty and economic dependence, which pushed a high percentage of

the Palestinians to give the highest significance to improving the economic situation and

fighting poverty and unemployment78. A high percentage of the Palestinian society

prioritizes enhancing the economic situation and fighting poverty and unemployment,

which pushes civil society organizations to work on fighting poverty and unemployment

by adopting a set of policies that strengthen the Palestinian citizens’ participation in the

development process and providing their basic needs. This calls for creating a form of

participation between the civil society and both the governmental and private sectors79.

2.2.3.1. The impact of dominant socio-economic factors on the work of

civil society organizations

75% off the studied organizations see that the dominant socio-economic

factors hinder the work of civil society organizations, while 17% see that it

aids the work of NGOs.

78

Mohammad Nasr, Jamil Hilal, Measuring Social Capital in the Palestinian Territories, previous resource, page xix. 79

Saed Abu Odwan, (2013) The Role of Palestinian Civil Society Organizations in Enhancing Human Development (West Bank as a case study), Master Thesis, Nablus: An-Najah National University – College of Graduate Studies – Political Planning and Development Program, pages 105-106.

17%

5%

76%

2%

0 10 20 30 40 50 60 70 80

Support the Work of Organisations

No Effect

Prohibit the Work of Organisations

No Information

the Effect of Socio-Eonomic Aspects on the Work of Civil Society

Organisations (2.8)

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2.2.4. The socio-cultural context

2.2.4.1. The level of community members trust in one another

AMAN-Transparency sees that there is trust among the community members, yet this

trust is not deep and is weakened by factional and ideological affiliations, and is

weakened in the civil society by competition over the same funding resources. Values of

trust and tolerance and social belongingness deteriorated due to the changes that

happened to style of living and the structure of values dominant in the society. The

Palestinian society is witnessing a significant deterioration in the values of joint work,

social belongingness, acceptance and tolerance in favor of the values of individualism

and extremism. This could be due to the bloody conflicts in the region and the

continuation of the occupation and the poor performance of the official institution and

failure to achieving the nationalistic goals80.

2.2.4.2. The level of tolerance among community members

Some of the interviews on the issue of trust indicated a superficial degree of trust which

is weakened by the factors of despair, the narrow future horizon and the bad living

conditions.

2.2.4.3. The sense of public spirit (belongingness) among the community

members according to the organizations

More than half of the studied organizations see that the sense of belongingness among

the community members is a normal feeling, while 23% see that the sense of public

spirit is strongly present and the same percentage sees that it is weak or nonexistent.

80

See meetings and interviews: factions, Journalist Syndicate and independent syndicates.

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2.2.5. The legal environment

2.2.5.1. The registration process of civil society organizations according

to the organizations

More than 35% of the studied organizations see that the civil society organizations

registration process is an easy and quick process and in accordance with the law, while

48% see that the process requires attention and time, and there is around 15% who see

the registration process to be long, difficult and in violation of the law. The Independent

Commission for Human Rights confirms the existence of violations and transgressions in

the registration process of NGOs and considers the so called clearance and obtaining the

security forces approval of the founders’ names as a violation of the law.

Strong and Tangible

24%

Moderate53%

Weak to Absent

23%

Level of Public Spirit (Affiliation) Among the Society Members (2.9)

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2.2.5.2. Civil society organizations’ freedom in engaging in lobbying and

advocacy activities and/or criticizing the government according to

the organizations

60% of the studied organizations see it is allowed for civil society organizations to freely

engage in lobbying and advocacy or criticizing the government, while 26% see that it is

happening on a wide scale, and 10% see that it is not allowed. Independent syndicates

see that the process of allowing is selective and is due to the nature of the topic and the

authority doing it, which is what the specialized networks confirm.

فان،لتجربتكموفقا

مؤسساتتسجٌلعملٌة

المدنًالمجتمع

0%

Easy, Fast and Upon the Law

36%

Needs Time and Effort

49%

Hard, Long and Violate the Law

15%

Assessment of the Organisations' Registration Process (2.10)

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2.2.5.3. Evaluation of the tax exemption system in place according to the

organizations

38% of the studied organizations sees the tax exemption system in place is practical and

appropriate, while 31% declared that the system is difficult with many complications,

and 22% saw that there is no tax exemption (inconsistent, undeclared and

nontransparent). The Federation of Industries confirmed that the system in place

requires changing and modification to become encouraging for donations and enabling

of NGOs and charitable societies to obtain the necessary tax exemptions.

Widely Spread

26%

Limited with Restriction

60%

Not Allowed10%

No Information4%

Level of Freedom of the Civil Society Involvement in the Lobbying

and Advocacy Activities or/and Criticizing the Government (2.11)

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2.2.5.4. The level of encouragement of individuals and organizations to

use tax rebate and loans in the process of giving

There is no wide use of the tax system to encourage donations to civil work, as

procedures are not clear or unknown to the users. Tax exemption is dealt with by the

Ministry of Finance with discrepancies; in some cases tax exemption was awarded and it

wasn’t in most of the cases, which makes it difficult to talk about an adequate system

without that system being written, announced and known to beneficiaries.

2.2.6. The relation of civil society with the state

Many have discussed the power relations within the civil society; some relied in

determining this relation on the strategic power relation of the authority, which is

determined through the relation of attraction and exclusion between the state and the

civil society, and the economy81. In terms of the civil society relation to economy, this

relation is determined by the market needs, as it is the case for the civil society, of

democracy and of the margin of freedom necessary to enable both of playing their

roles, that kind of margin that protects the civil society and the market from the state’s

81

Jean L. Cohen, Andrew Arato, (1994) Civil Society and Political Theory, London: the MIT Press, Page 286.

Appropriate and Practical

38%

Hard with Many Complications

31%

No Vat Exemption

22%

No Information9%

Assessment of the Vat Exemption System (2.12)

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violation82, furthermore, development is linked to the society’s efficiency and its civil

organizations’ participation83. The relationship of the civil society with the state (the

authority) is characterized by plurality of bases. On one hand each has its position in the

social structure (the hierarchy), and on the other hand it’s a relationship of struggle over

influence between two opposing social powers; the civil society against the state84.

Others find the relationship to be determined in a “parallel” way for the governments to

prevent its tendency to tyranny85. This means for the civil society to be strong enough to

be equivalent to the state, thus preventing the state from controlling the society or

dividing it86. Therefore, some authors called for limiting the state’s interference in the

civil society in order to protect individual rights87.

Regarding the Palestinian context, the power relations within the community between

the state (the authority) and the civil society reflected in the relationship between NGOs

and the Palestinian Authority. The factions and some unions and public frames are an

extension of the PLO which is not easy to separate from the authority even if it was

among the opposition camp. It is alright to say that this relationship has its discrepancies

and uniqueness before and after Oslo.

Before Oslo, and due to the absence of the Palestinian State, civil society organizations

worked on bridging the gap resulting from the absence of the state in terms of services

and meeting the main needs of the citizens, in addition to its social civil role as civil

society organizations or charitable societies. These organizations provided health,

education, cultural, social and rights services … etc, and the relationship between these

organizations and the PLO, back then, was characterized by cooperation and support

82

Vidhu Verma, (2002) Malaysia: State and Civil Society in Transition. Bolder: Lynne Rienner Publishers, p.2. 83

Seymour Lipset, (ed.) (1995) The Encyclopedia of Democracy, Vol. 1. London: Routledge, p.31. 84

Marc Morjé Howard, (2003) The Weakness of Civil Society in Post- Communist Europe, Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, p.38. 85

John W. Harbeson, (1994) "Civil Society and Political Renaissance in Africa." in John W. Harbeson, Donald Rothchild and Namomi Chazan (eds), Civil Society and the State in Africa, Boulder: Lynne Rienner Publishers, p. 26 86

Helmut K. Anheier, (2004) Civil Society: Measurement, Evaluation, Policy, London: Earthscan, p. 20. 87

Gunilla Dahlberge, et al. (1999) Beyond Quality in Early Childhood Education and Care: Postmodern Perspectives, London: Falmer Pressp, 71.

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based on the national agenda88. After Oslo and the establishment of the Palestinian

Authority, the work fields of the civil society organizations got limited and some of these

fields were transferred to the Palestinian Authority tasks89, and the role of civil society

expanded in the field of monitoring the Authority’s performance and its violations of

human rights, in addition to monitoring its policies, and the relationship between the

civil society and the Palestinian Authority became, sometimes, a confrontational one.

With the absence of effective opposition and the exclusion of the Legislative Council,

civil society organizations played a supervisory role over the performance of the

executive authority and its commitment to the basic law or overstepping it, and it

played a role in fighting corruption90. The relationship between the Palestinian Authority

and civil society organizations was described as disturbed due to the competition over

accountability, legitimacy and resources91. The Palestinian Authority also interfered in

the work of the civil society according to the Arab Network for Social Accountability

(ANSA), and due to that intervention, civil society organizations in Palestine suffer

political interventions and obstacles to human rights92.

The relationship following the division was characterized by the Palestinian Authority’s

tendency towards domination; the domination of the Palestinian Authority over civil

society organizations, where it sought (whether the authority of Hamas or Fatah) to

marginalize the civil society organizations93. Both sides (Hamas and Fatah) sought

following the division, to weaken the role of civil society, as the government closed over

88

Mohamed EL-Sayed Said, (2005) "Global Civil Society: An Arab Perspective," in Marlies Glasius, Helmut K. Anheier and Mary Kaldor 89

Majdi Al-Malki, Yasir Shalabi, Hassan Ladadwah, (2008), Palestinian NGOs Census in the West Bank and Gaza Strip 2007, Ramallah: Palestine Economic Policy Research Institute (MAS), pages 1-2. 90

Ahmad Majdalani, “Basic Responsibilities of the Palestinian Civil Society”, Al-Bayan Newspaper, April 16

th, 2003, available through: http://www.mafhoum.com/press5/142S24.htm

91 Jamal Atawnah, et, others, (2013) An Initial Assessment of Social Accountability in the Arab World: The

Final Report of the Arab Network for Social Accountability (ANSA), Care International Egypt, London: Integrity Research and Consultancy, page 102. 92

Jamal Atawnah, et, others, (2013) An Initial Assessment of Social Accountability in the Arab World: The Final Report of the Arab Network for Social Accountability (ANSA), Care International Egypt, London: Integrity Research and Consultancy, page 34. 93

“The Civil Society Stance on the Palestinian National Dialogue and its Possibility to Succeed”. The Palestinian Forum Nama’. September 2

nd, 2008. Available through:

http://www.pdf.ps/index.php?page=NewsDetails&NewsID=13&CatID=2

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100 associations in the West Bank affiliated one way or another with Hamas, while the

authorities in Gaza Strip took similar action of closing the civil society organizations

affiliated with Fatah94.

The Palestinian Center for Human Rights reports showed that, during the phase of

internal Palestinian division, after 2007, the level of violations by the official authorities

committed by both sides increased in an unprecedented way. Violations varied from

closure and dismantling of associations, raiding and searching associations by the

different security forces of both sides, appointing new boards of directors affiliated with

one of the political parties of both sides, firing the boards supervising the work of those

associations, not granting the new associations close to or affiliated with the side

opposing the authorities in Gaza or the West Bank95. Both sides involved civil society

organizations in the crisis at hand between them96. Following the division, civil society’s

impact on spreading democracy was weakened leading to the deterioration of

democracy in Palestine to a great extent, as well as the democratization within the

Palestinian context turning Palestine from lack of democracy to barbaric regimes97.

2.2.6.1. Civil society’s ability to exist and work independently from the

State

21% of the studied organizations see that civil society organizations are able to exist and

work independently from the state on a strong and tangible level, while 47% confirmed

it happens but on a limited and poor scale, and 28% see that organizations cannot work

independently from the state.

94

The 2013 Civil Society Organization Sustainability Report for the Middle East and North Africa, previous resource, page 47. 95

Report on: Palestinian Violations of the Right to Form Associations within the National Authority. Ramallah: November 16

th, 2009, pages 8-12.

96 The previous resource, page 17.

97 The Economist Intelligence Unit’s Index of Democracy 2008. 14 August 2010. Available at

http://graphics.eiu.com/PDF/Democracy%20Index%202008.pdf, p. 9

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The following graph illustrates civil society’s freedom to work with no governmental

interference.

The following graph also shows the level of the government monitoring process

insistence towards protecting the legitimate public interest.

Strong and Tangible

22%

Limited and Weak47%

Can not Work28%

No Information3%

Ability of Civil Society Organisations to Work Independently from

the State (2.13)

Strong and Tangible

24%

Weak and Limited

46%

Can not Work26%

No Information4%

Level of Freedom of Civil Society Organisations to Work with No

Governmental Interference (2.14)

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2.2.6.2. The government’s dialogue with the civil society

18% of the studied organizations see that there is a mutual dialogue between the civil

society and the state which is effective and tangible, while 53% see that the dialogue

takes place but poorly, and 24% see that there is no dialogue between the civil society

organizations and the state.

2.2.6.3. The level of civil society’s access to the state’s resources

27%

50%

18%

4%

0 10 20 30 40 50 60

Tangible

Weak

Do Not Protect

No Information

Efforts of the Organisations to Monitorg the Government Toward

Protecting the Public Interest (2.15)

Tangible and Efficient

18%

Weak53%

No Dialogue

24%

No Information5%

Dialogue Between the Civil Society Organisations with the State (2.16)

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While 8% of the studied organizations see a wide margin for receiving different

resources from the state, more than 52% see that the margin is narrow, and 37% see

that there is no margin for receiving any resources from the state.

2.2.7. The civil society’s relation to the private sector

2.2.7.1. The private sector’s image of the civil society organizations

The private sector image of cooperation with civil society organizations is positive

according to 27% of the studied organizations, whereas 53% see that the private

sector’s view is a doubtful and limited one, and around 18% believe that the private

sector views civil society negatively with no cooperation. The General Federation of

Industries confirms the private sector’s organizations openness towards cooperation

with civil society organizations that need more promotion of themselves and their

activities in order to enhance the private sector’s trust, which in return seeks to

promote itself through supporting the civil society.

Wide8%

Narrow52%

There no Access

37%

No Information3%

Ability of Civil Society Organisations' to Receive/ Access to the

State's Resources (2.17)

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2.2.7.2. The level of private sector organizations assuming its social

responsibility according to the studied organizations

20% of the studied organizations see that private sector organizations assume their

social responsibility in an effective and tangible way, while 60% see that the

performance of the private sector is poor on this matter, and 16% see that the private

sector assumes no social responsibility.

27%

53%

18%

2%

0 10 20 30 40 50 60

Positive Attitudes Toward Cooperation

Questionable Attitudes Toward Cooperation

Negative Attitudes Toward Cooperation

No Information

Private Sector Perspective of the Civil Society Organisations (2.18)

Tangible and Efficient

20%

Weak60%

No Responsibility16%

No Information4%

Commitment of Private Sector to Social Responsibility (2.19)

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2.2.7.3. The size of support civil society organizations receive from the

private sector organizations

Private sector organizations’ support is very limited, for example, in 2015, the

percentage of the studied organizations that received support from the private sector

did not exceed 21%, 10% of them received less than 10 thousand Dollars annually from

the private sector, and those who received donations above 50 thousand Dollars were

less than 3% of the total number of the studied organizations.

2.2.8. Conclusions on the Palestinian civil society environment

The study and analysis outcomes led to the following conclusions with regards to the

environment:

1. The environment surrounding civil society organizations is characterized with

challenge, instability and difficulty many times, which calls, on the three networks,

for an in-depth detailed study of the aspects of this environment including the

political, legal, social, cultural and economic contexts, and to develop interventions

to tackle it and face it, in order to improve the working conditions of both NGOs and

charitable societies.

10%

3%

0

3%

3%

3%

79%

0 10 20 30 40 50 60 70 80 90

10-0

20-11

21-30

31-40

41-50

More the 50

No Information

Distribution of Civil Society Organsiations Based on the Size of

Donation Received from the Private Sector (KUS$) for the Year 2015 (2.20)

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2. The system of social values is suffering various negative impacts, which revolve

around the collective values such as trust, tolerance, acceptance of the other, and

the values of social belongingness, which requires attention to this phenomenon

and the development of awareness and promotion campaigns regarding the good

social values that encourage participation and voluntary work.

3. The ambiguity surrounding the Palestinian taxation system, in addition to its

shortcomings, is considered a negative factor that limits the local fund raising

opportunities depriving the organizations from the tax exemption sums, which

makes it harder to collect. The networks have to organize and manage lobbying and

advocacy campaigns to amend the law items in a way that serves encouraging

donations for civil and charitable purposes, developing the existing procedures,

documenting, distributing and mainstreaming it to those interested in facilitating the

procedures of donations and the procedures of receiving tax exemption, and

developing and implementing promotion programs to encourage the private sector

organizations to donate and benefit from the tax rebates.

4. If it is not expected for NGOs to work towards making the political situation stable

and to increase the margin of hope, the three umbrella networks has the capacity to

develop intervention programs with the different socio-political parties, including

factions, syndicates and unions to put an end to the deterioration of public

participation and to promote participation, voluntary work and the social values that

strengthen the spirit of collective belongingness.

2.3. Values

Civil society contributes to enhancing the positive values within the community by

playing its different roles. It will probably be difficult in this context to mention all the

values that the civil society contributes to the enhancement of, yet some of it manifests

in strengthening democracy as well as political equality and participation. Democracy

can be enhanced by building trust and communication among the citizens, especially

that the civil society carries people’s interests to the government and limits the abuse of

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the government’s power98 towards the citizens whenever that is possible, it reached to

extent of considering the civil society as the “school for democracy”99, and to

considering the civil society the main source of generating the social capital100, which

according to Putnam, is based on cooperation, tolerance and trust, all of which are

values that keeps the integrity and coherence of any society101. Yet Putnam stated that

deterioration of trust threatens democracy102, and that civil society also contributes to

fighting poverty within the society which several negative values are connected to the

spread of.

The civil society has witnessed many changes and transitions to the system of values

leading its work throughout its history; civil society contributed to the consolidation of

several positive values during the First Intifada. The public committees which were

widely spread throughout the locations and neighborhoods contributed to spreading

public trust and the values of cooperation and mutuality, and the spirit of volunteering

and belonging to the collective as well as working for the public interest rather than the

personal. With that, the civil society through the public committees managed to

generate a positive social capital within the Palestinian society103. The civil society also

managed to play a tangible role in resisting the Israeli occupation, by strengthening the

steadfastness of the citizens and enabling them to face poverty caused by the

occupation and to organize processes for defending the various citizens’ rights and

combating the poverty the occupation caused the Palestinian society.

Public committees also contributed to fighting poverty within the Palestinian society

through collecting donations and distributing it to people in need. It provided aid to

98

Michael McFaul et al. (2004) Between Dictatorship and Democracy: Russian Post- Communist Political Reform, Washington D.C.:

Carnegie Endowment for International Peace, p.p.140-141. 99

Robert D. Putnam, Bowling Alone: The Collapse and Revival of American Community, (Princeton: Princeton University Press,

1993), p. 338. 100

Michael Leicht, (2000) A Reformed European Model: Social Capital as Competitive Advantage, Norderstedt: GRIN Verlag, p 72. 101

Although some authors refuse to consider trust at the core of social capital, and consider trust to be one of its outcomes, there

are others who see that trust and cooperation form the core of the concept, see: Anirudh Krishna, (2000) "Creating and harnessing social capital", In Partha Dasgupta, Ismail Serageldin (eds.) Social Capital: A Multifaceted Perspective. Washington. D.C.: The World Bank, p. 75. 102

Charles Tilly, (2005) Trust and Rule, New York: Cambridge University Press, p. 133. 103

Nadia Abu Zaher, (2013), The Role of Palestinian Political Elite in Generating Social Capital, previous resource, page 234.

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everyone with no discrimination, and it generated the most prominent examples of the

Palestinian People’s solidarity, cooperation and coherence104, and its work was more

voluntary and for the public interest rather than the factional. It also provided support

for the Palestinian society during emergencies105. The public committees formed the

most prominent examples of the Palestinian society’s solidarity, cooperation and

coherence106.

The civil society also managed during the First Intifada, to contribute to strengthening

democracy within the Palestinian context, especially that its experience was considered

more democratic than the experiences around the Arab World107. Civil society

organizations that were formed during the First Intifada were characterized by absence

of centralization and non-hierarchical relationships108, especially that, public

committees were formed out of all the segments of the Palestinian society; therefore, it

was considered a democratic form open to the widest public participation109.

The values that civil society contributed and still contributes to the enhancement of

differed after the establishment of the Palestinian National Authority from the way it

was prior to Oslo. That is probably do to the difference between the roles civil society

played in the two different stages. Especially that in addition to its traditional role in

bridging the gap in the developmental services field, it became, in light of the active

political parties, a must for the civil society to play the role of the Authority’s monitor,

and to organize opposition and resistance campaigns to face the violations of human

rights and shifted the focus to mainstreaming the values of democracy, human rights,

gender equality, transparency and fighting corruption, in addition to strengthening the

citizens’ steadfastness in resisting the occupation. This placed the civil society in

104

Khaled Ayed, (1988) The Revolutionary Intifada in Palestine: Interior Dimensions, Amman: Dar Al-Shorouq, page 50. 105

Ziad Abu Amr, (1995) Civil Society and Democratic Transformation in Palestine, previous resources, pages 73-74. 106

Khaled Ayed, The Revolutionary Intifada in Palestine: Interior Dimensions (Amman: Dar Al-Shorouq, 1988), page 50. 107

Al-Tahir Labib, (1992) “The Relationship of the Democratic Project to the Arab Civil Society”, Al-Mostaqbal Al-Arabi, Set 14, Issue

158, page 103. 108

Ziad Abu Amr, Civil Society and Democratic Transformation in Palestine, previous resource, page 95. 109

Hassan Ali Ayyoub, (2006) The Horizons of Democratic Transformation within the Palestinian Political System: The Controversial

Relationship between the Palestinian Liberation Organization and the Palestinian National Authority (1993-2003) A Pivotal Factor, (Masters) Thesis, Nablus: An-Najah National University – College of Graduate Studies, Political Planning and Development Program, page 207.

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opposition with the emerging authority and opened the door widely for incitement and

undermining the management and governance of civil society organizations and its

efficiency. If we add to that the disappointments caused by the bilateral agreements

between the PLO and Israel during Oslo Accords, and the peace process following that

along with the consolidation of the occupation and its inhuman practices against the

Palestinian People, it becomes possible to understand the deterioration of the set of

social values which the civil society was supposed to enhance, Leading to the emergence

of both concepts of the deterioration and shrinking role of civil society in building the

set of values and causing the democratic transformation within the Palestinian

society110. There are those who doubted the civil society’s capacity to mainstream such

positive values in the community, considering the presence of democracy as a condition

for civil society’s creation, and many were disappointed who bet on the civil society to

cause the desired democratic transformation, due to their belief that civil society

organizations can accomplish what the authority and political factions couldn’t in terms

of building the democratic social structures. Some others saw the political affiliations of

the civil society organizations a reason for the deterioration of values, as they saw that

civil society organizations work according to the agendas of the political factions that

created it, therefore it holds the same diseases those factions have111. Many of the

positive values that the civil society contributed to mainstreaming during the First

Intifada deteriorated; such as the readiness to volunteer for the public’s interest, and

some of the positive nationalistic values deteriorated as well, such as solidarity,

advocacy and cooperation which the civil society contributed to the mainstreaming of

during the days of the First Intifada112, and there has been an evident increase in the

values that reflect the interest in the personal individualistic interest more than the

interest of the society. The stage following Oslo became a stage of individualistic

110

See: Ziad Abu Amr, Civil Society and Democratic Transformation in Palestine, previous resource, page 75, Majdi Al-Malki, (1999)

“Democracy and Civil Society: Review of Palestinian Literature”, previous resource, page 34. 111

Naser Sheikh Ali, (2008) The Role of Civil Society in Enhancing Political Participation in Palestine, (Masters) Thesis, An-Najah

National University – College of Graduate Studies – Political Planning and Development Program, page 68. 112

Nadia Abu Zaher, (2014) The Need for Civil Society Reform within the Palestinian Context after the Division, Paper presented

during the SCCS conference, Dar Al-Janoub, Vienna: Dar Al-Janoub. Page 6.

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projects and the pursuit of personal interests113. Some of those organizations entered

competitive relations mainly due to struggle over funding114. The division led to the

recession of the social capital, which the civil society was supposed to contribute to the

building of, in favor of increasing the impact of the elites against the deterioration of

rule of law115. This increased the disintegration of the Palestinian society, deteriorating

the connections among families116. Cooperation and trust also deteriorated117, and the

deterioration of democratic transformation in Palestine118, as well as transparency as

Palestine became one of the most corrupted countries around the world according to

the Corruption Perceptions Index of Transparency International 2010119. The increase in

the number of civil society organizations following the division did not reflect any

improvement in readiness for volunteering; rather it was created for different purposes.

After 2006, the number of civil society organizations created by both sides, Hamas and

Fatah, increased significantly, due to their belief that civil society organizations have an

effective role in enhancing the status of the political faction that could help win the

elections120, so both sides were aware of the importance of civil society121, thus the

majority of the newly registered civil society organizations were created by the political

113

George Giacaman, (1998) “Dangers of the Past to the Future: A Critique of the Palestinian Liberation Organization Model”, in

May Al-Jayousi (ed), Liberation, Democratic Transformation and State Building: Muwatin Conference November 7th-8th, 1997, Ramallah: Muwatin, page 31. 114

Majdi Al-Malki, Yasir Shalabi, Hassan Ladadwah, (2008) Palestinian NGOs Census in the West Bank and Gaza Strip 2007, previous source, pages 1-2. 115

Nadia Abu Zaher, The Role of Palestinian Political Elite in Generating Social Capital, previous resource, page 395. 116

A Poll Regarding the Impact of Internal Division on the Palestinian Family. Palestinian Women Information and Media Center March 22

nd –April 8

th 2008.

117 The Palestinian Human Development Report 2009/2010: Investing in Human Security for a Future

State, (2010) volume (5), a Series of Palestinian Human Development Reports. Jerusalem: UNDP, page 13, page 83. 118

Khalil Al-Shiqaqi et others, (2008), Democracy Report in Palestine 2007, Ramallah: Palestinian Center for Policy and Survey Research, page 9. 119

Corruption Perceptions Index 2010. Berlin: Transparency International (2010), Available at: http://www.transparency.org/content/download/55725/890310, p.p 8-9. 120

Roger Heacock, (2008) Barriers To Democracy: The Other Side of Social Capital in Palestine and The Arab World by Jamal. Reviewed in Political Review Net. 10 April. Available at: http://www.politicalreviewnet.com/polrev/reviews/INTA/R_0020_5850_746_1007867.asp 121

Benoît Challand, (2010) "Comments on Palestinian CSOs how to trace down the impact of external aid". Paper presented at the Regional Conference on Research on Civil Society Organisations: Status and Prospects. Jordan, 26-28 January, Available at: http://foundationforfuture.org/files/Comments_on_Palestinian_english.pdf

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factions, especially both sides “Hamas and Fatah” to serve factional purposes. This

reality and context requires focusing the attention of civil society organizations to

mainstreaming and enhancing values that serve the public interest of the Palestinian

society.

2.3.1. Democracy

2.3.1.1. Organizations’ encouragement of their target groups to practice

democracy

The majority of the studied organizations, approximately 84%, admitted that they adopt

democracy clearly and directly throughout their institutional work, and 10% admitted

practicing democracy poorly. Practicing democracy is illustrated in conducting regular

elections and in taking collective decisions as well as giving the space for everyone to

express their opinion and commitment to the code of conduct; 60% of the studied

organizations admitted confirmed their commitment to the code of conduct. The

Palestinian General Federation of Trade Unions confirmed implementing democracy in

terms of having elections, because elections are considered a legal condition and is part

of the law. There is a difference in the democratic practices, as the practice is a formality

in many cases, which is what was confirmed by Al-Muntada representative.

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2.3.1.2. Strengthening democracy on the social level

Civil society organizations conduct many initiatives, awareness activities and training

courses on democracy and strengthening it within the society, based on the data

collected from the studied organizations of the civil society. The civil society plays an

active role in increasing the level of education on democracy and its practices, within

Tangible and Direct84%

Weak10%

No Response2%

No Information4%

Commitment of Civil Society Organisations To Practice Internal

Democracy Especially in Decision Making Process (3.1)

Total Commitment

54%

Partial Commitment

24%

Does not Apply11%

No Information 11%

Commitment of Civil Society Organsiations to Apply the "Code of Athics" (3.2)

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the available financial and human capacities, which is what the Union of Syndicates

confirmed as it explained that the majority of civil society organizations are open to

different groups and has strong relationships with the public, a thing that allows

strengthening the positive values including democracy.

2.3.2. Transparency

2.3.2.1. The spread of corruption in the civil society according to the

organizations

28% of the studied organizations see that corruption is widely and deeply spread in the

civil society, while 49% see that the spread of corruption is limited, and around 20%

believe that corruption hardly exists, and if it did, it is superficial. During the interview

with AMAN-Transparency it was pointed out that there is a recession of corruption due

to a group of factors, including the enhancement of official control through the Anti-

Corruption Commission and the State Audit & Administrative Bureau, the activation of

monitoring the donors and the increase and activation of public control as well as the

organizations’ integrity structures. This is what the Palestinian General Federation of

Trade Unions, while the representative of the Journalist Syndicate sees that corruption

is widely spread among all organizations. The 2015 Report on Corruption shows that the

share of civil society organizations on corruption is 8% of the total corruption in

Palestine, and the Control Bureau’s report of the same year shows that the size of

wasting finances in the sector of civil work did not exceed thousands of Dollars.

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2.3.2.2. The level of organizations financial accounts exposure to the

public

The majority of studied organizations (67%) indicates exposing its financial accounts

openly and regularly for the public’s review, while 29% expose its accounts partially

every now and then, and there is only 2.6% of the organizations that do not expose its

accounts to the public, while the Independent Syndicates see that the percentage of

organizations exposing its accounts reaches to 80% , especially the central NGOs and a

lower percentage among grassroots organizations, while political factions, the Journalist

Syndicate and Al-Muntada disagreed stating that the percentage is limited and does not

exceed 20% of the organizations.

28%

49%

20%

4%

0 10 20 30 40 50 60

Deeply and Widely Spread

Spread

Shallow and Hardly exist

No Information

Existence of Corruption Among Civil SOciety Organisation (3.3)

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2.3.2.3. Process and activities of enhancing governance and participation

transparency among organizations

Organizations, in various and different ways, practice processes of transparency,

governance and participation, which is done through: regular elections (13% of the

studied organizations), participation in decision making (4%), openness to the society

and provision of awareness and education (8%), holding regular periodic meetings of

the board of directors and general assembly (22%) and presenting financial and

administrative reports (16%). Meanwhile, political factions and Independent Syndicates

see the process of publishing information and declaring conflict of interest is limited and

in most cases is confined to presenting information on general assemblies and boards of

directors.

67%

29%

3%

2%

0 10 20 30 40 50 60 70 80

Regularly and Openly

Partially and not Often

Do not Allow

No Information

Commitment of Civil Society Organisations to Allow the Access of

Public to their Financial Records (3.4)

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2.3.3. Tolerance

2.3.3.1. Civil society: An arena for tolerance

According to the political factions, civil society can be considered, moderately, as an

arena for tolerance by working on extenuating the level of social rivalries and the use of

various tools for conflict resolution and lessening grudges, as well as development social

peace. Whereas the Palestinian General Federation of Trade Unions and the

Independent Syndicates confirm the existence of the values of tolerance and the

negative non-discrimination within the civil society organizations. While Al-Muntada

considered civil society to be an arena for competition and sometimes conflict rather

than dialogue, especially with regards to competition over funding resources.

13%

10%

22%

4%

16%

11%

8%

16%

0 5 10 15 20 25

Regular Election

Present Information to General Assembly

Regular and Frequent Meetings of the Managemnt Board

Communal Decision Making

Present Administrative and Financial Reports to the General Assembly

Allow Community to Acess the Organsiaition's Informations

Public Awareness and Community Participation

No Information

Means Used by Civil Society Organisations to Promote Transparency (3.5)

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2.3.3.2. Organizations activities on the process of enhancing tolerance

on a social level

Organizations with various levels conduct activities enhancing the values of tolerance in

the community, 28% of the studied organizations believe that their practice of the

principle of social equality is one of the most important actions organizations take to

enhance tolerance, and that 26% of the studied organizations achieve that through

raising awareness.

The examples on the activities conducted by the organizations for enhancing tolerance

on a social level include:

Inclusion of different groups in the organizations’ activities,

Working on social justice and implementation of its principles when conducting the

organizations’ programs,

Awareness raising regarding tolerance,

Organization and management of open dialogues with the community,

Partnership with other organizations, civil, official and the private sector when

conducting its activities,

Using cultural and recreational means such as theater as means of mainstreaming,

fixing and consolidating the values, principles and culture of tolerance.

2.3.4. Non-Violence

2.3.4.1. The level of spread of non-violence

In this context, it is important to mention the role of occupation in spreading all forms

and tools of violence and encouraging it; as the occupation practices all forms of

violence, including: restrictions on movement, intimidation and terrorizing, humiliation

and inhumanity, physical assault on possessions and field executions. The occupation

targets women and children with no discrimination. Such actions, which are systematic

and organized, create violence enhancing climate, and the occupation actions narrows

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the space to adopt non-violence, and in principle the Palestinian security forces, both in

the West Bank and Gaza Strip, replicates, in many cases, the actions of the occupation

and spread a climate of violence. The study outcomes showed that there are

discrepancies in the spread of non-violence from one area to another, as it increased in

the urban residential centers, while violence increases in the marginalized

environments. All meetings showed no tangible or clear violent practices within the

frame of civil society and there is a tangible spread of the concepts of non-violence,

especially in the frame of civil society’s interaction with the public.

2.3.4.2. Civil society organizations tackling issues of combating violence

There is a difference in the way organizations tackle issues of non-violence illustrated in

a group of interventions that include: social justice programs, fighting poverty and

employment programs, empowerment and advocacy programs, and special programs

on supporting groups vulnerable to violence such as children and women or victims of

armed conflicts, as shown by the representatives of the political factions and Al-

Muntada. As for the opinion of the studied organizations, the following graph shows

some of the interventions in this field, and it is noticed that approximately 60% of the

studied organizations use awareness and workshops to tackle issues of violence, while

only 2% use rights and legal services which is due to their specialization.

2%59%

3%4%

2%2%

4%24%

0 10 20 30 40 50 60 70

Using non-violent measn in dealing with the …Raising Awarness

Partnership with Specialised OrganisationsAdopting Announced Strategy Against Violence

Provide Legal ServicesImplement Project Related to Violence

Do not work in this FieldNo Information

Means Used By the Civil Society Organisations to Deal with Violence

(3.6)

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2.3.5. Gender equality

2.3.5.1. Practicing and enhancing gender equality among civil society

organizations

The work principles of civil society organizations are based on a gender view stemming

from justice and equality. Organizations seek through its programs to avoid gender

based discrimination, and some of the civil society organizations have strategies to

bridge the historical gender gap. Civil society organizations tend to implement programs

that discriminate positively in favor of women, and there was no noticeable gender

based discrimination in employment, knowing that there are discrepancies when talking

about the occupational hierarchy with tendencies of high positions to be in favor of

men. Al-Muntada representative confirmed the will for equality among civil society

organizations that conflicts with the reality we live in, as discrimination still exists in

many forms, and there are efforts to develop and adopt policies of positive

discrimination in favor of women.

2.3.5.2. The number of organizations with gender equality

It is safe to say that most of the organizations that signed the code of conduct practice

to some extent gender equality as 65% of the studied organizations explained having

announced and effective policies guaranteeing equality between the two sexes.

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2.3.5.3. Organizations tackling the positive discrimination in favor of

women

Civil society organizations practice a group of interventions in favor of women to narrow

the gender gap, the most prominent of which is encouraging applying for jobs, targeting

women organizations through projects, and the establishment of women organizations.

The following graph shows the most prominent interventions.

Yes65%

No24%

No Information11%

Availability of Anounced and Endorced Policy to Ensure Gender

Equity (3.7)

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2.3.6. Poverty Eradication

2.3.6.1. The projects and activities organizations conduct to eradicate

poverty

Civil society organizations work through different means on poverty eradication, some

of which are direct such as relief programs and the various employment and

development projects, job opportunities, vocational lending and training and capacity

building, and some others are indirect such as, combating corruption, and lobbying with

decision makers to adopt policies directed at combating poverty, lobbying for justice in

15%

17%

6%

15%

9%

3%

3%

33%

0 5 10 15 20 25 30 35

Target Women in the Activities

Allow Women Participation and Involvement in the Management Board

Allow Women Involvement in the Community and Organisation's Activities

Provide Empowerment and Awareness Activities

Provide Jobs and Employment Opportunities

Apply Policies to Support Women

No Positive or Negative Discrimination

No Information

Means Used by Civil Society Organisations to Guarantee Positive Discrimination for Women (3.8)

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distributing burdens and resources, which complies with the statements of the political

factions and the syndicates. As for the studied organizations, they declared

implementing many projects in the fields of poverty eradication. Those activities can be

summarized in the following graph:

7%

28%

14%

3%

9%

6%

15%

18%

0 5 10 15 20 25 30

Provide Training and Workshops

Provide Economic Empowement Activiites and Income Generation Projects

Provide Financial and In-Kind Support

Implement Initiatives to Eliminate Poverty (Laons and Funds)

Provide Professional and Vocational Training

Provide Job Opportunities

Provide Nothing

No Information

Means Used by Civil Society Organisations for Poverty Eradiction (3.9)

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7%

28%

14%

3%

9%

6%

15%

18%

0 5 10 15 20 25 30

Provide Training and Workshops

Provide Economic Empowement Activiites and Income Generation Projects

Provide Financial and In-Kind Support

Implement Initiatives to Eliminate Poverty (Laons and Funds)

Provide Professional and Vocational Training

Provide Job Opportunities

Provide Nothing

No Information

Means Used by Civil Society Organisations for Poverty Eradiction (3.9)

7%

28%

14%

3%

9%

6%

15%

18%

0 5 10 15 20 25 30

Provide Training and Workshops

Provide Economic Empowement Activiites and Income Generation Projects

Provide Financial and In-Kind Support

Implement Initiatives to Eliminate Poverty (Laons and Funds)

Provide Professional and Vocational Training

Provide Job Opportunities

Provide Nothing

No Information

Means Used by Civil Society Organisations for Poverty Eradiction (3.9)

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2.3.7. The environment’s sustainability

2.3.7.1. Projects and activities conducted by organizations to preserve

the environment and its sustainability

Civil society organizations have the awareness toward preserving the environment,

especially that there are many organizations active in this filed on all aspects; there is

also the Palestinian Environmental NGOs Network which is responsible for the affairs of

environmental organizations and the coordination among them. Practices of preserving

the environment are not limited to the environmental organizations; rather, it includes

many of the other organizations which have interventions directed to preserving the

environment, directly or through forming coalitions for preserving the environment

which are explained in the following graph:

2.3.8. Conclusions on the values of the Palestinian civil society

1. The values of civil work which lead and govern the work of civil society in Palestine

were consolidated during the working history of civil society organizations since its

inception. The areas of focus varied from one period to another, even if it was in

1%

10%

2%

11%

23%

19%

34%

0 5 10 15 20 25 30 35 40

Partnership with other Organisations

Implement Voluntary Environmental Days

Networking with the Environmental …

Provide Awareness And Training

Implement Project to Sustain the Environment

Do Nothing

No Information

Activities Implemented by Civil Society Organisations to Sustain the Environment (3.10)

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total referring to the values of the public’s interest, giving, nondiscrimination and

participation. The study confirmed the civil society’s contribution to enhancing the

positive social values whether through playing its different roles or through the

programs and activities directed to enhancing the desired social values.

2. The civil society worked on enhancing democracy and gender equality through its

various activities and its continuous communication with the citizens, which was

evident in the civil society organizations stances towards the governmental policies

and its impact on enhancing or narrowing the gender gap.

3. Civil society organizations face many political, social and cultural obstacles and

restrictions that hinder its endeavors towards justice and equality between the two

sexes, and they do a lot of efforts to strengthen the social justice programs and to

generate the social capital. It is confirmed, as proven by the experiences, that the

impact of NGOs on social justice is bigger and more tangible when they work jointly

and through networking and cooperation with the civil society organizations and the

other sectors, both the governmental and the private sector towards strengthening

and enhancing gender equality. This can be one of the areas of focus of the three

umbrella networks.

4. A high percentage of the civil society organizations members of the three umbrella

networks (85%) have signed the code of conduct, which represent the foundation of

values and the structure of principles leading Palestinian civil work, while the study

outcomes show the need of NGOs and charitable societies for constructing and

investing in its structures of values. It is suggested in this context to work on two

axes, the first is for the organizations members of the three umbrella networks to

work on including the items of the code of conduct into their own systems, policies

and procedures, and to work on its implementation, and the second is for the

umbrella networks to discuss the code of conduct with the organizations bodies of

reference and to work on assessing the capacities of those organizations in

accordance with the code of conduct and then to build the organizations capacities

in the field of implementing it.

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5. The Palestinian NGOs Coordination Council can develop intervention programs

direct at building the capacities of NGOs in the field of integrity (transparency,

accountability and participation), that will enable those organizations to equip itself

and increase its readiness for accountability while building the capacities of its

cadres to deal with implementing this system of integrity.

6. The Palestinian NGOs Coordination Council can work on encouraging NGOs and

motivating them to work on publishing and declaring their administrative, financial

and operational data and to organize that process of publishing and declaration.

2.4. Impact

The differences in perspectives regarding the existence of a civil society in the

Palestinian situation, and the conditions that need to be met for its existence, depend

on the effect of the civil society. It is expected that researchers, who deny the existence

of a Palestinian civil society, will negate the existence of any effect, neither positive nor

negative, in the Palestinian situation. This idea might be logically concluded; how could

a nonexistent thing have a positive or negative effect. Accordingly, the analysis of the

different perspectives related to the effect of the civil society will be limited to the views

that believe in the existence of a civil society in the Palestinian situation.

In summary, the perspectives range from those who see the positive effect of the civil

society, and that its services are provided according to the needs of the local society,

and those who questioned the existence of a positive effect, and believe that the

provided services are provided according to the priorities of the donors, not the

priorities and needs of the society. It can be said that the perspectives range from those

defending the positive effect of the civil society, and those who attack and doubt the

positive effect of the civil society. Since it’s difficult to enclose all the perspectives that

defended or questioned the positive effect of the civil society, we will only give some

examples about the perspectives.

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Some studies defended the positive effect of the civil society, either in the field of

reinforcing citizenship122, in democratic change123, in defending freedoms, anti-

corruption, accountability towards the executive authority124, or in the process of

monitoring and offering a huge part of the social services125.

Another perspective found that the effect of the social society was weak and did not

meet the expected levels, either in the field of political involvement or in pressuring the

political authority for the higher national benefit126, or in achieving human

development127, voluntary contribution, dissemination of human rights culture128, the

field of changing the security policies for the Palestinian Authority, or in observing

security services and the reform of the security sector129, or even in the field of

spreading democracy and defending freedoms. Despite the role that some organizations

have in analyzing the national budget for the Palestinian National Authority and in

providing their feedback in this regards, such as AMAN-Transparency, civil society

organizations did not have any effect on the allocation of the national budget which are

approved by the President directly, without going back to the Legislative Council. The

deficit in the Palestinian Authority’s budget continued without any monitoring from the

122

Qadri Fadel Kasbah, (2013) Civil Society Organizations and the Reinforcement of the Concept of Citizenship, Thesis (Master’s), An-Najah National University, Faculty of Graduate Studies – Planning and Development Department, P. E. 123

Ziyad Abu Amr (1995) Civil Society and Democratic Transformation in Palestine, previous reference, P. 105. 124

Ahmad Majdalani, (2003) “Essential Responsibilities of the Palestinian Civil Society”, AlBayan Newspaper, April 16

th, available on http://www.mafhoum.com/press5/142s24.htm

125 Jean Francesco Costantini et al, (2015), An Analytical Mapping of the Palestinian Civil Society

Organizations – Update 2015, European Union, P. 9, available on: http://wwas.europa.eu/delegations/westbank/documents/news/2015/pal_csomapping_2015_ar.pdf 126

Naser Shaikh Ali, (2008) The Role of Civil Society Organizations in Reinforcing Political Participation in Palestine, previous reference, P. P. 85-86. 127

Saed AbuEdwan, (2013) The Role of Palestinian Civil Society Organizations in Reinforcing Human Development (West Bank as a case study), Thesis (Master’s), An-Najah National University, Faculty of Graduate Studies – Planning and Development Department, P. L. 128

Khaled Rabaa, (2013) The Role of Civil Society Organizations in spreading Human Rights Culture from the Perspective of University Students in Gaza Governorates, Thesis (Master’s), AlAzhar University, Faculty of Education, Department of Fundamental Education, P. H. 129

Nadia Abu Zaher, (2013) The Role of the Civil Society in Changing Security Policies in the Palestinian Authority, a paper submitted in the Second Annual Conference for Research Centers in the Arab Area “The Palestinian Issue and the Future of the Palestinian National Project”, Doha: Arab Center for Research and Policy Studies, P. 1.

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civil society on the executive authority130. In addition, the increase in the number of civil

society organizations following the signature of Oslo Accords does not necessarily

indicate an increase in the effectiveness of these organizations, as many organizations in

fact form a body that does not have any effect, or they act like private organizations for

the political and cultural elites, and therefore, they remain isolated from the active

stream on one hand, and change into a tactical ally for to the National Authority on the

other hand. An ally that is closer to the Authority than it is to the society in many core

interests131. In light of this discrepancy, the effect was analyzed from the perspective of

the studied organizations and the perspective of the stakeholders interviewed during

the research process.

2.4.1. The Effect on General Policies

2.4.1.1. The effectiveness of the activities and the programs conducted

by organizations in affecting general policies

Sixty-four (64) of the targeted organizations stated that they have participated or

implemented an activity in order to affect general policies, such activities include

pressure and support campaigns in the fields of disabilities, violence and education, in

addition to campaigns that aim at changing laws and developing or amending policies. It

is hard to say that such activities always have an effect on general policies, and this was

confirmed by political parties, unions and Al-Muntada, who assured that the civil

society’s effect on policies is still weak, and this includes its effect on legislations.

2.4.1.2. Success stories of activities conducted by organizations through

which they affected general policies

As mentioned earlier, 64 organizations from the targeted organizations have stated that

they have conducted activities, and some of these activities have succeeded and had

effect on the society, such as the campaign against imposing taxes on agricultural sector

130

Nadia Abu Zaher, (2013) The Role of the Civil Society in Changing Security Policies in the Palestinian Authority, previous reference. P. 9. 131

Naser Shaikh Ali, The Role of Civil Society Organizations in Reinforcing Political Participation in Palestine, previous reference, P. P. 64.

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returns, the campaign requesting the inclusion of sign language translation in public

facilities in the northern governorates of Gaza Strip, the campaign for improving the

salaries of imprisoned women, the campaign for providing protection for battered

women, the campaign for amending labor laws and the campaign for amending social

security law. The parties, unions, Al-Muntada and AMAN-Transparency organization

have mentioned that there are other successful experiences, such as the creation of the

Palestinian Information Council, and making some amendments to the regulations of

semi-governmental public corporations. On the other hand, 11 organizations stated that

they have conducted activities in the same contexts, but they did not succeed. For

example, they conducted activities and pressure and support campaigns related to the

amendment of the national budget, ending the split, and requested the creation of a

budget for the youth, however, until now these campaigns did not succeed. The

Palestinian General Federation of Trade Unions stated that there have been some

accomplishments that are credited to the civil society, such as labor law, the

amendments on social security law and the implementation of minimum wage laws.

Some independent unions see that the weakness of the effect of the civil society is a

result of the lack of networking, coordination and partnership between the different

components of the society, such as parties, unions and civil organizations. As for the

opinion of the Palestinian Non-Governmental Organization against Domestic Violence

against Women (Al-Muntada), they have recorded some success stories that could be

summarized in the following accomplishments: pushing the government to create a

protection center for battered girls, the creation of a family protection division in the

Public Prosecution, the development, approval and implementation of a national

transfer system for battered women, amendments to the family protection law,

amendments to the criminal law, and many other success stories.

2.4.1.3. Experiences conducted by organizations to work on affecting

national budget allocation

As for the attempts of civil society organizations to affect national budget allocation,

around 14% of the targeted organizations confirmed that they have participated in

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activities in an effort to affect the national budget, whereas 75% of the targeted

organizations said that they did not contribute in such activities. It is worth mentioning

that there is a special National Committee for affecting the allocation of national

budget, it works on analyzing the budgeting project and pushed making amendments on

the budget.

As explained by AMAN-Transparency, a national team was formed to affect the budget.

The team provided an analysis and proposed amendments for creating a just budget,

without achieving any results until this day. All political parties, independent unions,

AMAN-Transparency, Al-Muntada, the Palestinian General Federation of Trade Unions

and the Palestinian Journalists’ Syndicate, all confirmed that the effect of the civil

society in this field ranges from poor to non-existing.

2.4.2. Maintaining Integrity in Partnership and Cooperation

Partnership and networking are considered an essential components of organizational

structure, it is a form of cooperation between civil society organizations and a successful

instrument not only for the exchange of knowledge about the needs, solutions, best

expertise, benefits and in contributing to spreading them, but it’s also a successful mean

There is an experience

14%

There is no experience

75%

No Information11%

Experience of Civil Society Organisations in Affecting the National

Budget Allocation (4.1)

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for strengthening non-governmental organizations through unifying their message and

increasing the effectivity of negotiations and pressure. In addition, networking

contributes in the reinforcement of democratic performance and activating the

developmental role of civil society organizations. Networking forms a starting point for

capacity building and a tool to strengthen non-governmental organizations in their

quest for independency in making decisions in their quests to confront the

government’s tendency to dominate them132.

The circle of criticism for the effectiveness of cooperation and networking between civil

society organizations in the Palestinian situation is expanding. Notes have been made to

the poor status of collaboration and networking efforts between civil society

organizations, especially those working in the same field of specialization, in addition to

the existence of some kind of hidden conflict tween these organizations based on their

political or party affiliation of their management, which opens the way for the transfer

of these political or ideological rivalries to the organizations, which enhances the

phenomenon of party and clan affiliation of citizens instead of the vital affiliation to the

Country and to citizenship133.

Despite the existing criticism of the cooperation and networking between the

organizations of the Palestinian civil society, we cannot overlook the cooperation and

networking between the civil society organizations, which reflected this cooperation by

establishing a number of networks and coalitions including the Palestinian General

Union of Charitable Societies, the Palestinian National Institute for NGOs (PNIN) and the

Non-Governmental Organizations Network (PNGO), which were established in 1993.

Such networks have played and still play an essential role in bringing civil organizations

together and to defend their mutual interests. The achievement accomplished to set

and approve Law number (1) for the year 2000 might be the best example of the

effectiveness of unified civil work. In addition, there are a number of networks that

132

Networking and Coordination between Civil Society Organizations, Beirut: Arab NGO Network for Development, P. 2. 133

Naser Shaikh Ali, The Role of Civil Society Organizations in Reinforcing Political Participation in Palestine, previous reference, P. P. 120.

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work of mobilizing the abilities of the civil work sectors or some specialized groups from

this sector, which function according to the values of social justice, the rule of law,

democracy and human rights, and work on enabling civil organizations to achieve their

mission134.

2.4.2.1. Contribution of organizations in campaigns or activities to

monitor the Government’s performance and integrity

66% of the studied organizations explained that they did not contribute in any activities

related to monitoring Government’s performance and integrity, whereas 17% of the

studied organizations said they did contribute in such activities.

As for the topic of the organizations’ possession of information that enables them in

monitoring, 52% of the studied organizations explained that they were not able to get

the necessary information.

Despite that, AMAN-Transparency still sees that there is an increasing effect for the

monitor of social and civil organizations to the Government’s performance, there is an

increase in propagation off corruption issues by the media. For example, AlQuds

134

See: The Palestinian Non-Governmental Organizations Network’s Website, available at: http://www.pngo.net/?lang=ar

Yes They Participate

17%

No they Did not66%

No Information

17%

Civil Society Organisations' Particpation in Activities to Monitor the

Government's Performance and Integrity (4.2)

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Newspaper provides a large space for publishing articles related to anti-corruption acts,

including providing coverage for updates from AMAN-Transparency and the

Independent Commission for Human Rights. Al-Muntada’s representative noted that the

absence of the right of obtaining information has negatively affected social monitoring.

Furthermore, The Palestinian General Federation of Trade Unions confirmed that there

is monitoring, but it is restricted due to the lack of proper group work and the absence

of completion in work, however, we cannot overlook the role of the civil society and its

positive effect in monitoring the Government’s performance, especially in the absence

of an effective role from political parties.

2.4.2.2. Organizations’ work in partnership projects with the private

sector, and applying integrity measures in their partnership

20% of the studied organizations mentioned that they were involved in partnership

projects with the private sector, and these organizations seek to apply integrity

measures in their work with the private sector. Whereas 70% of the studied

organizations did not have any work relations with the private sector, and this is

justified by the limited partnerships between the civil society and the private sector, due

to the differences in their priorities. However, we cannot deny the existence of

cooperation between the two sectors in specific national issues such as solidarity with

4%

26%

52%

17%

0 10 20 30 40 50 60

Has Access to the Needed Information

Has Partly Access to Needed Infromation

Has No Access

No Information

Ability of Civil Society Organisations to Acess to Information that

Support their Monitoring Process (4.3)

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Gaza Strip and solidarity for building the homes of families of martyrs destroyed by the

occupation.

2.4.3. Responsiveness to Social Interest

2.4.3.1. Responsiveness of Civil Organizations to The Community’s

Priorities:

Around 75% of the studied organizations assured that there is significant response to

the social priorities and interests by civil society organizations, whereas 18% of the

studied organizations said that responsiveness is limited. In the two interviews

conducted with AMAN-Transparency and the General Federation of Trade Unions, the

representatives said that there is a certain level or responsiveness with community’s

interests, for example, the issues of water and waste were treated positively by the

organizations of civil society.

As for independent unions, they see that responsiveness is found through the work

relations between organizations and citizens, civil organizations are exerting efforts to

response to the needs of the community. However, the level of responsiveness is

related to the availability of resources and funding. There are some examples that show

the effectiveness of responsiveness to the interests and needs of the community, which

There are efforts

21%

There is No efforts

70%

No Information9%

Efforts Done by the Civil Society Organisations to Apply Integrity

Measure in their Work with the Private Sector (4.4)

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can be seen in the different solidarity and support campaigns organized during the

attack on Gaza, which were organized by civil organizations.

The below chart shows some activities, and the nature of responsiveness of civil

organizations with the interests and needs of the community and the targeted groups.

2.4.3.2. Level of Trust with the Community

Wide and Direct75%

Limited18%

No Responce1%

No Information6%

Responce of Civil Society Organisations to the Communities'

Priority (4.5)

3%

6%

2%

10%

2%

2%

5%

6%

14%

2%

6%

9%

5%

30%

0 5 10 15 20 25 30 35

Provide Legal Services to the Marginalised …

Involve Social Groups in the Need …

Provide Vocational Training and Job …

Provide Training and Capacity Building …

Provide Support with Focus on Women and …

Networking with Other Organisations

Provide Support to Public Interest Cases

Establish Educational Facilties

Provide Community Services

Provide Health Support

Implement Income Generation Projects

No Information

Nature of Activities Provided by the Civil Society Organisations

to Response to the Communities' Needs (4.6)

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There is not information showing the percentage of citizens who trust civil society

organizations, however, the interviews conducted with members of political parties, the

General Federation of Trade Union, independent unions and others, indicate that there

is a limited level of trust due to the general frustration factors in the society, the poor

performance of some organizations, and due to sedition campaigns. Citizens usually

turn to their parents or relatives when in trouble or in need, only some turn to civil

organizations.

As explained by the representative of the Palestinian Non-Governmental Organization

against Domestic Violence against Women (Al-Muntada), 60% of citizens trust civil

society organizations, despite some attempts to shatter this trust and some incorrect

actions of some civil organizations which in some cases caused a decrease in this trust.

The General Federation of Trade Union mentioned that the people’s level of trust in civil

organizations is not less than the level of trust in the Palestinian National Authority

when it comes to services. This view is due to the people’s view of civil organizations as

services organizations in general, and they are also viewed as a framework for

governance or as a limited legal representation body. Another group views the civil

society as an unfamiliar body, which makes many people resort to clan or family

representatives in many cases, instead of civil society organizations or the State.

2.4.4. Enabling Citizens

2.4.4.1. Programs conducted by organizations to educate and raise

public awareness towards public interest issues

Most studied organizations see that awareness programs in the field of public interest

are being conducted in a relatively effective manner. While 25% of the studied

organizations see that such programs are effective, another 12% of studied

organizations see that such programs have no effect on educating the public and raising

awareness towards public interest issues. Political parties see that the effect is weak.

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2.4.4.2. Organizations’ Efficiency and success in building the public’s

capacities to organize themselves, specify resources and work

together towards solving community issues

About 53% of studied organizations see that capability building programs that aim at

teaching the public methods to organize themselves and work together towards solving

community issues is considered effective to a certain level. Whereas 33% of studied

organizations see that these activities are effective and influential. Political parties

confirmed that such activities have limited effect.

26%

55%

12%

7%

0 10 20 30 40 50 60

Efficient and Influential

Effcient

No Effect

No Information

Assessment of Civil Society Organisations' Effeciency in Raising the

Public Awareness Toward Public Interest Issues (4.7)

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2.4.4.3. Efficiently and success of programs conducted by organizations

aiming at empowering marginalized groups

About 47% of studied organizations confirmed that activities and programs conducted

by organizations are effective and influential in empowering marginalized groups, 33%

of these organizations see that such programs are effective to a certain degree, while

political parties and unions agree that these programs have medium effect.

34%

53%

8%

5%

0 10 20 30 40 50 60

Efficient and Influential

Effcient

No Effect

No Information

Assessment of Civil Society Organisations' Effeciency in Building the Public Capacities to Organise Themselves and To Work Toghter Toward

Solving a Communal Problem (4.8)

47%

34%

6%

13%

0 5 10 15 20 25 30 35 40 45 50

Efficient and Influential

Effcient

No Effect

No Information

Assessment of Civil Society Organisations' Effeciency in Empowering

the Marginalised Groups (4.9)

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2.4.4.4. Effectiveness and success of programs aiming at empowering

women

About 50% of studied organizations see that their programs that aim at empowering

women were effective and influential, while 30% of these organizations see that their

programs are effective to a certain extent. Whereas interviews show that these

activities have medium effect.

2.4.4.5. Programs and activities conducted by organizations to promote

social capital

25% of studied organizations consider programs that aim at promoting social capital as

effective and influential. 27% of studied organizations consider such activities efficient

to some extent, while 29% of organizations see that they have no effect in promoting

social capital. Political parties confirm that the effect is weak.

50%

30%

10%

9%

0 10 20 30 40 50 60

Efficient and Influential

Effcient

No Effect

No Information

Assessment of Civil Society Organisations' Effeciency in Empowering Women (4.10)

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2.4.4.6. Effectiveness of civil organizations in creating and supporting

employment

The below graph shows the different categories and numbers of employees working in

the studied organizations. The graph also indicates that about 27% of organization have

less than 10 employees, 12% have 11 to 18 employees, and 12% of studied

organizations have over than 19 employees.

As for work opportunities that the studied organizations were able to create through

their programs and activities in 2015, the result are as below:

24%

27%

29%

20%

0 5 10 15 20 25 30 35

Efficient and Influential

Effcient

No Effect

No Information

Assessment of Civil Society Organisations' Effeciency in Promoting the Social Capitals (4.11)

12%

15%

12%

12%

49%

0 10 20 30 40 50 60

Less than 4

5-10

11-18

More the 19

No Information

Categories of Working Staff in the Civil Society Organisations (4.12)

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43% of studied organizations were able to create 0-10 full-time work opportunities and

11% were able to create 11-20 full-time work opportunities. As for part-time work

opportunities, 32% of organizations mentioned that they were able to create 0-10

opportunities, and 9.5% of these organizations were able to create 11-opportunities. It

is worth mentioning that since the start of the Second Uprising “Intifada” in 2000 and

until now, there is a general trend within civil organizations in creating projects that

create work opportunities, in recent years, the main focus is on creating work

opportunities for the youth.

43%

11%

0%

1%

3%

3%

39%

0 5 10 15 20 25 30 35 40 45 50

0-10

42694

21-30

31-40

41-50

More than 50

No Information

Categories of Full-Time Working Staff in the Civil Society Organisations

for 2015 (4.13)

32%

9.5%

2%

2.5%

1%

5%

48%

0 10 20 30 40 50 60

0-10

11-20

21-30

31-40

41-50

More than 50

No Information

Categories of Part-Time Working Staff in the Civil Society Organisations for 2015 (4.14)

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2.4.5. Meeting the Community’s Needs

2.4.5.1. Civil Society Organizations’ accomplishments in pressuring the

Government to meet the community’s urgent demands

Since the beginning, the civil society concentrated its work on meeting the needs of the

community. There are many examples of initiatives and achievements of civil society

organizations in pressuring the government to meet the community’s urgent needs.

Some of these initiative, mentioned during interviews with the studied organizations,

are:

Conducting many meetings to pressure decision makers to end separation,

Pressuring related parties to provide services to individuals of special needs, such as

having a special trainer for people with impaired hearing,

Putting pressure to create centers and homes for providing protection for battered

women, in addition to creating a family protection division in the Public Prosecution,

Pressuring for getting tax exemption for some projects, but it was obtained for

limited projects,

Pressuring to amend the Social Security Law. Accomplishments in this field are still

limited, and this is what the representatives of political parties and unions stressed.

2.4.5.2. Services offered by organizations to meet urgent needs of the

community

In relation to the issue of pressuring for attaining community’s urgent needs, below are

some examples of initiatives accomplished by civil society organizations in offering

services to meet the urgent needs of the community:

- Providing relief and emergency services in many cases, such as during the attack on

Gaza Strip,

- Providing health services and health insurance to women, mothers and disabled

individuals,

- Offering material and financial aid to women, children and orphans,

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- Implementing income-generating projects, with focus on families supported by

women,

- Providing education and infrastructure to schools and kindergartens.

Political parties see that these services are insufficient, poor, and unsustainable taking

into consideration the large need of the community.

2.4.5.3. Evaluation of offered services compared with services offered by

Palestinian National Authority organizations in terms of quantity and

quality

There is a discrepancy in organizations’ points of view when comparing the services they

offered with the services offered by the Government, this question was only answered

by 21% of the studied organizations. 7% of studied organizations see that the services

they offered are better than those offered by the Palestinian National Authority, 11%

see that they offer distinctive services, 28% see that their services are good. 8% of

studied organizations see that the level of their services is lower than the level of

services offered by the PNA, 10% consider their services insufficient, and 5% consider

their services complementary.

7%

8%

2.5%

11%

10%

5%

28%

1%

1%

2.5%

1%

2%

0 5 10 15 20 25 30

Better than the PA Services

Less Than PA Services

More Efficient

Distinguished Services

Not Sufficient

Supplimentary Services

Good

Hard to Compare

There is no PA Services

Similar

Services are Related to Resources

No Information

Assessment of Civil Society Orgnisations' Services in Comparison to the

PA Services (4.15)

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2.4.6. Conclusions about the effect of the Palestinian Civil Society

Opinions have varied regarding the positive effect of the civil society between the

existence of tangible effect and weak effect. However, there is no doubt that civil

society organizations have a positive effect, as seen in the below examples:

1. The success of civil society in reinforcing the effect of its contribution was reflected

through the civil society organizations’ ability to provide quick responses to

emergency needs, such as relief operations, and in implementing project that aim at

creating job opportunities, reinforcing the abilities of marginalized and other target

groups, and providing economic, social, educational and health support to these

groups.

2. The success of civil society organizations can also be seen in pressuring the political

authority to develop policies and programs to serve the higher national interest, to

work on achieving human development, spreading the culture of human rights and

defending it, in addition to having a role in encouraging participation and affecting

the decision making process, although in many cases such activities did not meet the

expected level.

3. Civil society organizations had an effect on the community through quick responding

to urgent community needs and conducting relief campaigns, and in creating

projects that offer work opportunities in order to reinforce living capabilities for

targeted and marginalized groups, as well as improving economic, social,

educational, and health standards for these groups.

4. To increase their effect, civil society organizations shall work on reviewing national

policies and plans, start from there and build on them in order to reinforce effect

and assure its accumulation to result in a larger effect for these programs, and to

stress the accumulativeness of the developmental process.

5. It is recommended to work more on increasing the visibility of the effect of civil

society programs through using media tools and social media, which can be done

through the umbrella networks.

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6. During organized cooperative work, civil society organizations succeeded in

pressuring the political authority to attain the higher national interest in a number of

cases, including: making amendments to the Social Security Law, amendments to

Penal Law, increasing its involvement when defining developmental and sectoral

strategies, and other. It also had a role in encouraging community involvement in

national issues, such as Gaza siege and the demolishing of houses by Israeli forces,

which requires coordinating and gathering efforts towards clear and specific goals.

7. There is still a lot of room for more effect in the decision making process. Networks

shall learn from their experience and shall initiate more pressure and support

activities through hard and organized work, and according to a carefully studied

program and with wide contribution.

8. To ensure reinforcement and sustainability in the work of civil society organizations,

there should be more involvement of targeted community groups in the process of

defining needs and in the planning and implementation of activities.

3. Civil Society Index

Based on the results obtained through the analysis of data collected from different

sources, field surveys with organizations, and the meetings with the representatives of

networks, political parties, unions and different organizations, the research team

specified a mark for each detailed indicators that are part of the four main dimensions

(components) of the Civil Society Index. According to the mark of each sub-indicator

mentioned in the data matrix and in the mark assigning tool, the average mark for main

indicators of the four dimensions were specified, and based on them, the mark for each

dimension forming the Civil Society Index was determined.

The scores for main indicators and dimensions of the Civil Society Index were as below:

3.1. Structure

Table 3.1 shows the marks calculated for each main indicator in the Structure

dimensions (component). It is obvious that the indicators of the increase of participation

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and the diversity of participants and relations obtained high marks compared with

indicators related to the depth of participation, level of coordination and resources.

Based on the marks shown below, the Structure dimension got a final mark of (2.25) out

of (3), which is a relatively high mark. Detailed marks are shown in Annex (6)

(http://index.cso-index.net/?page_id=5459).

Table 3.1: Structure

Indicator Description Suggested

Mark

1. 1. Breadth of

citizen participation

How widespread is citizen involvement in civil society?

What proportion of citizens engages in civil society

activities?

2.5

1. 2. Depth of citizen

participation

How deep/meaningful is citizen participation in CS? How

frequently/extensively do people engage in CS activities?

2

1.3. Diversity of civil

society participants

How diverse/representative is the civil society arena? Do

all social groups participate equitably in civil society? Are

any groups dominant or excluded?

2.5

1.4. Level of

organization

How well-organized is civil society? What kind of

infrastructure exists for civil society?

2

1.5. Inter-relations How strong / productive are relations among civil society

actors?

2.5

1.6. Resources To what extent do CSOs have adequate resources to

achieve their goals?

2

Structure Average Mark 2.25

3.2. Environment

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Table 3.2 shows the marks calculated for each main indicator in the Environment

dimension (component). It is obvious that the marks of indicators forming this

dimension are not high when compared to the indicators of the Structure dimension.

The marks of the main indicators were all less than 1.5, except in the indicator of socio-

cultural context, and in the indicator relate to the relation between the private sector

and civil society and the legal environment. Based on the marks given to the main

indicators as shown below, the Environment dimension (component) got a mark of

(1.41) out of (3), which is a relatively low mark. Detailed marks are shown in Annex (6)

(http://index.cso-index.net/?page_id=5459).

Table 3.2: Surrounding Environment

Indicator Description Suggested Mark

2.1. Political context What is the political situation in the country and its

impact on civil society?

1.05

2.2. Basic freedoms

& rights

To what extent are basic freedoms ensured by law and

in practice?

1.33

2.3. Socio-economic

Context

What is the socio-economic situation in the country and

its impact on civil society?

1

2.4. Socio-cultural

Context

To what extent are socio-cultural norms and attitudes

conducive or detrimental to civil society?

2

2.5. Legal environment To what extent is the existing legal environment

enabling or disabling to civil society?

1.58

2.6. State-civil society

relations

What is the nature and quality of relations between civil

society and the state?

1.43

2.7. Private sector-

civil society relations

What is the nature and quality of relations between civil

society and the private sector?

1.5

Environment Average 1.41

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Mark

3.3. Values

Table 3.3 shows the marks calculated for each main indicator in the Values dimension

(component). It is obvious that the main indicators, which are related to: democracy,

gender equality, and environment sustainability got some relatively high marks in

comparison with indicators related to transparency and fighting poverty. Based on the

marks given to the main indicators below, the Values dimension (component) got a

mark of (2.07) out of (3), which is a relatively good mark. Detailed marks are shown in

Annex (6) (http://index.cso-index.net/?page_id=5459).

Table 3.3- Values

Indicator Description Suggested Mark

3.1. Democracy To what extent do civil society actors practice and

promote democracy?

2.5

3.2. Transparency To what extent do civil society actors practice and

promote transparency?

1.87

3.3. Tolerance To what extent do civil society actors and organizations

practice and promote tolerance?

2

3.4. Non-violence To what extent do civil society actors practice and

promote non-violence?

2

3.5. Gender equity To what extent do civil society actors practice and

promote gender equity?

2.3

3.6. Poverty

eradication

To what extent do civil society actors promote poverty

eradication?

1.8

3.7. Environmental

sustainability

To what extent do civil society actors practice and

promote environmental sustainability?

2

Values Average Mark 2.07

3.4. Impact

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Table 3.4 shows the marks calculated for each main indicator in the Effect dimension

(component). It is obvious that the marks of indicators forming this dimension are not

high when compared to the indicators of the Values dimension. The marks of the main

indicators were all less than 2, except in the indicator of maintaining integrity in

cooperating with the Government and the Private Sector. Based on the marks given to

the main indicators as shown below, the Effect dimension (component) got a mark of

(1.64) out of (3), which is a relatively fair mark. Detailed marks are shown in Annex

(6)(http://index.cso-index.net/?page_id=5459).

Table 3.4: Effect

Indicator Description Suggested

Mark

4.1. Influencing

public policy

How active and successful is civil society in influencing public

policy?

1.25

4.2. Holding state &

private corporations

accountable

How active and successful is civil society in holding the state

and private corporations accountable?

2.3

4.3. Responding to

social interests

How much are civil society actors responding to social

interests?

1.5

4.4. Empowering

citizens

How active and successful is civil society in empowering

citizens, especially traditionally marginalized groups, to shape

decisions that affect their lives?

1.75

4.5. Meeting societal

needs

How active and successful is civil society in meeting societal

needs, especially those of poor people and other marginalized

groups?

1.43

Impact Average Mark 1.64

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Based on the marks given to the four dimensions (components) the below diagram

(Diamond) was extracted and developed for the Palestinian Civil Society Index:

Diagram 3.1

0

0.5

1

1.5

2

2.5Environment

Structure

Impact

Value

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List of Annexes:

Annex (1) – List of the Names of Organizations Members in the Three Networks

(http://index.cso-index.net/?page_id=5459).

Annex (2) – Data Collection Matrix (Tool) (http://index.cso-index.net/?page_id=5459).

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