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Page 1: PAPERS IN AUSTRALIAN HISTORICAL ARCHAEOLOGY · PREFACE This publication is in response to the latest growth stage of Historical Archaeology in Australia. The papers included date

PAPERS IN AUSTRALIAN

HISTORICAL ARCHAEOLOGY

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Edited by Judy Birmingham & Damaris Bairstow

THE AUSTRALIAN SOCIETY FOR HISTORICAL ARCHAEOLOGYINCORPORATED

Page 2: PAPERS IN AUSTRALIAN HISTORICAL ARCHAEOLOGY · PREFACE This publication is in response to the latest growth stage of Historical Archaeology in Australia. The papers included date

Papers in AustralianHistorical Archaeology

Reprinted from The Newsletter ofThe Australian Society for Historical Archaeology

1970 -1982

Revised and Edited 1987

Editors

Judy Birmingham & Damaris Bairstow

THl': AUSTRALIAN SOCIETY FOR HISTORICAL ARCHAEOLOGY INCORPORATED

1987

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Copyright 1987

The Australian Society for Historical Archaeology Incorporated.

All Rights Reserved

The op~n~ons expressed in these papers are the responsibilityof the authors alone and it is not to be assumed that they

represent the views of either the editors orThe Australian Society for Historical Archaeology Incorporated.

No part of this publication may be reproduced or transmittedin any form or by any means, electronic or mechanical

including photocopy, recording, or any information storageand retrieval system, without permission in writing from

The Australian Society for Historical Archaeology Incorporated.

ISBN 0 909797 13 7

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PREFACE

This publication is in response to the latest growth stage ofHistorical Archaeology in Australia.

The papers included date from the early days of thediscipline when archaeology at home was considered a poorrelation of its more glamorous manifestatioon overseas.Times have changed. It is not only the imminent approach ofthe Bicentenary of Australia's foundation that has broughtabout a revitalised interest in our own past in all sectionsof the Australian community. Ruins, and the visible tracesof the past have stimulated interest in archaeology in allparts of the world.

After the promising beginnings of excavation and historicaldocumentation in the late 60s and 70s, Australian HistoricalArchaeology of necessity turned its attention to culturalresource management, the need for an inventory of thenational archaeological resources and the problems ofassessment of heritage significance; in brief, to thedocumentation of surviving structures. The wheel has nowturried full circle. Excavation, artifacts and activearchaeology are again in fashion. Thus much that was writtena decade or more ago is again of immediate relevance.

This volume was compiled to fulfil the demand forthosg ~glrly

researches by those who have recognized that our pioneer work

is a springboard for the future•. J.. .' .. ' ....~JJj5wMA~~'

President

/:"h .. ~~Jo.,i)-\ ..-.- Secretary

(Editors)

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CONTENTS.

Preface.

Introduction .... . . . . . . .. . . .. .. . . . . .. . . . . . . .. .. . . . . . . . . . .. 1

1.

2.

Recording bottle dumps6Judy Birmingham ••........ .•...

Old Australian potteryJudy Birmingham & Kevin Fahy •.

4

7

3. Decorative cast ironKev in Fahy. . . . . . • . . . . . . . . . . . .. 12

4. Clay tobacco pipesJudy Birmingham. .. .. . ..• .. . . .. 14

c

5. ButtonsJudy Birmingham. '" .... 18

6. Nineteenth century tombstonesJudy Birmingham ' 21

7 . Historical archaeology and the railway ageJ.G.Ward ..........•..•...• 27

8. Australian railway development: originality oradaptation

James Walker ..... 35

9 . The Phoenix iron foundry, UrallaMargaret Simpson . 43

10. The Mashman Bros. potteryErnest Ungar ..• ..•.•.•.•..•... 69

11. Eucalyptus distilleriesJudy Birmingham • •.. , .. .. . • .. .. 77

12. Whaling and whaling sitesJudy Birmingham , ..•.. ,. 80

The site of Davidson's whaling stationD .Lord . .. " ••. , •• . . .. .. . . • . . .• 84

Bittangabee ruins, Ben Boyd National ParkMichael Pearson •.•.. ..... , 86

13. Excavations in Mary Ann Street, Ultimo, N.S.W.John Wade.................. 91

14. Australia's technological history is worth preservingP.H .sydenham ••. . , " .....••.•.. ,101

15. The nail as a criterion for the dating of buildingsand building sites (late 18th century to 1900)

Robert V. J. Varman. . . . . . . . . . . .. 104

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16. The Wunderlich project - an exercise in industrialarchaeology

Susan Bures & Barry Groom •.... 113

17. 12 Raglan Street, DarlingtonDamaris Bairstow 119

18. A brief account of the development of fencing inAustralia during the nineteenth century

James Semple Kerr 129

19. Recent maritime archaeological investigations inNew South Wales

Michael Lorimer , .. 137

20. Recording of engineering and industrial heritagesites adapted from field instructions of theHistorical American Engineering Record (HAER)

D.A. Cumming . ..........•..•.... 149

21. Identifying bottlesDavid Hutchison , ., 153

22. Notes on the early history of smelting copper oresin South Australia

D.A.Cumming ....•.........•••.• 161

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INTRODucrION

After discussion as to the possibility of grouping papersunder sUbject headings, the editors decided to reproducethem, with one exception, in the order in which they appearedin ASHA Newsletters. In this order they reflect the changesin the discipline of Historical ArChaeology in Australia overthe years and reflect also the present return to our originsin artefacts and excavation.

Wherever possible, these articles were returned to theirauthors for comment. The result is that one has beencompletely rewritten while others have had the addition ofup-to-date bibliographies. These have been appended to thepapers to which they refer.

The first six papers date from the days when the ASHANewsletter was not merely compiled but almost entirelywritten by our then Secretary, now President, JudyBirmingham. Each has received an introduction tha t bringsthe researCh bibliography up to date and also fixes it in tothe ongoing research programme of Sydney University's Centrefor Historical Archaeology. Keven Fahy, the only othercontributor from this period, was our then President.

The article contributed in 1973 by Dr. J.O. Ward reflectsHistorical Archaeology's then, indeed ever present, concernwith the steam railway age. Although Dr. Ward is no longerengaged in research into this topic, he has presented a newintroduction, one that covers also the next paper, that ofJames Walker, on Australian Railway Development which wasfirst presented in the form of a lecture to undergraduatestudents of Historical Archaeology at Sydney University. Theedi tors were unable to contact Mr. Walker direct.

'The Phoenix Iron Foundry, Uralla' was originally publishedunder Ms. Simpson's maiden name of Barr. This paper has beencompletely rewritten but contains the original illustrations.

'The Mashman Bros. Pottery' was the res ul t o.f preliminaryresearch by Ernest Ungar and Judy Birmingham. Sincepublication, Ernest Ungar's further and more detailedinvestigations have established that some of the author'searly hypotheses were incorrect. Mr. Ungar is soon topublish a major work on the pottery, its history andtechnology. The editors welcome this addition to HistoricalArchaeology in Australia.

The two following papers, 'Eucalyptus Distilleries' and'Whaling and Whaling Sites' are again the work of thePresident of this Society and again each has received a newpreface. The second of these papers acted as an introductionto two case studies, one by two then undergraduate studentsof Historical Archaeology, the other the more sophisticatedwork of Dr. Michael Pearson the.n of the N.S.W. National parks

1

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and Wildlife Service, now the Assistant Director of theAustralian Heritage Commission. As a result of his furtherinvestigation, Dr. Pearson now considers that theBittangabee Ruin was the work of the Imlay brothers, not, ashe had originally thought, of Ben Boyd. Dr. Pearson hassupplied an addendum to his paper.

John Wade's analysis of the artefacts rescued from a buildingcontractor's excavation in Mary Ann Street, Ultimo, is one ofthe few such analyses to be pUblished at the time. Thus itis a forerunner to work presently being undertaken.Additional notes on the potters, Field & Sons, written by Mr.Wade were included in Sydneys Colonial Craftsmen published byThe Australiana Society and the Historic Houses Trust,Sydney, in 1982.

With Dr. P.H. Sydenham's paper we return to Australia'stechnological history. Included in this article is a shortbut excellent 'ready-reference' to Australian technologicaldevelopment.

Robert Varman's work on nails as a dating criterion was partof research into building materials generally as criteria fordating, the results of which have recently been presented tothe Unviersity of Sydney as a doctoral thesis. The paperhere republished has been expanded in the final thesis but,in short form, provides another quick reference for datingAustralian archaeological sites.

The joint report by Susan Bures and Barry Groom on theWunderlich Project, sponsored by the Museum of Applied Artsand Sciences, Sydney, is of historical interest. Thisproject was the first major industrial archaeological rescueoperation to be undertaken in Australia. Although thearticle reprinted was but a report on work in progress, itsupplied a summary of the various methods adopted to recordand interpret wtih a view eventually to reconstruct, in part,the Wunderlich pressed metal and terra cotta roofing tilefactory at the Power House Museum.

Damaris Bairstow's catalogue of black bottles found in RaglanStreet, Darlington, still has validity as one of the fewreports available of a homogeneous collection of a singleartefact type from a closely datable site. A briefintroduction has been added.

Dr. Kerr's account of fencing during the 19th century wasoriginally presented orally at the Society's AnnualConference in 1980. Hence it is reprinted here under thatdate as well as by its date of publication.

The word 'recent' should perhaps be delected from the titleof Michael Lorimer's account of maritime archaeologicalinvestigations in New South Wales since the paper was firstpublished in 1980. It is republished here as being the only

2

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paper submitted to this Society by our underwater colleagues.

Mr. Cumming's first paper, which provides instructions forrecording engineering and industrial sites, was adapted fromfield instructions published by American engineers. Theinstructions, often unfortunately ignored, remain valid.

David Hutchinson's criteria for identifying bottles were notpublished by this Society until 1981 though, as the articlestates in its introduction, it was first produced some eightyears earlier. Indeed, many of us, including the editors,had the benefit of the work in its first roneod form. Whenreplying to the editors' request to republish, Mr. Hutchisonexpressed his surprise that there was 'still a demand forthis key to da ting bot tIes. '

'I thJught that it would have been superseded longsince. That it has not may confirm that we still havetoo few historical archaeologists in this coontry - toofew for all the field wor]< which needs to be done, andfar too few for the preparation of basic analyses of andkeys to artefacts. I have not had time in recent yearsto do arw rESearch which would enable me to modify thekey, therefore it must be used as it stands, noting thecautionary advice in my original introduction. Myexperience as a museum historian, until my retirement on31 December 1985, brought home to me forcibly the greatneed for keys to a wide range of artefacts, so thatdating and identification can be made much moreefficient. '

The last paper to be reproduced is the second contribution byMr. Cumming, this time a few notes on early copper smeltingin South Australia. Though short, it is an appropriate endto this volume since it heralds in present and futurehistorical archaeological investigations in Australia. Amajor recording project is under way at Burra in SouthAustralia, the site of the first spectacular finds of virgincopper in this country and it is hoped that similarinvestigations may be made at Smelters Beach south ofNewcastle, New South Wales, where what appears to be thefurnace floor of a contemporary smelter lie> buried beneaththe sand.

Judy Birmingham

Damaris Bairstow

April, 1987.

3

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First published Introductory Issue, November, 1970.

RECORDING BOTTLE DUMPS.

Judy Birmingham.

This short item reads interestingly after the interven­ing years. In most states such activity is illegal unless apermit is obtained, and the wholesale lCXJting and despol­iation of bottle dumps in rural areas so prevalent in the1960s and early 1970s is under some degree of control.

The Movable Cultural Heritage Act (1986) will alsocontrol the export of items either of major significance inthemselves or as part of a collection or set of items.What­ever the circumstances, however,the techniques are essent­ially the same, except that processing massive quantitiesof recovered data is now considerably simplified by the useof MINARK or some similar computer programme. That is,provided a policy decision is made that it is worth doing.

Many new books on both world and Australian bottleshave appeared in the interim. The Canada-Parks glossary andkey is a must for all serious archaeological publicationhenceforward. So will J. and M. Boow's work on dating glasswhen it appears (Department of Environment and Planning,N.S.W., forthcoming). Other useful works include thefollONing:

Jones 0., and Sullivan C. 1985 The Parks-Canada GlassGlossary for the description of containers, tablewares, flatglass and closures. Studies in Archaeology, Architecture &

History. National Historic Parks and Sites Branch,Environment.

Baugher-Perlin, S. 1982 Analysing Glass Bottles forChronology, Function,and Trade Networks, in Dickens,R.S.,The Archaeology Of Urban America. Academe Press: NewYork;

Jones, David. 1979 One Hundred Thirsty Years: Sydney'sAerated Water Manufacturers From 1830 to 1930 David Jones:Sydney.

Vader J. and Murray B. 1975 Antigue., Bottle Collecting inAustralia. Ure Smith, Sydney

J ;M;B. March 1987

At present the looting of bottle dumps is not controlled,however valuable a source of 19th century information theymay be. Some procedures for salvaging information, accordingto circumstances, are given here, together with the sort ofobjectives we might expect to have in mind while carryingthem out.

Objectives: Information from a bottle dump will bear

4

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First published Introductory Issue, November, 1970.

1. On the associated site (pharmacy, hotel, factory, domestic)depending on the various proportions of bottle typespresent,

2. On the date range of both site and dump

3. On the trade and economic connections of the site,depending on the manufacturing source of the bottlespresent, i.e., foreign imports, local imports, locallymade bottles etc. and the proportions of each classpresent

4. On the social and economic implications of theseactivities.

Methods:

1. S stematic excavation of the total dum. Ideal, butrare y practica t roug ac 0 t~me, labour, moneyandjor skill. Dumps in the city are usually revealed inthe course of hasty demolitions; in the country, dumpsmay cover very considerable areas, containing thousandsof bottles, most of them broken. In a total excavation,whole bottles would be used to indicate type classes,necks shoulders and bases would be sorted into the sameclasses, while undifferentiated broken glass would beroughly sorted and weighed to give a rough estimate ofthe total number of each bottle type.

2. Since total excavation is clearly impractical,' 'samplingthe dump is more likely (just as middens which are alsoa form of rubbish dump are sampled). This is combinedwith a measured sketch of the total area of the dump,together with an estimate of its depth. Measuredtrenches or cuttings are dug, perhaps 3' or 4' square,at different points, and the total yield of artefactsfrom each cutting (broken glass as well) is collected,sorted, counted and weighed as outlined above. Theseare the quantitative procedures, concerned with propor­tions of types represented, in terms of the sample asrelated to the estimated total volume of the dump.Selective procedures must also be used - special bottlesnoted, inscriptions listed, dated bottles watched for,so that inferences based on both approaches can bedrawn. The major problem here lies in the selection ofareas for sampling. Random sampling is difficult tocarry out, and not necessarily valid; rational attemptsto space cuttings in perceptibly different aspects of thedump appear at least equally useful.

3. Emergency measures involve getting as much as possible ofthe type of information pursued in (1) and (2) above in asituation where it is impossible to work more systemati­cally. In practice this usually amounts to listing andsketching notable individual bottles (often looted byothers), together with quantitative impressions only ...."much black glass, shoulders often showing double mouldseams a quarter up neck; very few modern moulded beerrims; much green glass from champagne-beers, about halfof it very flawed" .... and so on. .Such notes are nosubstitute for a measured sample, but are considerably

5

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First published Introductory Issue, November, 1970.

better than no note at all. It should be accompanied bysketch plan of dump with dimensions, and a map referenceor other locality identification.

6

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Newcastle:

Lithgow:

Melbourne:

First pUblished Volume 1 NO.1, April, 1971.

OLD AUSTRALIAN POTTERY,

Judy Birmingham & Kevin Fahy ..

Australiana has never lacked popular interest, andbooks on the collection and study of Australian-made potteryhave begun to bring a welcome sense of order into thisfield. Marjorie Graham's pioneering work has been publishedin her book Australian Pottery of the 19th & early 20thCentury, 1979, David Ell Press:Sydney, and Ian Evans hasprcx1uced a definitive book on the Lithgow pottery cx1 N.S.W.The Epsom Pottery at Bendigo was the subject of a book byP.A. Scholes (Bendigo Pottery 1979 Lowden, Victoria). Therecent publication Ceramics in South Australia 1836 - 1986by Norris Ioa~nou (1986, Wakefield Press, AdelaideJ:iSarguably the best book yet to have appeared in Australia inthis field, and its bibliography well covers the subject.

The excavation of a large quantity of 1860s wares froma cistern at 300 Queen Street, Melrourn7f/complements recentexcavations at Hyde Park Barracks and ,First Government Housein Sydney. All will presumably be presenting important newinformation on ceramics both locally made and imported whenpublication catches· up.Finally, the processing of the 90,000cx1d sherds from James King's Irrawang pottery is now nearingcompletion largely as a result of the MlNARK programme,andpublication although not imminent is well on the way.

On the more arChaeological side of ceramics in general,the work of South, Miller and others has stimulated rrany newand interesting studies in the United States and else.vhere.

Miller, G.L. 1980, Classification and Economic Scaling of19th Century Ceramics. Historical Archaeology 14,1:1-40

South, S. 1978, Evolution and Horizon as revealed in CeramicAnalysis in Historical ArChaeology,in SChuyler R.L.Historic­al Archaeology:A Guide To Theoretical and Substantive Cbntri­butions Baywocx1 press:farmingdale.

J.M.B. March 1987

Pottery was made in the colony virtually from its beginning,but as yet there are few marked pieces located that datebefore the later 19th century. A random selection of someearly potters known from records would include:

Sydney: Samuel Skinner, Jonathon Leake, Anson Moreton,Baldock and Co., Bradford and Co., William J.Carter, T. Field, Gilbert Macarthur, Liebentritt,Enoch Fowler, Bakewell Bros., H. & W. Mashman.

Irrawang, Anthony Hillcoat, Nathan Wellam,Robert Turton.

Lithgow Pottery.

Luke Nolan.

7

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First published Volume 1 No.l, April, 1971.

Bendigo:

Hobart:Launceston:

Bendigo Pottery.

William Sherwin.Cornwall's.

Much of our information about these 19th century potteriescomes from their catalogues and bills, where these stillexist. The oldest surviving in Sydney to our knowledge isa Lithgow catalogue of 1889, and a Fowler illustrated bookletof 1903. These give the main ranges in both earthenwares andstonewares (the latter of course tougher than the earthenwaresand gradually in the course of the 19th century displacing itfor domestic vessels of heavy use), together with an indica­tion of the various sizes for each shape. The commoneststoneware containers, which can still be found in old tips,ceI1ars:,--under floors and on demolition sites, are usuallythose bought on a large scale from the potteries by manufac­turers of acid, ginger beer, ink, vinegar and spirits, whousually added their own names on the front of the container.Into this catagory also belong water filters, once a commonhousehold and railway carriage item, often elaborately markedwith the manifacturer's name. Domestic wares in both earthen­ware and stoneware had a more restricted distribution; theyincluded table wares and teapots, kitchen storage, cookingand dairying utensils, bathroom bowls, ewers, footwarmers andchamber pots, flower vases, garden urns and flower pots.Already it seems clear in N.S.W. at least that lead-glazedand red earthenwares for ordinary table use were not producedmuch after about 1850.

One catagory of pottery continues to pose problems - that isthe blue-and-white china so common in the earlier part of the19th century and decorated with transfer printing (includingwillow pattern designs) or feather edging, later produced ingreen, red and brown as well as blue. It is as yet not clearhow much of this was produced in N. S. W., or how soon itbecame a commercial proposition. The Irrawang potteryattempted it, apparently without great success. Our knowledgefrom other states is even less.

The Lithgow catalogue of 1889 lists the five glazes made(Bristol, Cane, Majolica, Rockingham, Salt) and the 67 itemsof household use for sale. In the kitchen wares there arefour styles of store jar - the squat, straight and globecovered forms, and the bung jar (with cork or bung) - andthree types of stoppered bottle, the bottle, demijohn andscrew-top. More specialised vessels include bread crocks,butter pots, cream pans, milk pans and churns, and forcooking, pie dishes, pudding basins, baking dishes, pattypans, pipkins and Dutch jars, as well as the miscellaneousitems like butter coolers, safe stands and jelly moulds.In table ware there is a good range of Rockingham andMajolica teapots and pitchers, including Toby jugs, carafes(monkeys), mugs, jam pots and cheese covers. As well asthese we find spittoons, spirit and tobacco barrels, breadplates, bedpans, footwarmers, footbaths, and a variety offlower pots, fern pots, seed pans and vases for cut flowerstogether' with four varieties of bird water fountain.

8

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First published Volume 1 No.l, April, 1971.

The Fowler catalogue of 1903 shows a slightly different rangewith less domestic varieties since all were salt-glazed. Gin­ger beers, bung jars, spirit bottles, acid and vinegar bottles,screwtops and bread crocks are all illustrated. By 1932 whenthe next catalogue is available, several of the traditionalforms are no longer being made.

The repertoire so far available from the Irrawang site ofJames King's pottery is of course earlier yet than Lithgow.King's own records of his range are not extensive, althoughhe mentions ewers, wine coolers, water monkeys, wash basins,filters, mugs, pickle and preserve jars, milk pans etc. (1844Mait1and Merc'ury) in advertisements. Some whole pots stillexist - wine jars, monkeys and ginger beers, and the shapesof many more can be reconstructed from fragments found aroundone of his kilns: pie dishes, pudding basins, dinner plates,cups, saucers, bread and milk pans, chamber pots, Toby jugs,and a variety of salt-glazed store jars.

Another point of interest is the very close correspondencebetween Australian and Eastern D.S.A. earthen and stonewareranges in the 19th century (cf. Watkins, - Earll New EnglandPotters and their Wares, Harvard Dni. Press, 950)

Further information about Australian pottery can be found inseveral issues of Pcittery in Australia, e.g. 4.1 on Lithgow,the Australasian Antique Collecto·r 3-, 1967, and two articlesin the J,R.A.H.S., 1971.

9

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First published Volume 1 No.l, April, 1971.

American East Coast_shapes and wares

The main redware (earthenware) shapes by the mid and late19th century in the eastern states were as follows:

Bills from Ashfield, Mass. (1848), Fairfax, Vt.,(1840) andBanningtonn Vt., (1856) confirm that the stoneware range wasvery comparable to that of Lithgow, with a variety ofspecialised kitchen pots together with beers and ginger beers,inkstands, water fountains, spittoons and water kegs .

.2. - ,. :)~I\s. 1 .':s~.

Or"" .

10

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First published Volume 1 No.l, April, 1971.

LITHGOW POTTERy Catalogue 1889.

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First published Volume 1 No.2, July, 1971.

DECORAT I VE.' CAST IRON,

Kevin Fahy.

It has not proved possible to update this paper apart fromthe addition of two references. The first, written beforethis article was published but unknown to the author, isHoughton's unpublished 4th year Architecture thesis, CastIron in Victorian Sydney (University of New South Wales,1969, ARCT 624.1821/10 (2)). The second, John Gay, CastIron (John Murray, London, 1986), is very recent.

March, 1987.

Cast iron was widely used as an architectural decoration onbuildings in Australia throughout the second half of thenineteenth century. Foundries were established not only inthe main cities such as Melbourne and Sydney, but in manycountry centres. In N.S.W., Bathurst, Gou1burn, Newcastleand Mait1and foundries produced castings of columns,pilasters, posts and gates etc. on which the names of thevarious makers can often be found.

While early examples of cast iron decoration were importedfrom England, most were certainly produced locally. Thereis no evidence for the belief that the importation of thefragile iron castings as ballast in the wool clippers on thetrip out to Australia was widespread. This has arisenlargely from the fact that even after iron ore was discoveredand smelted locally by the middle of the nineteenth century,the bulk of the pig iron used in Australia was imported fromEngland up to the end of the century.

The first iron foundry in Australia was established by Mr.Dawson in Sydney in the course of 1833. The fluted Ioniccolumns in the Pitt Street Congregational Church - which wasopened in 1846 - were from this foundry. (This church, stillstanding, is now the Uniting Church) Recently a small door~orter (or door stop) was seen with the impressed mark

Blanche' on the reverse. James Blanch's Sydney Foundry wasestablished about 1832, and on the death of its owner in1841 the business was sold to P.N.Russe11, who had arrivedin Sydney from Van Diemen's Land three years earlier. Thisitem is probably the earliest known example of a localcasting.

Iron ore had been discovered near Mittagong in 1833. In1848 a small blast furnace was erected to smelt the ore.The Sydney Morning Herald commented on the success of theventure, and noted that specimens of manufactured articleswere being sent tp Sydney. In 1851 several castings of alion restant were produced to commemorate the visit to themine of Governor FitzRoy.

12

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Sydney Lace, Victorian Heritage> ,a,pdQrnqInental Cast Iron innn

Melbourne by Dr. E, Graeme Robertson of Melbourne are threeimportant studies on cast iron in Australia, and containnumerous photographs and details of patterns found in N.S.W.and Victoria.

The Society is anxious to compile a list of those Australianfoundries which produced cast iron as a building decoration,and readers or members are asked to provide details offoundries encountered, particularly in country areas.Other information such as design pattern books,,'. whetherlocal or English, and dates of country foundries are alsoneeded.

The material gathered will be of importance in e.stablishingthe extent of this manufacture, and serve as a valuable aidin dating buildings of the Victorian period. It would alsoserve as a basis for further study on the techniques ofmanufacture and the use of regional types and designs.

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CLAY TOBACCO PIPES,

Judy Birmingham.

The literature on clay pipes has escalated in theintervening years, with a welcome increasing emphasis on thenineteenth century overseas. A major contribution has beenthe British Archaeological Reports vols. 1 and III (P. D3.vey19:9, and 1?80 The Archaeology of the Clay Tobacco Pipe,BntJ.sh Senes 78: Oxford), while a large number of sites instandard British, United States and Canadian periodicals andother pUblications provide comparative material.

In Australia the publication of clay pipes from PortArthur (D3.ne A. and Morrison R. 1979, Clay pipes From PortArthur 1830-1877, Technical Bulletin No.2, Department ofPrehistory,Research School of Pacific Studies,A.N.U:Canberrapresented the largest collection of pipes from any singlesite until the excavation of Hyde Park Barracks, Sydney in1980-1. The extensive and important H.P.B. collection aswell as those from 'the First Government House site, Sydney(excavated 1983-4) are likely to be published in the compar-atively near future. .

JMB March 1987

On present evidence few museums in Australia appear to havelarge collections of 18th-19th century clay pipes and frag­ments, although all indications from both archaeologicalexcavations and from city and country dumps are that theyare as numerous here as in both the U.K. and the U.S.A.Presumably they have not yet attracted much attention - apity, since they have much information to yield on tradepatterns and social fashions.

The first clay pipes were introduced in England in the 16thcentury, and lasted until the early 20th when they graduallydisappeared (It is still possible to buy clay pipes at leastin Sydney). To begin with they were small since tobacco wasdifficult to get, and were carefully hand made by individualjourneymen with apprentices organised into guilds. Suchpipes during the 16th-earlier 18th centuries were oftenstamped withind:.tiials or registered symbols, to identifymaker and product. The north of England (Brosely), Bristol,Plymouth and London were major producers, and pipes were alsoexported from France, Holland and Germany. The identifyingstamps are found on bowls, stems and spurs.

By the later 18th century however traditional craft methodstogether with guild organisation were breaking down, yieldingto wholesale production methods and moulds of the IndustrialRevolution. Changes appear from about 1780 onwards which arelinked to the need for greater speed and lower costs. Theindividual marks and symbols gradually disappear, and intheir place are found the moulded names and mould numbers ofbig manufacturers from a variety of centres. Decoration

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changes in the interests of mass production. It is nowusually in relief, incised into a mould. The time necessaryto trim off mould marks is grudged, and various devices areemployed. Sometimes they are left untrimmed; sometimesturned in a fluted pattern which ingeniously disguises them;and sometimes simply incorporated into the commonest of the19th century pipe-bowl designs - a line of leaves on eitherside of the mould junction which thus forms a sort of midrib.

Many of the manufacturers operating throughout the 19th cen­tury can be traced in Britain through trade directories,supplemented by excavated dumps of dated material or pitssealed at a known date. Oswald (1) has set out a typologyof pipe forms c.1580-l850 based on a combination of thesemethods, of which the later forms are drawn overleaf. Pipesfound in Australia are from the end of the range, and theirinterest lies as much in their details and place of originas in their date.

Marked pipes found recently in the Sydney area include thefollowing stamps:

W.White, McDougall, Murray, Davidson, W.P.P., Repeal, Cork,

of which the first four are from Glasgow, the last fromIreland, and the other two as yet untraced.

W.White was one of the largest Glasgow firms, althoughMcDougall (founded either 1810 or 1846) was the largestexporter. McDougall stems are also sometimes marked with an'I' and White stems with '78' or '78C' just before the manu­facturers name. Both can have the letters 'TD' on the bowl,a mark which occurs widely on 19th century pipe bowls andhas been much discussed in American publications. Davidsonpipes often also bear the name 'Murray'. The Murray companywas founded in 1826 in Glasgow and continued until 1861-2when it became the Davidson Co.

Other pipes recently found, without stamps but with decoratedbowls, show wheatsheaves (Flinders Is.), Royal NSW Lancers(Flinders Is.), human heads, flowers on stems (from Hobart,stamped 'Glasgow' on stem), and a possible Britannia figure.These were probably stocked by hotels.

As our knowledge of Australian imports grows, our tradepatterns can be compared to the D.S.A. and Canada where 19thcentury pipes and fragments are more fully studied. At OldSacramento in California (2), for example, 13-15,000 pipefragments were found in 1966, 95% of them in a single buil­ding destroyed in a fire of 1852. This magnificent collectionincludes marked examples from France and Holland as well asEngland and Scotland, and includes several of the companiesalso exporting to Australia. We may note Dorni , Dumeril (St.Omer) , L.Fiolet and Gambier, all of France, A.Coghill,Murray-Davidson (both Glasgow), Jones (Liverpool). McDougalland White (Glasgow), all from Britain, and Dutch 'milkmaid'pipes from Gouda in Holland c.1740-l850, with a simpleroulette band close to the rim and the figure of·a milkmaid

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impressed on the base of each heel. There were bowls frompipes with detachable stems, often with the faces of histori­cal figures moulded on them; a large number of bowls with 13stars plus leaf decoration and/or the letters 'TD' and 'LF'on them; and there were many bowls with fluted decoration.Less is known of these last three, very large classes, exceptthat like all the rest they must date before, and probablyshortly before, 1852.

The above method of identification, by stem and bowl marking,falls down of course when a large dump is found which includesquantities of plain bowls and stem fragments. On manyAmerican sites statistical methods based on the diameter ofthe bore hole have been employed for dating purposes, once itwas discovered that the size of the bore hole decreased fairlyregularly from 1620-1800. However, this regularity appears tobreak down thereafter and as yet cannot be used for 19th cen­tury pipes, in which the hole appears to get larger once again.So far in Australia the numbers found have scarcely justifiedsuch methods - 167 bowls and stems from Port Essington, aboutthe same number from Flinders Island, but more are appearingall the time. As usual we would like to hear from anyone whoknows of any large collections of clay pipes, either inmuseums or by collectors, and also of marked and decoratedspecimens.

(1) Oswald, A.: The Evolution and Chronology of English ClayTobacco Pipes, Arch. Newsletter, V 5, No.12, 1955, 243- .250.

(2) Humphrey, R.: Clay Pipes from Old Sacramento, HistoricalArchaeology 1969, 12-33.

Additional bibliography:

AlIen, J.: POrt Essington, Ph.D. thesis, A.N.D., 1969 (unpub.)Binford, L.: A New Method of Calculating Date from Kaolin Pipe

Stem Samples, S.E.Arch. Cohferehce Newsletter, 9.1, 19­21 (Georgia).

Dunhill, A;: The Pipe Book, London, 1969.Fontana, B. ·et al.: Johnny Ward's Ranch: a study in Historical

Archaeology, The Kiva, 28, 1-2.Oswald, A.: Marked--nay---rTpes from Plymouth, Devon, Post­

Mediaeval Archaeology 3, 122-142.Walker, I.C.: Concerning TD Pipes - a preliminary study,

Quart. Bull. Arch. Soc. of Virginia 20, 4 June, 1966.For a description of the making of clay pipes (illust.) seeFairholt, F .W.: Tobacco, its history and associatiohs, 1859,

176-8.

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Forms and dates of English Clay Pipes (Oswald, 1955)

Old Sacramento, California Plymouth, England

Flinders Island, Tas. Hobart Sydney

So far only one name of a colonial pipemaker is known,William Cluer of Sydney, about 1808, who exported widely, butwhose products have not yet been found.

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BUTTONS,

Judy Birmingham.

Even now not much has been published on Australianbuttons, but the increasing intensity of general historicalresearch in preparation for 1988 has resulted in a wealth ofbooks on costume in general, as well as many publications of19th century photographs which incidentally showcontemporary dress and fastenings.

More archaeological lines of research are now inprogress in connection with the artefact analysis programmesfor the Hyde Park Barracks (1981) and Regentvi11e (1985)excavations. A.S.H.A. News letter and Research Bulletinreaders will be kept informed. As with many other aspects ofhistorical archaeology much comperative literature from theV.S.A. and Canada is relevant, and useful articles areincluded in the following list:

01sen, S.J., 1963, Dating early plain buttons by their form.American Antiquity, 28.4: 551-554

Rip1ey, H. Buttons Of The British Army 1855-1970. Arms andArmour press:London.

Scandrett, E. 1978 (repr.1984), Breeches and Bustles: AnIllustrated History of Clothes worn in Australia 1788-191~Pioneer Design Studio, Sydney.

Strong, E. 1975, The Enigma of the Phoenix Button,.Historical Archaeology 9.

More comparative infonnation is to be found in the canada­Parks Research Bulletins and Occasional Papers, as well asin the increasing number of Australian excavations such asPeter Cbutts' captain Mills' Cottage, Port Fairy, Victoria1984 (Victorian Archaeological Survey).

White,D.P. 1973. The Birmingham Button Industry, PostMediaeval Archaeology ~ 67-79.

Acknowledgment is here due to the work of Va1 Attenbrawwho devised the initial typology of the F1inders Islandbuttons, and also researched the basic references noted inthe original article.

JMB March 1987

Buttons are of interest to historical archaeologistsmainly because, like coins and beads they are small, ~re .usually carried around by people in the course of th:l~ dallyactivities, and are easily dropped and lost. In addltlon,they are comparatively durable items of dress which never~he­less reflect changing fashions and even social and eCOllomlCfactors quite significantly, and sometimes - as in the case

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of uniform and military buttons - can yield documentation offactual information.

In fact, they are commonly picked up on surface sitesin Australia - dumps and tips, ruins of old houses as wellas in the course of excavation. But like the broken claypipe fragment, since they are only very occasionally actuallyof intrinsic interest, they are usually tossed out. We havenot yet heard of a collection of 18th-19th century simpletrouser or shirt buttons in Australia, and it seems unlikelythat we shall; collectors reasonably enough prefer to selectbuttons attractive in themselves - glass-topped with flowers,painted or papier-mache forms.

Buttons from recent 19th century excavations, however,are already beginning to show that there were steady changesin form in, say, the bone four-holed trouser button and thesingle-shank flat metal jacket button throughout at least themiddle of the 19th century. From the Aboriginal Settlementon Flinders Island of about 1838-40 comes a series of 25 bonebuttons of which most are similar four-hole, rimmed forms,and about a dozen plain metal buttons, clearly from pea­jackets. These confirm Robinson's statements that the Tasman­ians wore clothes, and suggest a high degree of uniformity inthe dress issued to them. A few smaller bone buttons mayhave been from women's_~resses; it is however still conjectu­ral that the four-hole bone·buttons are from trousers ratherthan shirts or even women's dresses. Very few militarybuttons have been found so far at the Settlement, at leastnear the aboriginal terrace. There are predictably more fromPort Essington (of about the same period) .

We are still at the stage of collecting basic informationabout these, from old mail order catalogues, costume museumsand trade circulars and advertisements.

Far more information is now appearing about decorativebuttons, on which there have been several recent books.

These are usually concerned with the general history ofbuttons, from their origins in Bronze Age Europe to thebeginnings of the button trade proper in Europe in the 15thand 16th centuries. Their earliest appearances are assumedto have been decorative rather than functional, and mostsources date the beginning of the functional button inEuropean dress only to the time of the returning Crusadersfrom Persia, who brought with them the idea of trousers andtighter-fitting dress in general. Not until the end of thereign of Elizabeth I does the trade become established, andsome sources indeed dispute that any buttons were functionalbefore the 18th century.

Thus from being an art only, button-making became acraft, and finally in the 19th century mass-production wasneeded to meet demands. In general, England had supremacyin the button trade, although in the mid-19th century Parisand Lyons were both great centres, the French specialitybeing porcelain buttons. Germany produced cheap fancybuttons, the cheapest glass ones coming from Bohemia; while

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Vienna at one time had a pearl button output which almostrivalled that of Birmingham.

Birmingham was the real centre of the world buttonindustry in the 19th century, its buckle trade diminishingas its button trade increased. British machinery andprocesses introduced mass production there.

There are many varieties of decorative button attractiveto the collector; sets of 19th century dye-stamped silver andbrass buttons showing hunting and sporting scenes; militarybuttons showing regimental emblems and insignia, which cameinto use in the 17th century and continued into the 20th;pictorial buttons, popular in the 19th century, showinganimals, flowers, fairy and nursery tales; glass-toppedbuttons, invented about 1775 and fashionable especially atthe end of the 18th century; Italian cameo buttons made fromlaminated shells; Wedgewood jasper ware buttons, and theporcel~in and glass buttons from Europe already mentioned.

Some references

The Complete Button B09k. by L.S.Albert and K.Kent, 1949.Buttons by D.Epstein (Collectors Blue Book), 1968.The Button Industry by W.Unite Jones, 1924.The National Button Bulletin of the National Button Society.. (i17 Keith Street, Springfield 8, Mass.. , U.S.A.)

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First pUblished Volume 3 No.1, January, 1973.

NINETEENTH CENTURY TOMBSTONES,

Judy Birmingham.

The original references were left off this item, butincluded Deetz J, and Dethlefson E.F.1967, 'Death's Head,Cherub, Urn and Willow', most readily accessible in SchuylerR (ed.) 1979, Historical Archaeology:A Guide to Substantiveand Theoretical Contributions. In the same volume is Deetz i

interesting paper'A Cognitive Model for American Culture,1620 - 1835'(1974).

A later paper in this same area is Dethlefson's'TheCemetery and Culture Change: Archaeological Focus andEthnographic Perspective', in Gould R.A. and Schiffer M.B.,(eds.) 1980,Modern Material CUlture: The Archaeology Of Us,Academic Press, New York.

In New South Wales interest in Victorian and laterheadstones has continued, although not necessarily in thesame direction as my original article. Lionel Gilbert,continuing his early interest (History Around Us, 1974,Hicks Smith and Sons, Sydney) has produced the excellentglossy A Grave I.cx:lk At History, 1980, John Ferguson, Sydney.

The Historic Houses Trust of N.S.W. produced anexcellent am informative catalogue (with bibliography) totheir In Memoriam Exhibition in 1981 (J. and J.S.Kerr,MaryMackay and Maisie Stapleton), and the National Trust ofAustralia (N.S.W.) Cemeteries committee in their CemeteriesPolicy Paper (1985) propose' standardised nomenclature forlocal headstones (also with bibliography).

Jim Kerr also wrote 'Cemeteries: Their Value, Abuse andConservation',in Heritage Australia, 2,1,1983:50-57(reprinted in The Best Of Heritage Australia), and willpublish a book on Australian headstones in 1988 from aniconographic and stylistic view point with particularemphasis on the monumental masons. Finally, of course, theAustralian Society of Genealogists (Richmond Villa, KentSt., Sydney 2000) continue their excellent work insystematically recording,indexing and publishinginscriptions •

J.M.B. March, 1987.

The study of headstones is both interesting and imp~r­

tant from a local historical point of view. Each stone ~s apiece of dated folk cra~t, b~aring uniqu7 histori~a~ informa­tion about changing fam~ly l~fe, occupat~ons, rel~g~ousbeliefs, hopes and fears, and decor~ted with va:ious ornamen­tal devices which all also change w~th the pass~ng years.

Moreover, often the stones are not of anonymous manufac­ture; they are easily traceable to a family of local stonemasons, sometimes still working in Australian country towns,about whom they also yield information.

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Unfortunately the study of this class of evidence hasnot anywhere received .the attention it deserves until almosttoo late. In most countries now graveyards are fastdisappearing as land values rise. The usual practice is toremove the headstones and level the land. Under a good localauthority the area may be grassed over, to become featureless'open space', with some at least of the stones placed aroundthe perimeter. More often the stones are destroyed and thecemetery disappears without trace.

Britain has a particulary rich series of simple tomb­stones, mostly from the early 17th century onwards when thepractice of erecting monuments spread to farmers, squires,merchants and landowners. Previously only the very wealthyhad monuments, and these were inside the church. Those whocould afford it copied these 'ledger slabs' - flat slabs onlow stone legs - outside, and this was especially common inthe days of bodysnatching for medical research since theslabs were too heavy to lift easily. Others had a simplehead and foot stone, at first 2-3 feet high, and graduallybecoming bigger and more ornate.

In the 17th century, skulls, and epitaphs warningonlookers of their common fate, reflected a forthright, ifgrim, attitude to death. In the 18th century, at the peakof the fashion for classical Greek and Roman culture, tombsoften imitated classical themes - chubby winged cherubs, orstone urns draped as a sign of mourning with a carefullycarved stone cloth. Sometimes the eye of God is shown withrays descending, or simple designs like shells reflect workon contemporary furniture. Tools of trade can be shown ­shepherd's crook or barber's shears, and, in Victorian times,industrial symbols like a woollen mill or steam engine.More often Victorian symbols are expressions of hope, pietyor ,affection - an open book (the Bible), a wreath of ever­green leaves (always associated with churchyards), a dove,or an anchor (a general expression of security rather thanspecifically a mariner's grave).

On British headstones also, changes can be traced inboth styles of lettering and the nature of the epitaph astime passes. The earliest stones were cut by simple countryfolk who often made spelling mistakes or used their ownvariants of letter forms - either in Gothic or Roman script.By the 18th century once again neo-classical influence canbe seen in the popularity of good Roman script, while by themiddle of the 19th century many headstones show that profess­ional stone engravers were anxious to include as many typesof alphabet as possible. 'Sacred' is often written in Gothic(or blackletter), the remaining memorial inscription in Romanvariants (Tuscan, with curly ends, sans serif etc.) and theepitaph in cursive copperplate.

Epitaphs - verses written for use on monuments - are veryold and very varied. Fashions in them change markedly, fromthe 'onlooker, beware' approach to the sentimental, funny orsad. By the end of the 18th century death is less oftenmentioned, and as in h~adstone decoration, symbols are morecommon - flowers and buds to denote children, hourglasses,

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tTIumpets, ashes and dust. In the 19th century too there ismuch mention of suffering, and the need to endure it, withdeath as a welcome end. Some epitaphs are particularly commonby this time, obviously chosen from books of epitaphs whichwere widespread.

In Britain there are various local styles as well as ageneral developmental trend throughout the country. Oneparticularly striking group of headstones is that made inslate, partly because of the beauty of the stone and theclarity of its carving, partly because of its resistance toerosion. Workers in this material are in fact known asengravers. The slate comes from the quarries of Leicester­shire, and the slate headstones have their distributionthroughout the surrounding counties (cf. references at end).

In America there has been more intensive work on head­stones in recent years, notably those in New England, so farwith a more statistical bias. The New England 'study by JamesDeetz involved some 400,000 colonial headstones in a largenumber of graveyards, and was mainly concerned to documentthe precise way in which changes in fashion in headstoneshapes, decoration, lettering, epitaph form etc. took placein the last two and a half centuries. (cf . references). .

Australia has one major disadvantage for this study, inthat the heyday of the most attractive early headstone formswas over by about 1800 and the bulk of the available materialcomprises the more stereotyped late Georgian-Victorianvarieties. However, there are early ones to be found, andmoreover the 19th century examples are still in reasonablecondition and legible (where they have not yet been removed)since Australia did not suffer the intensive air pollution ofEngland before 1955. Equally one of the most interestingaspects of the colonial study is to relate the results backto comparable fashions in England

Local historical or archaeological groups here inAustralia could well consider a project on their local oldercemeteries for a year's programme, before these finallydisappear. Such a project can be an interesting combinationof straight-forward historical and more archaeologicaltechniques.

Much of the research is concerned with documentarymaterial related to local families, church and cemeteryregulations, and the stone masons involved, and can be foundin the usual sources for local history -church records, local'government regulations, trade directories and newspaperadvertisements. Equally important however is the study of thetombstones themselves, for which the first es-sential is acareful and accurate copy not only of the inscription on thestone but also its shape, motifs, lettering etc. A smallphotograph is an excellent addition to this copy, but cannotbe substituted for it. Ideally, each tombstone should go ona separate card or page, with drawing, inscription andcomments, name of cemetery or churchyard, and contact printattached. Some simple format (cf. overleaf) can be set outfor this record.

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First published Volume 3 No.1, January, 1973.

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First res~lts will be concerned with the history ofspecific families, development of church or cemetery regula­tions, periods of use of different cemeteries, developmentsamong specific religious groups, and location of stone masonfamilies. As more and more cemeteries in the area arerecorded, however, and the total number of tombstones reaches1-200 or more, further points can be demonstrated from theheadstone cards themselves - that in one area certain typesof shape and/or decoration, or certain forms of epitaph, havespecific and limited periods when they were in fashionsometimes noticeably lingering on in more remote countrychurchyards when newer forms have displaced them in the bigurban centres. Some motifs and inscriptions can be shown tobe specifically related to certain denominations regardlessof date, while some notable families, and occasionally aparticular family of stone masons, can be shown to have apreference for a special design, or ornament, or type oflettering.

Provided that the original cards have a full record ofthe tombstone including shape, decoration, names, motifs,denomination and date or dates, the information can be sortedto demonstrate a variety of different theories - fromfashions in Christian names among different denominations orin different periods to the popularity or otherwise of Gothicscript. Because the tombstone record may be incomplete, itshould always be supplemented where possible by church orcemetery records. These of course do not include details ofheadstone style, and hence the need for a complementary ...field study.

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First pUblished Volume 3 No.1, January, 1973.

Such results depend for their vglidity on the accuracyof the original copy, and where surfaces are worn this canpresent some problems. As in recording rock engravings,side-lighting is useful. The afternoon or evening sun may besufficient. Several visits back to the stone in differentlights are helpful. The date is particularly important, andminute attention must be paid to the forms of numbers used bythe engravers, especially 3s and 5s which are easily mistaken.Where the date is dubious even after careful study, it mustbe recorded as such (whichever figure) and considered aspartially or totally unknown in subsequent results.

Presentation of the latter class of results is often mostclearly done in tabular form. Tables can be set out either toshow different arrangements of results from an individualcemetery. or to show the collation of results over a totalarea. Changes in shape of headstone, motifs, or classes ofepitaph can most readily be plotted against changes in dates,or different religious denominations. Other possibilitieswill suggest themselves as the study proceeds. Such simpletables, either for area results or individual cemeteries aresketched overleaf. ----

Some interesting results have already emerged from theSydney area. In general, the simpler older forms disappearbetween 1830 and 1840, and new styles in lettering, epigraphand headstone shape are introduced especially between 1835and 1845. Rural churchyards outside the city are marked bypersistent survivals of one form with its own individualstylistic development, while throughout the 19th centurythere are very marked differences between headstones ofdifferent denominations. Some particularly interestingdesigns and motifs can be found in country areas. The newforms and motifs appearing in the 1840s can incidentally befound also on contemporary buildings - urns, finials, shells,rosettes, wreaths.

The aim of this type of historical study is essentiallythat of demonstration - the re-presentation of data fromindividual headstones to demonstrate particular trends orhypotheses. It does incidentally ensure that a full andaccurate record is made of a set of fast-disappearing evidence,and any responsible historically-minded group setting aboutsuch a programme should also see that this set of records,when completed, is lodged permanently in the local museum orlibrary.

References:

Graves and Graverards, Kenneth Lindley, (Routledge and KeganPaul) (Loca Search Series) 1972.

English Churchyard Memorials, Frederick Burgess, (Lutterworth)1963.

'Slate Headstones and their Engravers', (The Local Historian,Vol. 8, No. 6, 1969) David Neave and Vanessa Heron(pp.213-217)

'Death's Heads, Cherubs and Willow Trees; experimental

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First published Volume 3 No.l, January, 1973 .

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archaeology in colonial cemeteries', E.Dethlefsen andJ.Deetz, (American Antiquity, 1966, 31, 4, 502-10)

K. Lindley's book is a handy little beginning to a study ofheadstones; intended for senior school children and usefulfor all who plan a project of this kind. Burgess' EnglishChurchyard Memorials is the standard work, with lists ofstone masons (in England), The article on slate headstonesis a good example of a detailed study of one particularschool of craftsmen, while Dethlefsen and Deetz' work is abroader study of many hundreds of headstones in New Englandwhich they have treated quantitatively to demonstrate trendsin style change.

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HISTORICAL ARCHAEOLOGY AND THE RAILWAY AGE,

J.O.Ward - University of Sydney.

Additional Note:

I am not engaged in research into this topic, but two comments seemnecessary in view of developments since the preparation of theoriginal article. In the first place, research into the historyand archaeology of the light railway has continued its course withsome notable publishing achievements, such as Norm Houghton's WestOtways Narrow Gauge (Light Railways 45, 1973), R.K.Morgan's La~sCanungra Tramway (LR 54, 1975-76), R.Alger's Wooden Rails to Kinglakeand Flowerdale (LR 67, 1980), A.P.Winzenried's Britannia Creek (LR68, 1980) and the rather larger scale Timber and Gold: a history ofthe sawmills and· tramways· of the Wombat Forest ·1855-1940 (Light.Railway Research Society of Australia, Melbourne, 1980) by NormHoughton, to name but a few examples. For New Zealand one couldmention publications such as David Lowe'sThe ·Piha. Tramway (n.d.published by the Lodestar Press), also for Tasmania, LouRae, AHistory· of Railwaysand·Ttamways·:onTasmania' s West Coast (1983) andLindsay Whitham, In Search ofzeehan Tramways (The Tasmanian Tramp20 (1972) 99-102). However, more urgent, perhaps, than the steadyuncovery of the usually long gone light rail past, is the preservation,excavation (where necessary) and study of the archaeology of the heavyrailway. Since the preparation of my original article, the world ofheavy railway has, so to speak, collapsed. Aided by so-called'progressive' governments, the heavy railway systems of all Australianstates except Queensland, have been completely made over . The neteffect has been the almost total abandonment of country rail services,passenger or freight, and for the few runs that are still left, modernequipment and staffing practices have obliterated most traces of thegreat railway era of the nineteenth century. These traces hadsurvived more or less into the post second world war era, although thescale of usage declined inevitably. Alongside the dismantling andmaking over of the government systems we may mention the rapid declineof the private industrial railway in Australia, whether coal-haulingin the Newcastle region, or cane hauling in Queensland, or the Mt. Lyelloperations in Queenstown, Tasmania. Rolling stock, fixed facilitiessuch as station buildings and outbuildings, together with a host oflesser items such as water towers, roundhouses, turntables, freightsheds, have been either destroyed and demolished or allowed to decayinto ruin. Fires, vandalism and government policy have made inroadsinto the remains of the nineteenth century within our major cities,whether those portions of the suburban railway stations that survivefrom the country stations of the nineteenth century, or the fewsurviving relics, for example, of tramway depots and related structures.In Victoria the survey and conservation impetus is further advancedthan in the much larger and potentially richer NSW, and the railwayarchaeologist of the future will have much to do reconstructing thephysical dimensions and antecedent operating practices of our nineteenthand early twentieth century heavy rail systems. This task is renderedmore and more difficult, if not impossible, every passing day, asgovernment policy, accident and neglect combine to bury or obliteratethe relics of the railway past. The best intentions and most heroicla.bours of museum societies (which have expanded enormously since myoriginal article) cannot make good the losses of relics and properties

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in situ, nor can even such splendid feats of reconstruction as the'Magic Mortuary Station' near Central Railway, Sydney.

J.G.W. 28 Feb., 1987.

Abbreviations:

B = Australian Railway Historical Society Bulletin.NGR = Narrow Gauge Review, the publication of the Light

Railway Research Club of Queensland, founded 1969.Typed and xeroxed. I have seen nos. 1, 2, 5.

LR = Light Railways, published by the Victorian LightRailway Research Society (later the Light RailwayResearch Society of Australia). Contains fullarticles, correspondence, reports, corrections, notes,etc. 'for the serious railway archaeologist'. Typedand duplicated, later offset printed. I have seen 13(1963) to the latest issue.

The 'Railway and Tramway Age' in Australian transporthistory has left physiCal traces in our environment secondonly in extent and impact to those of the automobile age.Some, perhaps the majority, have become grist for thearchaeologist's mill: ancient single-track road-beds canstill be glimpsed from today's raods and mainlines; rustinglocomotive machinery of the steam era still dots the country­side; an old tram depot, complete with track fan or watertower, survives asa modern trucking depot; miles and mi.lesof tram track lurk beneath our city streets; tramcars them­selves moulder away as sheds or sleepouts. Most ephemeral,and possibly most fascinating, are the remains of the 'empire'of narrow-gauge light railways that carried out in an earlierera the job of the modern motor~truck, lugging timber, sugar,shale, sand, firewood, construction materials, militarysupplies, sewage, the products of numerous mines and quarries,and even passengers, working for coti.cernsas various as thePowelltown Timber industry (which operated 250 miles of tram­way in the Upper Yarra area, Victoria), the Port MelbourneGasworks, or the Heatheiton Benevo.l",nt Asylum (Victoria).Horses, winches, steam engines, diesel motors, petrol motors,and, if we include what must be Australia's oldest railway,the Port Arthur (Tasmania) human tramway, human beings,provided the motive power on these lines. A tiny fragment ofthis 'Empire' is still in use (for instance, the QueenslandSugar tramways, the underground electric 'trams' of the Mt.Lyell Co., Queens town , or the 2 foot gauge, 7 mile long 'LunaRiver Railway' 65 miles south of Hobart, carrying high-gradelimestone for the Australian Commonwealth Carbide Co.), butthe greater part of it can only be sampled in the pages ofenthusiast magazines, newspapers and archives, or on foot,where careful field-work can still locate traces of road-bed,trestle bridges, rusted rolling stock and locomotive equipment,outbuildings, and the like.

The feel and look of the.rolling stock and locomotivesof the railway-tramway era have luckily been preserved in somedegree by the devoted efforts of groups and institutions like

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the Van Diemen Light Railway Society, the Ballarat TramwayPreservation Society, the Tramway Museum Society of Victoria,the Geelong Steam preservation Society, The Railway TransportMuseum of N.S.W., the South Pacific Electric RailwayCooperative Society, the N.S.W. (Parramatta Park) Steam TramPreservation Society, the Marsden Museum of Historic Engines(Goulburn), the Puffing Billy Preservation Society, theAustralian Railway Historical Society Museum and others. Toooften, however, the modern automobile-oriented citizen seesthe equipment carefully restored by the above groups as a'quaint gimmick of olden times', scarcely appreciating thescope of the job the railway and tramway, and especially thelight railway, performed, in its proper industrial and socialcontext. It is important that this impression be dispelled:the technology of the pre-clover-leaf and V8 era is no lessblameworthy, from an environmental point of view, than that ofthe automobile age, but it can offer our own generationecological lessons of significance: at Hill End, we see inperspective how destructive man really is, without beingblinded by the sign 'profits are now being made here' ; anycountry railway line or light railway route shows how simplylarge volumes of traffic 'can move through the countrysidewithout destroying its character; an effective tramway systemstill saves a city thousands of cubic tons of atmosphericgases annually. The labour-intensive nature of earliertechnology, whether a Victorian building facade, a Hill Endtimbered mine-shaft, or a light railway network, suggests someinsight into the nature of economic change, whilst the designof an old railway sleeping carriage, or an early tramcar,sheds a tiny beam of light, like the interior of a Victorianhouse, into the physical world of our ancestors, and the waythey liked it.

The historical or industrial archaeology of the railwayage in Australia has hitherto been the province of theenthusiast, whose job has offered little in the way of eitherincentive or reward for his work. The following brief accountof the progress made in this field relies entirely upon thework of the enthusiast and is intended simply to give. an ideaof the kind of use made of what might be termed 'the archaeolo­gical approach' in the recording and reconstructing ofAustralian railway and tramway history.

By 'the archaeological approach' I mean the inspection ofthe material remains (USually ihsitu) of the defunct railwayor tramway operation under investigation: I am (largely forreasons of space) excluding the reconstruction and restorationof tramway/railway equipment in museum conditions, and myexample will be drawn, in the main, from the field of lightrailway operations: heavy railways are in many places stillwith us, their past is better documented in the archives (lightrailways, being ephemeral in nature and usually privately owneddid not require authorising acts of Parliament and did notattract the attention of newspapers, diarists and travellers inthe way that heavy railways did), and the functions they per­formed in society were less varied in nature, both geographi­cally and economically than the light railway. To my knowlege,'archaeological' investigations have played only a marginalrole in the recording of heavy railway and urban tramway

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history (though the work of the railway and tramway museum has,of course, been made possible by the adequate survival ofmaterial remains). With the light railway, the stiory is some­what more interesting. Here 'on-site' inspections have onoccasions revealed aspects of operations unsuspected in theliterary and personal record, and of value for the overallsignificance of the operation rather than simply for the deisgndetails of the rolling stock and locomotive equipment.

This said, however, it must still be admitted that therehas not been, to my knowlege, any systematic 'excavation' of alight railway operation to date, and the bulk of 'on site'inspection that has taken place has necessarily been confinedto the confirmation and illustration of evidence known to exist,or suspected, from the literary sources or from the personalmemories and recOrds of people associated with the operation insome way, or who visited it when still working. In thiscategory are the on-site investigations that have been under­taken into such operations as the Elphinstone Timber Tramway(Victoria, 1924-8), the Lal Lal Iron Tramway (The Lal Lal BlastFurnace is classified by the National Trust; situated above theMoorabool River, Victoria, it represents the state's only pig­iron industry, and was serviced by a network of tramways linkingthe operation with the V.R. mainline 3~ miles away), the ThomsonValley tramway (near Walhalla, Victoria), the North Mt. LyellRailway (Tasmania), the Tarrawingee tramway (north.from BrokenHill), the Powelltown tramways (Upper Yarra area, Victoria), theStannary Hills and Irvinebank tramway (a N.Queensland tin­mining two-foot gauge operation), and a host of other lines andsystems that could be cited, from the 'sons of Gwalia' firewoodtramway i1jl W.A., to tramway operations in the Zeehan area ofTasmania. The secondary importance of 'on-site' materialevidence inspections in the vast area of Australian coalfieldrailways and tramways is clear from the voluminous publicationsof Cifford Eardley, both in B and in individual books.

In some cases, on-site inspections of long defunctoperations have resulted in the extension and correction ofinformation conc.erning track lay-out at pits or in yards,tramway route location, design and nature of rolling stock,locomotive equipment and other machinery, derived from surveyplans, newspapers, archival material, personal memories andother sources. 2 In other cases, on-site inspections haverevealed operations or aspects of operations that had not beensuspected from the literary material. 3 Amongst the moreintriguing examples of this are some aspects of the Port Arthurhuman tramway system. The following is a report on the incom-Iplete and hence as yet unpublis.hed"on-·site investigations of Mr.J.W.Wainwright, a Canberra parliamentary draftsman and leadingfigure in the railway/tramway enthusiast world.

The human tramway, from Taranna, on theW. side of Eagle­hawk Neck (between the Forestier and Tasman peninsulas,Tasmania) to an inlet within a short boat trip of Port Arthur,is well known, from both literature and legend. The purpose ofthe tramwat was, it seems, to avoid the hazardous ship passageto Port Arthur around the Tasman Peninsula. (see G.Eardley 'TheConvict Tramway of Port Arthtir, Tasmania'. B 5 (1954) 37-40),Less well known, however, are the coal mines at the NW tip of

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the Tasman peninsula, a little W. of Salt Water River. Themines were worked by convict labour, boasted a shaft, inclinerailway from hilltop to jetty, jetty and the ruins of a settle­ment, with underground convict cells. The coal was apparentlyshipped out from the jetty. In the course of investigatingthe region, however, Mr. Wainwright discovered near the oldSalt Water River p.a. and a 2 cell sandstone block, a lumpyrise in the ground, which turned out to be the top of a set ofunderground cells. From here to Salt Water River a right-of­way had clearly been hacked out of the ground to the remainsof a causeway of tree trunks which once led across the SaltWater River inlet: on the Taranna side of the inlet, anembankment clearly led into the bush towards Eaglehawk neck.Literary sources refer to a 'bridle path' at this point, butthe underground cells suggest to Mr. Wainwright an additional'motive power' depot for a human tramway, possibly between thecoal mines and a timber source for pit props, or even Tarannaitself. The additional convicts might have been necessary forassisting trams up the grade from Salt Water River. AtPremaydena, another inlet between Salt Water River and Taranna(along the N. coast of the Tasman peninsula), Mr. Wainwrightdiscovered further traces of a tramway. He discerned a cause­way around the E. shore of the inlet, ending up on a point,leading through a cutting to a jetty. At the southern tip ofthe inlet, the tramway passed the remains of very old, high,masonry retaining walls, at Premaydena, and then disappearedsouthwards over paddocks leading ultimately to orchards andwooded hills, Traces of sleepers seemed visible. Subsequentstudy of aerial photographs (c.1947) confirmed that theformation was that of a tramway, probably in connection with asawmill or quarry.

These investigations are at present only tentative, butthey raise the possibility of tramways west of the 'main line'and thus suggest that the early Australian investment in theTasman peninsula was more complex than has hitherto beensuspected. For our present purposes they present a situationin which the .' archaeological' evidence provides the fiL'st andmost extensive clue to a possible operation.

In conclusion it might be observed that material remainsin situ of railway/tramway operations are less substantial innature than those of other archaeological sites and hence moresubject to dislocation caused by time, neglect or subsequentover-building. In addition, most light railway managements,on liquidation, have found it profitable to sell off track andother equipment, thus reducing the material evidence for thehistorian. Furthermore, the type of information which 'archaeological' investigations may yield does not substantiallyincrease our understanding of the socio-economic complexity ofthe operation in question. The case is quite otherwise, forinstance, with an abandoned pottery works, or settlement, wherean extensive range of operations, activities and products mightbe revealed by careful archaeological investigation. Thearchaeological investigation of railway/tramway operations islikely to be confined to the physical details of the system(trackage, motive power, rolling-stock, per way works, yardlay-outs etc.), and here the archaeological record, in so faras it may be available, will be valuable in inverse proportion

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to the availability of other forms of evidence. Ultimately,however, the historian will seek to concern himself with thesocio-economic dimensions of the railway/tramway system, itsimpact on standards of living, and the economy as a whole. 4

(Note: Only a fraction of the available enthusiast literatureon light railways has been cited in this account. The compil­ation of the article would not have been possible without theassistance of Mr. J.W.Wainwright).

Notes:

1. On these see respectively: LR 27 (1969) 15; 34 (1970) 5­25; 38 (1971) 13-21; 39 (1972); 32 (1970) 24; 29 (1969)22; 31(1970) 19-23; 39 (1972) 32-3; 31 (1970) 20 (on an inspectiontrip to the remains of Cuming Smith's wood distillation worksand other Upper Yarra sites); 30 (1969) 11-14 (and B 13 (1962)190-7); B 15 (1964) 106-112; L.Whitham, The Railways and Tram­wars of Ze ehan , Tasmanian Hi.storical Research Association. 1970,p. 15) 'present usage'. One could contrast light railwayinvestigations that have been conducted solely from literarysources: the tramway built for MrGullard at Tivoli (NGR issueno.l), the Tolmie District Railway (LR 14 (1963) pp.4ff.), orthe tramways ~proposedand actual) of the Land Boom era inVictoria c. (1887 -90), on which see the researches of the lateJohn klfred, LR 25 (1968) 14716 and elsewhere (for a projected,but never completed book on the subject). It is an interestingand sometimes even challenging pastime to 'walk the route' ofa closed heavy railway branch. Success will depend now andthen on the ability to detect the former line of railway inthe changes of soil or crop coloration in a ploughed field,and the rewards will be substantial evidence of former opera­tions in the form of derelict platforms, locomotive turningtables, .. ash-pits and so forth. However, it cannot be claimedthat such on-site researches advance our knowledge of therailway in question beyond the area of finer detail location.The old Red Hill Railway (Mornington Peninsula, Victoria),(see Green over Red 4 (1969) p.lO) is a good illustration ofmy point. In the Journal of Australian Tramway Museums,Trolley Wire, June 1972 p.19, appeared an illustration of theoperations manager of the Illawarra Light Railway MuseumSociety, starting excavations at theCorrimal incline on the3-foot gauge side tip wagon, captioned "Industrial Archaeolo­gist at work". It seems, however, that the "dig" was confinedto the clearing of equipment still in evidence from theCorrimal Colliery light railway network, which included a 2'gauge cable incline, for a projected industrial light railwaymuseum for the Illawarra region. For further report seeTrolley Wire Feb" 1973, pp.lO-ll.

2. See, for instance: NGR issue no.l on the tramways of theW.Moreton coalfield (Queensland); B 20 (1969) 194, 197 on thefirewood tramway near Cobar N.S.W.-(operating in connectionwith the copper mines of the region); B 2 (1951) 42, on theCobdogla to Loveday Light Railway (S.A.); B 13 (1962) 4-10,on the shale tramways of Katoomba, where inspections provideda more accurate understanding of the aerial ropeway that onceoperated from near the present-day summit of the scenic rail­way. Survey maps in particular need to be checked against the

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material evidence: where a tramway follows a road formation,maps frequently omit any indication of the fact. Thus two'separate' tramways, on a map, both leading to a road formationmay well turn out to be the same tramway.

3. LR 35 (1971) 16, an unsuspected 2-foot gauge railway atWensleydale, Vic.; LR 37 (1971) 22-3, a wooden tramway putdown to a stand of sassafras from which the pioneer WoodwareCo. of New Norfolk made pegs; ~ 16 (1965) 171 where, apparently,.the location and identification of the 2% mile contractor'stramway from the Old Brick wharf on the Hawkesbury to the WoyWoy tunnel resulted from extensive on-site researches. C.W.Jessup, in an article on 'Aerial Photography as an aid to Tram­way Research' (LR 31 (1970) pp.4-5) claims to have detectedfrom photograph~ formations and indications that could proveto be hitherto unsuspected tramways. See also the report onthe Cattai Creek tramway elsewhere in this Newsletter. In thecase of a large number of ephemeral operations, the archaeolo­gical record must surely be the only record. I think here ofthe horse or hand tramway that used to carry passengers'baggage and freight from the Stony Point railway platform tothe jetty and Cowes ferry (Victoria). Shed and track vestigesare still in evidence. -Pier tramways in general would be inthis class.

4. LR 28 (1969) p.20 carries a plea for National Trust c1ass­ificat~on of tramway relics.

HAWKESBURY REGION TIMBER TRAMWAYS·

The following is a short report on an informal inspectionby J.O.Ward and R.I.Jack (with impedimenta) of the remains ofa timber tramway in the Hawkesbury region, "N.S.W. The opera­tion is rather like that of the Cressbrook tramway (near Esh,see LR 41 (1972) 28-9) where a similar combination of horsepowerand a winding engine for an incline (in this case abalanced load system, full trucks coming down, hauling emptiesup) is found. The contents of the report were sent some timeago to the Editors of LR, but it seems that little is known ofthe operation and its probable peers. In making public thereport, we hope to solicit further information on the subjectof logging in the Hawkesbury region.

On the Army Ordinance map, 1" to the mile, of the Windsorregion, N.S.W. there is marked a 'disused tramway', extendingfrom Cattai Creek to Tommy's Gully. This appears to have beenthe situation in 1925 when the map was first printed. Itturns out that the line was timber sleeper and rails, ofuncertain gauge, probably around 2' and, according to a Mr.Brown, an old-timer of the region, ceased operation around1923. It was the only such line in the region and was ownedby the Hardwood Timber Co. The logs were hauled up the woodentracks by a steam driven winch from Tommy's Gully, and theline then crossed the present road from Herbert to Cattai.Horses completed the haulage to Cattai Creek, where there wasa mill from which the timber was shipped to the Hawkesburyand thence to the wider world. The roadbed and sleepers(with occasional lengths of rail) are clearly visible steeply

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descending from the Herbert road to Tommy's Gully. Apparentlyanother winch was situated part of the way down, handling thelower section of the gully haulage. The line of track petersout at the Herbert road in a private garden, but the well forthe steam winch is still visible in front of this property onthe Herbert road. The roadbed can be picked up again at thecorner of another property located a few hundred yards down aside road branching west off the Herbert road, less than halfa mile from Herbert, south of the well property. This portionof the track, horse haulage, has had most of the sleepersremoved and is only rarely built on a rockpile base, as is thedescent into Tommy's Gully. It makes a pleasant meanderthrough the white gum trees. We did not walk right to CattaiCreek, but apparently the electricity commission has demolishedthe mill site (and wharf?). There are also bullock roads outof Tommy's Gully.

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AUSTRALIAN RAILWAY DEVELOPMENT: ORIGINALITY OR ADAPTATION?

James Walker.

Before giving this lecture, I think it advisable to saya few words on the subject concerned. Research and writingin railway history has been bedevilled by a large followingof enthusiasts, producing a large volume of "fannia". Muchof it has ignored scholarly standards and techniques, andlegend has often the place of fact, i.e. George Stephensonand the "Rocket". Should any of you wish to pursue thissubject further, you would be advised to be careful in yourreading.

Transport history is of great importance for any country,and in Australia from the1850s to World War I, railwayhistory is transport history to an extent equ~lled in fewother places. There were few viable inland alternatives. Ishall concentrate on N.S.W. with a number of glances atVictoria as those states are the best illustration of theproblem.

The first factor which we might consider is that of time.The first railway, as we understand the term, was opened inN.S.W. in September, 1855. Railways were by then wellestablished overseas, and the idea was hardly new even inAustralia. In 1836 a convict powered wooden railway had beenused across the Tasman Peninsula (Tasmania). In May 1854,South Australia had opened a 7 mile horse line, and in Septem­ber of that year, Victoria had opened a 2J, mile steam hauledline. This incidentally, had opened with a locally builtlocomotive which failed, and which had to be replaced with acontractor's engine until the motive power ordered fromBritain had arrived.

\~en the Parramatta line WaS opened, theStockton andDarlington line was 30 years old, the Liverpool and Manchesterwas 25, most ,of Britain's main trunk routes had been completed,the Great Northern 2 years earlier, and in the Dnited States,the Baltimore and Ohio was 28 years old. Railways had spreadoverseas:

first lines: France 1832 (1827 horse hauled)Germany and Belgium 1835Russia 1836Austria 1838Italy 1839Denmark and Switzerland 1847Spain 1848Sweden 1849India 1853Norway 1854

Portugal and Egypt would open their first lines in 1856, Fin­land in 1860, Bulgaria in 1866, and Rumania and Greece in 1869.Already in 1850, Britain had built 6,084 miles of line, theD.S.A. 9,021, Russia 108, Canada 66, France 1,852 and Germany3,73'5. By 1860, these totals would be respectively, 9,069 ­30,626 - 669 - 2,065 - 5,847 - 7,182, while India would have838 miles.

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The first travelling post office was in 1838.

The first use of semaphore signals was in 1839, and thefirst interlocking of signals about 1840, of signals andpoints in 1856, and of full interlocking in 1860. The elec­tric telegraph was first used in 1839, and the first twoneedle telegraph in 1841.

Britain's first electric locomotive, albeit a fairlyineffective one, was in 1842.

You will see from this that when the Sydney-Parramattaline opened, railways were not only an accomplished fact, butwere already assuming the form and content of a matureindustry.

Secondly, it should be noted that Australian railwayexperience was unique in none of its features. Similar con­ditions to those overseas brought similar results. Australia'sgauge problem mirrored that of Britain, the U.S.A. and Canada.In Britain, the Great Western Railway was initially built to agauge of seven feet, and the Eastern Counties to a gauge offive feet. Some early Scottish lines used five feet sixinches. In the U.S.A. the Eire railroad was built to a gaugeof five feet. The lines from New York to Buffalo which werecombined to form theN.Y.C.H.R.R. had gauges of four feeteight and a half and four feet nine. In 1860, 92% of theCanadian railways were built to a gauge of five feet six, therest being four feet eight and a half, and it was 1870 beforesteps were taken to correct this.

Australia's wheat networks were similar to those ofKansas and Southern Manitoba.

Government intervention/ownership followed much the samelines as in New Zealand, lndia, most of Europe, and, later on,Canada. AustraLla' s problems were much the same as elsewhere,and produced similar, though not .identical results. Themethods of obtaining those results tended to be those ofBritain and her dependencies rather than those of the U.S.A.or Europe, while Canada and New Zealand had a larger Americancontent in their admixtures, and the question is why? and whydid a slight change occur later? Comparison could be madewith the Argentine, whose railways were even more British.

First there was the matter of personalities. A highproportion of the population was British born and the socialstructure was largely that of the United Kingdom. The popula­tion still looked on "British" and "civilized" as the samething. Many of the politicians, and most of the officials,from the Governor down, were likewise British born and trained.To them, British ways were natural ways. What is more, theengineers, artisans, and operating staff were British trainedand experienced, unless they had no training or eKperience atall. When the Parramatta line opened, the only stationmasterwith any experience came from the Eastern Counties Railway inEngland. The man who created most of N. S. W. 's 19th centurynetwork, John vfuitton, was an already experienced engineerfrom England. Each colony also had a consulting engineer,always a Britisher. That for N.S.W. was the famous Sir John

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Fowler, whose office was in London, and who, no doubt quiteincidenatlly, was Whitton's father-in-law.

Then there was the matter of initial equipment. This hadcome from Britain, and all later equipment had to be compatiblewith it. (It can be noted at this stage, that America did notbecome a major exporter of railway equipment until the 1870s.)In the earlier period of expansion, it was, for shippingreasons amongst others, easier to import from Britain thanelsewhere. Once a railway system is established, it canafford to experiment, but till then, it must use well triedequipment designs, and it is on these bases that developmentmust be made.

It might now be appropriate to discuss the differencesin the railway philosophies of the U.K. and the U.S.A. Thesedifferences were economic and operational. Mechanically, theAmericans built cheaply, and accepted rapid replacement, whilethe British built to last. Their idea was high capital expen­diture and high capital return. The results were probablyabout the same in the long run. Examples of the differenceswere plate versus bar frames, and inside versus outsidecylinders. There was less difference in civil engineeringbetween the two countries. Much depended on the engineer, andthere were great differences within each country. Later lineswere constructed more cheaply than earlier ones in both.There were particular attitudes - Britain would not use suspen­sion bridges for railways. Signalling was basically the same,except for the American train order system. Broadly - Britishbuilt solidly with little further work, - Americans builtcheaply and replaced or improved - but there were numerousexceptions in both countries - i.e. the Erie Railroad.

South-eastern Australia followed the pattern set else­where. Early lines were between centres of population. Asin theU. K. and the U. S. A., thedenses t areas received theearliest lines, and these lines were the most intensivelyconstructed i.e. Sydney to Parramatta, Penrith and Bathurst,Liverpool, Campbelltown and Goulburn - but keep in mind theextensive deviation~ and regradings later - and Melbourne tothe goldfields. This meant trunk lines with trunk line stan­dards. One may take as examples the original Iron Coveviaduct, the zig-zag viaducts and those out of Lithgow, thebridge at Menangle (though this had timber approaches), andthe beautiful stonework on the Geelong-Ballarat line. However,tunnels were avoided. The first one in N.S.W. was not till1866 at Picton. Victoria in 1862 drove two at Elphinstone andRavenswood.

As the main trunk lines were completed, three conflictingneeds arose. Increasing traffic required development work onthe trunk lines, while feeder branches and cross-country lineswere demanded by countr~ areas. There was also a growingdemand for suburban services. The impetus given to the firstwas economic and operating, that given to the second from theCrown Lands Act of 1861, and that of the third was the growingcentralisation which characterises this country. However, bythis time a certain amount of standardisaeion was taking place.The use of standard designs helped to decrease the cost oflarger engineering items. You might care to look at the

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original bridge at Como and compare then with those at Kelso,Cowra and a number of other minor crossings. All were builtwithin a period of 20 years, and consist of single tracklattice spans on circular iron cylinders. The components wereall standard, with the cylinders coming from Britain.

Stations, too, were of standard designs for the most part.Size might vary, but the basics remained the same. CompareCowra and Carcoar, or from a later period the western suburbs,the Newcastle area and the Blue Mountains. Later countrystations were considerably simplified.

Standardisation was the aim of most administrationseverywhere, but because Australian systems were not the resultof amalgamations, they were often more successful than in theU.K. or U.S.A.

Signalling was already well developed when constructioncommenced in this country, and the techniques used were basic­ally British. The Americans copied the semaphore from the U.K.and frequently copied other developments. The British, aroundthe turn of the century started introducing many Americantechniques. Australia largely copied the U.K., Victoria withsomersault signals, N.S.W. with standard commercial parts.There was a later introduction of upper quadrant and colourlight signals, as in the U. K. . The large scale use of thetriangle marker appears however to have been restricted toAustralia.

No railway system can be operated without facilities forthe maintenance and repair of rolling stock. The major problemis that of servicing motive power. Two types of facility are·needed, heavy workshops for major work, and "running sheds"for day to day operations. Because of their distance from themain source of locomotives, Australian railway systems quicklydeveloped maj or workshops, and at an early date, Victorian andN.S.W. railways attempted building their own engines. Towardsthe turn of the century, building of locomotives by the rail­ways themselves became rea,sonably common - this was a Bri.tishhabit, most American systems did not normally construct theirown motive power - an indica,tion of the extent and capacityof the workshops.

Two types of running sheds developed overseas - rectangu-·lar a,nd roundhouse. In spite of popular belief, both typeswere common in both the U.K. and the U.S.A. Different admin­istration tended to favour one or the other, but most had bothtypes. Austra,lia, followed suit. N. S.W. tended to userectangular for large and small sheds, and roundhouses formedium depots, but there were many exceptions. Still existinglarge roundhouses are Enfield and Broadmeadow, small ones areat Valley Heights and Cowra. Everleigh running sheds nolonger exist, but numerous photos are available. The largestrectangular depot left is Bathurst. Other rectangular sheds,large and sma,ll, are at Albury, Mudgee, Dubbo, Gurabegah andCootamundra.

The Redfern carriage shops and the Clyburn wagon shopsshow the extent of facilities needed for rolling stock.

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The first locomotive used in Australia was the contrac­tor's used on the Port Melbourne line. Locomotives to operatethe line had been ordered from Britain, but when it becameobvious that they would not arrive in time for the opening ofthe line, one was constructed locally, being the first steamlocomotive constructed in Australia. The machine, however,was a failure, and the contractor's engine had to take overuntil the British engines arrived.

In N.S.W., the contractor used the first running loco­motive to arrive. This was one of four built by Robt.Stephenson & Co., which were a mixed traffic version of theL.N.W.R.standard goods engine. Other British manufacturerswere also represented in early locomotive contracts, but BoyerPeacock became the major suppliers, and became responsible formuch of the detail designing.

N.S.W. designed and built its first engine in 1870,fifteen years after the opening of its first line. Thisengine was built largely as a "public relations" gimmick toadvertise the progress of the colony. Unfortunately, neitherof the original Australian built engines survive - the N.S.W.one was condemned in 1892.

The first American locomotive in service in N.S.W. was in1877. This was a 4-4-0 and was rather a failure~ The nextclass, introduced in 1879, a heavy freight locomotive was asuccess. It might be noted at this point that Victoria was atrifle charier of trying American locomotives, but a shadereadier to employ American style carriages. During the firstfifty years, N.S.W. tried six classes of American locomotivestotalling sixty-five machines. As with the British engines,some were successful, some werefailures. There is some reasonto believe that, in one case, this was deliberate. It seemspossible that a class may havebeeri built to specificationsdeliberately designed to ensure failure, as a matter of inter­departmental pol~tics. All this class had been scrapped by1928.. None of the 19th century American designed and builtlocomotives lasted long enough to be preserved, but the 304class was so successful that an order was placed on Dubs & Co.of Scotland using the same specifications and geneiallyadhering to the original design, though some modificationswere introduced. These engines were called the "ScotchYankees" .

It would seem that for N.S.W., British motive power hada slight edge. For political reasons, and in the hope ofincreased efficiency, American engines were tried six times.Half were successful. The other three classes were flops.The problem appears to have been that though suited to ourgeographic conditions, they were not suited to our operatingconditions generally. The Americans were especially usefulin the Blue Mountains. Australia could not, however, supportthe economic conditions which the American railroad philosophypresupposed.

What is interesting is the long time it took N.S.W. todo its own detail designing. It would appear that the C34class was the first class of passenger engine for which detail

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designing took place in N.S.W. although extremely detailedspecifications had previously been issued for the C32, DsOand C30 classes.

N.S.W. is famous overseas for two locomotive classes, theC32 and the C38, of which only the former concerns us here.Introduced in 1982, they were Thow's first major design forthe colony, and they introduced a house style which continuedtill the end of steam. Nevertheless it is remarkable howalike they are to the Jones designed "big goods" and "Castle"class locomotives of the Highland Railway of 1894 and 1900,and to the Scandinavian engines of the same period by the samedesigner. Jones had connections with Berger-Peacock, and itseems reasonably apparent that he was consulted, at least, inthe design of the C32 class. This class was very successful.A total of 191 was built and the class saw steam out. Latersteam locomotive development till the end of World War 11 wasa logical follow on.

Early carriage stock was standard British equipment.There were three classes. First had roofs and windows,Second had roofs but no glass windows, and Third had roofsbut no sides above. All often were four wheelers, althoughthe six wheeler was already starting to spread in Britain.Australia followed Britain in using the six wheeler, and, asin the U.K., by the l880s most new construction was eightwheeled. Generally speaking, however, Australia was unsuitedto the rigid or radical eight wheelers, (there were a few)and went straight to the bogie coach. The first eight whee~

lers in N.S.W. were imported from Britain in 1869, and thefirst bogie coaches from America in 1877. No further rigidaxle passenger stock was constructed for the colony after themid l880s.

Lighting followed British standards. Gas was firstintroduced in 1878, and electricity'in 1904.

Braking lagged a little, a very little, behind the U.K.which was behind the U.S.A. In N.S.W., the non-automaticWestinghouse was introduced for some stock in 1877, and theautomatic version in 1879. The decision to standardise thelatter was made in 1890.

The first sleeping car was imported from the U.S.A. in1877, four years after the first sleeper in Britain, butconsiderably later than those in the U.S.A.

Britain never built bogie goods vehicles in large numbers,and here Australia initially followed suit, and it was notuntil recently that bogie stock outnumbered four wheeled.There was a good reason for this. Train distances here, whilelonger than in the U.K., were shorter than in the U.S.A.,towns were smaller, and businessmen followed the British prac­tice of keeping small stocks and ordering frequently. Never­theless, some bogie stock was introduced quite early, ifinfrequently. Some N.S.W. bogie sheep vans were in use in 1885.

As in Britain, most of the minerals were transported inthe wagons of the mineowners, and the same problems, too small

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wagons, found in Britain, applied here. See Eardly's bookspublished by the A.R.H.S.

Railway expansion in N.S.W. was bedevilled by politics.Many secondary lines were built too soon, before there was anadequate population to support them-,-and--be-foretheFe--welOeadequate funds to build them to a sufficiently high standardto be operated efficiently. The results were a chronic lackof capital, unnecessarily high overheads, and an inability torationalise services, and these effects were cumulative.Because early locomotive classes tended to be small, greateramounts of spares had to be carried. Forward planning wasextremely difficult, and it was impossible to budget for morethan a couple of years in advance. Demands for upgrading ofservices were continuous. The result was that the MidlandRailway's policy of short, light and frequent, as opposed tothe American ideal of long, heavy and less frequent, was therule. The fourth cornerstone of the Midland's policy, speed,was not, however, observed. There just was not enough money,and the track would not stand it.*

The Blue Mountains caused havoc. The Zig-Zags weredifficult and expensive to work, and formed a bottleneck.

There was the suburban problem, as bad then as it is now,and steam hauled.

Yet the railways remained economically viable till WorldWar I. Until then, passenger traffic was profitable. If thetrains were light, they were usually full, and at nightcarried large quantities of mail and parcels. Interstatetravel was mostly by rail.

There was a steady flow of coal and a growing traffic inwheat and wool, both bulk commodities well suited to railtransport, and in livestock. There were very few brancheswhich did not pay the running expenses. The trouble was inmeeting the interest payments.

It seems that the British, rather than the American,practices were more suited to Australian conditions. Butthey were practices which had been modified greatly. Theapproach was more casual. With lighter traffic, time was ofless importance than convenience. Other than an mattersconcerning safety, sales could be bent a little more in theinterests of individuals. There was a certain amount of localflexibility. This seems to have been so from early on, andonly began to change with increased traffic and dieselisation.

* ** In the l880s and l890s there was a major spread of minorlines partly as a result of political logrolling. Lesscapital expenditure was needed, as happened overseas, buteven less was provided. Cheeseparing was the order of the day- severe gradients, sharp curves, light wooden trestle bridges,minimum station facilities, unmanned crossings etc. - in orderto build as many lines as possible.

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The cost of transport is not purely economic, nor arethe benefits, a point which seems to escape economists, butwas realised by both railway staff and railway users in theearly period.

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THE PHOENIX FOUNDRY, URAblA,

Margaret Simpson.

The Phoenix Iron Foundry is a jobbing foundry in the smallNew England town of Uralla, 20 kilometres south west of Armid~la.

The story of the foundry begins in Wurttenberg, Germany, in1858, with the birth of Christopher Andrew Young (Zung). His familymigrated to Australia and Christbpher spent his ear~y years inQueensland. ~ater he moved to Tamworth, N.S.W., where he learnt ablacksmiths' trade from the firm of Lancasters and in 1888 movedto Uralla and purchased B.J. Smith's blacksmith's shop in BridgeStreet· (Main Street). His business thrived on the patronage of th~

Cobb & Co. line of mail coaches, so much so, that he purchased theplant and equipment of Henry Goddard and Ormond's New England Foundryin Uralla. This foundry opened in 1872 and thrived during the .goldrush days serving the near~ Rocky River diggings. In 1898, Christ­opher Young moved the foundry from its location on the northern side'of Uralla, where the Bakery now stands to a new site in East Street-,Uralla, where it remains today. .

Christopher learnt the foundry trade from an English craftsmanby the name of Fred Berry. C·.A.Young & Co. was at one time theonly foundry between Newcastle and Toowoomba in Queensland. Theyundertook machinery repairs and were kept busy during the Hillgrovemining period of the'1890s. At one stage the foundry employedsix men and made up special orders of cast iron and wrought ironand steel. Almost all the buildings· in Uralla and Armidale' feature'Sydney lace' cast at the Phoenix foundry. As well as this a smallamount of bronze casting was also undertaken at the foundry.

Ch~istopher Young died in 1928 and his family survived theGreat Depression by erecting a sawmill behind the foundry.

Today, the only one of Christopher's nine sons to carry on thefoundry business,Les:" born in 1895, lives in his father's cottage>next to the foundry and sleaps in the room he was born in.

The foundry remains a model foundry with all the originalblacksmith's .tools and foundry equipment coredating 1900, all laidout in place, ready to be used again.

A DESCRIPTION OF THE PHOENIX FOUNaW AND THE PROCESSES UNDERTAKENTHEREIN

The foundry can be divided into four main work areas namely:a) The Mou lding ShOP, where pig iron is melted in a furnace and

cast into the desired shapes.

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b) The Blacksmith's Shop ,where pieces of steel and wrought ironare heated in the forge and punched and hammered into thedesired shape.

c) The Machine Shop, where the finishing of the wrought'work andsteel is undertaken with drilling maahines,grinders Md lathes.

d) The Bronze Casting Shop, where bronze is melted in a furnaceand cast in moulds of the desired pattern

a~ THE MOULOING SHOP

Preparing the, Furnace>,

The first process in making cast iron is to prepare the furnac~

or cupola for melting the pig iron (Inset A Fig 1). (Pig iron isinitially made in a blast furnace and can not be used in engineeringwithout being further refined or remelted in a furnace).

Layers of fQundry coal (as opposad to gas coal which does notburn hot enough) , pig iron and some limestone are loaded into thefurnace through the top charging door (Fig 2). A hundredweight ofcoal is required to melt 400 Ibs of pig iron. The correct ratiois necessary to produce a fine' stream of molten iron. Consequently,before charging, the pig iron is weighed and hoisted up to s'landingarOund the top of the furnace with a crane. (Fig 2). Air is pumpedfrom a blower (Fig 4) in the Machine Shop, through underground pipesto nozzles called tuyeres (pronounced ·tweers') towards the base ofthe furnace (Fig 1). As the iron melts it runs downwards and formsa pool in the bottom of the furnace:, When the iron is ready to runthe metal is ·tapped· and drawn off through the tap hole. The moltenmetal is then poured out into the ladle (Fi~·3). A large ladle isused for heavy jobs and holds 400 Ibs of molten iron. This ladleis lifted to the mould by a pulley. For smaller jobs, two-man handladles are used (Fig 5). The iron is poured into the mould by twomen, while a third man s~ims the top of the liquid to prevent dirtfrom flowing into the mould (Fig 6). The flow of molten iron fromthe furnace is stopped with a clay bung or tlcb (or tamper) whichis rammed into the tap hole and the residue iron is cleared fromthe tap hole with a clearer. Finally, the furnace is cleared fromthe bottom door (Fig 1) with a rake and the fire put out with water.

The Process- ofCastiD9 a Mould

A wooden pattern or model of the desired shape is first madein either pine or hard bo~. This is used to make a caVity inmoulding sand.

At the Phoenix foundry some of the patterns were made onthe premises. ' Patterns for the cast iron "Sydney lace" were oftenaopied from English designs. The moulding sa~d is prepared With aa mixture of loam, black lead (or graphite). plumbago and Newcastlecoal dust (for aeration). This mixture is finely sieved and ground

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in the coal grinder (Fig 7) patented ~y J.A. Haywood Jrir, Engineer,Phoenix Foundry, Derby. It is necessary for the mixture to be finely

tex-tured so that a "light" iron can be produced. The mouldingsand is then dampened so that it is just solid, but still porous.The wooden pattern is placed in a metal moulding box (Fig 10) andthe moulding sand is rammed all around the pattern with a varietyof rammers (Fig Ba). The moulding box is then opened and th~'pattern ta~en out. Following this, the sand mould is repaired withmoulderb tools (Fig 9 ) and the moulding box is then closed againin the exact position and secured with sliding bolts. Lastly,wooden boards are placed on top and the moulding bo~ is held downwith weights, or clamps (Fig 6). These are necessary as the molteniron could lift three times its own weight during pouring.

A channel or runner (Fig Ba) is cut in the sand so the molteniron can be poured into the cavity. For long pieces' of cast ironlace tha runner may have multiple ends to ensure the molten iron isspread throughout the mould.

After cooling there isa delay of about one day before themould is opened. Wire brushes on long bars (Fig Bb) and hahdbellows (Fig 11) clean the sand from the cast iron and the,runner

,is broken off'.

The Process, of Making Castings Which Require A ,Core

BeFOre an item with-an internal cavity such as a pipe can becast, the' centre part or core has to be made. This consists ofa mi~ture of moulding sand, core gum (Which comes ready made up)and a little flour. ~he mixture is pressed into '6 wooden mouldand a small hole is made through the middle by running a piece ofwire along its length to prevent exploding in the oven (rnset A Fig 15).The core is removed from the mould and dried in the core oven forabout a day. At the Phoenix foundry Les Young built his own coreovens, a large one (Fig 13) about eight feet high which is chargedwith wood or gas coke through a small door on a landing outside,the foundry building (Fig 14) and a small core oven about five feethigh (Fig 15).

The process of' casting iron pipes or anything'else requiring a cavityis the same as for other cast iron pieces except that after the .wooden pattern of the pipe is removed the core is placed inside themould to make the hollow section.

The type of items cast at the foundry include fancy work withintricate patterns such the "Sydney, lace", pipes, fire-bars, gratesand plates (Fig 16).

b) THE BLACKSMITH'S SHOP

It is in the Blacksmith's Shop that bars of iron or steel areheated red hot in the forge (Fig 17) to make them soft and pliable,then belted, hammered and punched into the desired shapes. Firstof all,however, a fire is made in the forge and air is pumped bya hand lever to work the bellows. The leather bellOWS in the

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foundry are over 100 years old yet remain very soft due, LesYoung considers, to the quality of the tanning at the time, donewith bark rather than the chemicals of today.

An interesting part of the fonge is the water tue iron (Fig IS)located between the forge and the bellows (Inset A Fig IS). Thisacts as a funnel directing air into the forge. A small pipe isconnected to a barrel of water and another pipe is suspended abovethe barrel. When the tue iron heats up water flows up the tubeinto the barrel, thereby acting as a cooling agent.

Once the iron or steel is heated red hot in the forge it istaken to the anvil (Fig 19a) where various tools such as swages andpunches are hit by a hammer to make the required indentations.Alternatively,the hot iron is taken to the swage block (Fig 19b)where it is bent from blows with a hammer.

Another machine in the Slacksmith's Shop is the roller (Fig 21)which evenly bends pieces of iron to make such things as chimneypipes. It is turned by hend and rolls the iron in a similarfashion as the wringer on a washing machine.

Wrought iron, therefore, can be forged hot an&> bent when coldwithout cracking. Its toughness, resistance to shock and corrosiommade it SUitable for pipes, chains, nails, hinges, bolts, nuts andhorseshoes.

c) THE MACHINE SHCP

This is where the pieces of wrought iron and steel ere precisionfiniqhed by cutting, drilling and grinding to the exact size. Mostof the machines were purchased from Henry Gbddard and Ormond's·New England Foundry and include:

Two lathes, one for surfacing and one for turningShaping machineDouble ended emery grinderPbwer hacksawDrilling machine (light type)Heavy drilling machinePortable grinderSurface grinder

These machines were all run via leather belts, copper sewn forextra strength and durability, and attached to an overhead driveshaft ~Fig· 22). This was originally steam powered but today is runby a ?2 h.p. electric motor.

Other instruments used in the Machine Shop include insideand outside calipers and a micrometer (Fig 23).

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d) THE BRONZE CASTING SHlF

A small part of the foundry work is devoted to the aastingof small bronze itmes of up to 100 Ibs in weight. These includeengine bearings and occassionally plaques. The bronze is placedin a graphite crucible and lowered into the furnace With a pairof long tongs (Fig 24). When the bronze is molten, it is liftedout and poured into moulds. The casting procedure is the same asfor casting iron, complete with the initial wooden'pattern, mouldingsand and moulding bo~.

The Phoenix Foundry at Uralla today remains a neat timecapsule illustrating the traditional technology of iron workingall under one roof, (Fig 25).

BIBLIOGRAP HY

Oral History Interview with Mr Les Young ~

Scrutton's "The Engineers Oepot"· Catalogue,~ Issued c1938. 161 Clarence street, Sydney;

MdPherson's Pty Ltd CatalogueIssued 1937. 51-65 Bathurst Street, Sydney.

Armidale Express. 13th May, 1964. "Foundry remaking lace forfirst time since 1920s"

Uralla Times.• 13th February, 1928. Obituary Notioe)~Christopher Andrew Young.

Street A & W, Alexander Metals in the Service of Man,Penguin Books Ltd, Harmondsworth, England, 195B'

Jones W.R. Minerals in Industry, Penguin Books Ltd,Harmondsworth, England, 1955.

POSTSCRIPT

Since this article was first published in 1975 , it isunderstood that Les Young sold the foundry to Peter Wright andretired to Tumut where he died two years later •

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First published Volume 5 No.2, September, 1975.

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First published Volume 5 No.2, September, 1975.

l1o~loIb". Tool 9.

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First published Volume 5 No.2, September, 1975.

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First published Volume 5 NO.2, September, 1975 .

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First published Volume 5 No.2, September, 1975.

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First published Volume 5 No.2, September, 1975.

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First published Volume 5 No.2, September, 1975.

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First published Volume 5 No.2, September, 1975.

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First pUblished Volume 5 No.2, September, 1975.

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First published Volume 5 No.2, September , 1975.

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First pUblished Volume 5 No.2, September, 1975.

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First published Volume 6 No. 1, April, 1976.

THE MASHMAN BROS, POTTERY,

Ernest Ungar.

The firm of Mashman Bros. was founded in 1885 at NorthWil~oughby, New South Wales on a site bounded by Victoria Avenue andJac'qi'fes Street in what is now called Chatswood. Behind this developmentlies the' story,' skill and enterprise of two London potters.

William and Henry Mashman were the sons of JamesMashman who was born in London in 1824. (1) At an early age he wasapprenticed to Sir Henry Doulton the head of the renowned DoultonPottery at Lambeth, 'where he became skilled in the potters art andcontinued his e,ssociation with that company after he had served his,time. In due course, as was common practice in those days, JamesMasbman had his sons William and Henry and later John also apprenticedto the Lambeth Pottery where they each learned to be skilled in differentaspects of the craft. William became a small ware thrower, Henry a fancythrower, and John an expert at turning and sticking. (2)

After the death of their father at Tooting in 1876 theMashman family moved to Leigh on, Sea where the brothers were able tofind employment at the Regal Pottery where a relative, George Day,was already employed as a mould maker: (3)

Hearing of the opportunities available in Australiafor artisans, William and Henry decided to emigrate leaving Johnbehind to look after their mother and the rest of the family until suchtime as they could be sent for.

The brothers arrived in Sydney on the steamship "WindsorCastle" (4) in 1885 and looked carefully around for a suitable area inwhich to set up in business. The East and S011th side of the Harbourseemed to have enough potteries to cater for the needs of the inhabitantsbut on the North side of the Harbour there wus only one small potteryowned by John Boyd situated in Fullers Road, North Willoughby. (5)The brothers decided to inspect this district and were pleased withwhat they Saw. There were plenty of good red clay deposits ofexcellent quality, virtually no competition and this was an area whichseemed pot sed for a building boom to house the families who werealready looking for land away from the bustle of the big City.

They were fortunate to find a site which was ideal fortheir purpose, the land consisted of three small allotments 50' x2000' and already had erected upon it a small 8' updraught kiln and aworkshed of 30' x 30; which contained two potters hand wheels. (6)

This site had originally been used in 1882 byWilliam and Bradley Willoughby who were brickmakers who remained inbusiness until 1884 (7) when the site was taken over by the pottersWilliam and RobertAbbott. (8) They failed to make the businessprofitable and iil1885 sold the site to a Mr. Alexander Dodds (9)who in turn leased the land to James Sandison a potter who built ahouse ,called 'Ferntree Cottage' (10) on the Victoria Avenue frontageand lived in it.

Williarn and Henry Masbman antered into partnershipwith Sandison and in JUlY 1885 the firm of Mashman and Sandison cameinto being, (11) 69'

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First pUblished Volume 6 No.1, April, 1976.

The first output of the new company consisted of GingerBeerbottles, Bread Pans, Squ"t Jars and various other kinds of smallhand made househcld utilities, all of wh~ch were saltglazed, the claybeing dug out of the pottery site. (12) These items were eagerlysought after by the local inhabitants and the Company, having virtuallyno competition soon began to flourish.

To meet' a new demand by drainers ahd builders who wereincreasing their activities in conjunction with the settlement expansionon the North Shore the company purchased a small pipe machine driven byhorse power, the pipe being flanged by hand. Mosman and Neutral Baycontains many hundreds of thousands of feet of those pipes made long ago,and still as good today as when they were manufactured. (13)

The firm soon increased its land holdings and the Sandisonand Mashman Bros. horse drawn drays loaded to the brim with clay werea familiar, sight trundling to and from the new clay pits located in whatis now called East Roseville. (14)

In response to a request from his now successful brothersin Australia, John Mashman together with his mother arrived in Willoughbyin 1888, and took up residence, in a second house which had been erectedon the Jacques Avenue frontage to the pottery site. (15)

With John Mashman's skill in turning and sticking to ai~

them, the business expanded at a rapid rate and by 1890 Steam Power wasadded in order to drive a more sophisticated pipe machine which was importedfrom F~gland and manufactured by Pullman and Mann which made a pipe completewith the flange in one operation.

In the same year, John Mashman opened a branch manufactoryat Auburn, and to;)k over an already estaclished small pipe and red ware1'lOrks owned by Alfred Poulton, situated along the Parramatta Road nearShort S'treet. (1'T)

In 1892 James Sandison was induced to sell his share of thePottery to John Mashman and the name of the Company was changed toMashman Bros. Victoria Pottery, the brothers having an equal third share.of the .enterprise. (18)

Bya stroke of ,good fortune a copy of the catalogue issuedby the company about this time has survived, and by painstaking inquiriesfamilies 'have been located who still have some of the 'items i11us'tratedin their possession. (19) In 1895 George Day who had worked with thebrothers at Leigh on Sea together with his brother William (who was marriedto Harriette Elizabeth Mashman) arrived in Australia with Cht1Tles 11ashmanand they all settled in homes around the potteTY. (20) George Day workedas a moulder, William Day became a carrier and Charles Masmnan became aclergyman although he also at times worked in the family business. (21)

Flushed with their success the Mas)~an Brothers brought outfrom England Mr. Thomas Stevens, an artist potter who waS employed at theDoultons Lambeth Manufactory where the Mashmans had s~rved their apprentice­ship. (22) Stevens created some beautiful artistic stoneware. Amongsthis :fB.vourite designs were ornamentations executed 1<it,. gum lea,i-eo;; whichwere applied to the items before glazing and which left a reddish colourin the shape of a gum leaf under the final glaze. A few rare examples ofStevens' art have been.located, together with a beautiful example of a jug

70

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First published Volume 6 No.l, April, 1976.

appliqu"d with rural scenes after the Fulham ware style.creations were very successful but the time was not ripeabandoned. (23)

Mr. Stevens t

and the work

Gradually many of the utility items manufactured weredropped because of the increased demand for drain and agriculturalpipes and for a time the pottery became solely a pipe works.

By the turn of the century all the Mashman f9J1lily hadceased to live on the pottery site. Henry and William lived inRoseville, (24) John and the 'Rev. George Mashman (C of E) lived atAuburn, (25) and Charles had moved to Enfield where he went intobusiness on his own account and opened a pottery in Water Street in1904. (26)

The Mashman Pottery was a major employer of peoplein the Chatswood area for many years and one photograph tak.en about1906 shows 29 employees outside one of the work sheds. (27)

William Mashman died in 1912 and his son FrederickAlbert Mashman left ,the family business to found his .own potteryat Kingsgrove and later Sutherland. John Mashman died in 1918 but theAuburn plant still remained under family control, and Henry Ma~hmandied in 1922 with his son Ernest J. Theodore Mashman becomingchairman and managing director of the company. (28)

Gradually over the years new lines were introduced.1932 saw the connnencement of "Regal Art" ware which was designed tocater for the middle income peonle who were becoming 'house proud'and wanting low cost vases and ornaments etc., with which todecorate their homes. A Catalogue of this era has also survivedand most of the lines manufactured have been traced and the namesof the present o,mers recorded. (29)' 1932 also saw the production of"Bristol Gloss" ware, the ,{hite clay necessary for this product beingbrought from clay pits in Orange and Gulgong., Items made from thisware included Acid Jars and W.C. Sanitary ware items for which therewas a considerable demand. (30)

In 1935 Mr. Frank Mills, who had learned the tradewith Fowlers at their Marrickville Pottery, joined MashmanBros.He introduced the mass production methods so necessary for a modernfactory to survive and virtually changed what was an improvedcottage industry production, into a modern factory. He was frequentlysent overseas to study the latest technical processes and developmentsand to buY, and bring back, machines which would increase theefficiency of the pottery. (31)

In 1957 the Royal Doulton Co. of England decided toopen a vitreous china pottery in Australia and sl"nt out a Mr. C. J.BrOokes a director, to arra~ge details of a merger with Mashman Bros.His negotiations were su.cc'essfu1 and a compallY known as, DoultonMashman Pty. Ltd. was formed, 1959 saw the complete take over of thePottery which became The Royal Doulton Chats'Tood Pottery. (32)

Theodore Mashman died in 1964 and Mr. Frank Millsbecame the managing director. Shortly afterwards he moved fromChatswood and Royal Doultons to continue in business at the Auburn workswith Bill Mashman who was the son of John, one of the original founders.

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First published volume 6 No.l, April, 1976.

1. Info, G. Mashman. Document written by his father, Rev. G.Mashman.

2. ibid.

3. Details supplied by ~trs. Day

4. Photo in possession of F. Mills, Auburn Pottery.

5. Sands Dir. 1884 p.250 Called Blue Gum Creek in those days.

6. Document in possession of G. Mashman.

7. Sands <'lir. 1.882 p. 236

8. Rate Book Nth. Willoughby 1884 Folio 137p.22

9. Rate Book Nth. Willoughby 1885 Folio 190 p.12.

10. Sands Dir. 1886 p.276

11. Document in possession of G. Mashman (Also Sands Dir. 1886 p. 276)

12. ibid.

13. ibid.

14. Information supplied by Mr. Ronson.

15. .Rate Book Nth. Willoughby 1888 Folio 906 p.56

16. Information supplied by F. Mills

17. Sands· Dir. 1889 p.148

18. Document in possession G. Mashman

19. Orig. cat. in possession of F. Mills

20. Sands Dir. 1895 p.451

21. Info. G. Mashman

22. ibid.

23. Examples owned by G. Mashman, E. Hewson.

24. Sands Dir. 1902.p.1282

25. Sands Dir. 1904 p. 981

26. ibid.

27. Photo F. Mills

28. Information from Mrs. C. vlliitehead

29. In possession of F. Mills

30; Information from G. Mashman

31. Information F. Mills

32. S.M.H. 12.5.1959 p.20

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First published Volume 6 No.1, April, 1976.

MASHMAN 'BR01JHERS,

.... ;

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73

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First Published Volume 6 No.l, April, 1976.

MASHMAN BROT~~~S.

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74

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First published Volume 6 No.1, April, 1976.

MASHMAN BROTHERS.

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Victoria Pottery, WiUoug-hby. earring-ton Potlery, At,lburn.

75

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First published Volume 6 No.l, April, 1976.

l\1JASHMAW B&OTHERS.\ .. '..

Bread Pans, Jars, &.c.

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76

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First pUblished Volume 6 No.2, September, 1976.

EUCALYPTUS DISTILLERIES,

Judy Birmingham.

Little new work has been published on this technologyfrom an archaeological viewpoint, but Dr. Michael Pearson(Australian Heritage Commission) is currently working onthese sites probably for pUblication in A.J.H.A. 1988, andKirsty Altenburg (Postgraduate, Historical Archaeology,University of Sydney) is collecting oral history connectedwith this industry.

Field sketch and photograph, with captions, appeared inBirmingham, Jack, Jeans 1979: 188.

J.M.B. March, 1987.

Among the more picturesque survivals of an earlier technologyare the eucalyptus distilleries still to be found in parts ofwestern Victoria and New South Wales. One which stilloperates commercially and is also oBen to the public (onSundays) is the Hartland distillery/a few miles north ofBendigo, the area in which several of those still survivingare to be found.

The Hartland distillery was begun in 1890 by Albert Hartlandand Matthew Hodgson, and is still operated by Mr. O.W. Hart­land, son of the founder. One process only appears to havechanged very recently. The underground vat in which distil­ling used to take place, twelve feet deep, eight feet indiameter and lined with a double row of bricks is now nolonger used. Its heavy iron cover, and the five chainedbundles of leaf which were packed in and out of it for eachdistillation were moved by a small crane turned by hand.This labour intensive process has now been replaced by usingthe truck which collects the leaf as a mobile vat. It isdriven under a lean-to roof, and a tight-fitting cover fitsover the back of the truck. Steam is piped into this frombelow, just as in the brick-lined vat, from an old Cornishboiler superannuated from the gold-fields and fuelled by thedried residue of leaf after distillation.

An outlet pipe from the upper part of the vat (or truck)leads via the adjacent dam into a small receiving shed. Thedam acts as a cooler, and the condensed steam and oil vapourflow out into an oil can sunk into the ground.

The leaf used in this distillery is the blue mallee, a leafof moderate oil yield but of high medicinal value. Theyield is 20lb. of oil per 1,000 lb. of leaf, but the percen­tage of cinede, the campherous pharmaceutically-valuedcomponent, is 80%. Other varieties distilled in this areaare the red mallee and the blue gum.

The economics of the process are interesting. The Hartlanddistillery has its own blue mallee lands extending some 12-14

77

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First published Volume 6 No.2, September, 1976.

miles, which it systematically harvests by mechanical means.About five acres is stripped at a time to yield a truckloadof leaf, which can then be distilled in about four hours, thewhole process taking a day. One truckload yields from ten tothirty gallons of oil according to quality and the currentprice is $21.60 per gallon.

The blue mal lee can only be stripped once every two years orit will die. The mechanical strippers now used are heavyduty cutters; previously hand cutters were used.

The distilling process is considered completed when the flowof oil and water in the receiving shed changes from about 80%oil (which floats on top) to about 10% or less.

That the 'mobile vat' system of the truck distillery isgaining ground is clear. A similar example can be seen atInglewood (north west of Bendigo). Equally it seems likelythat the brick-lined subterranean vat of considerable size(holding 1-2 tons of leaf producing 80-100 lb. of eucalyptusoil each load) was common in the same area earlier.

Another smaller scale of distillation is mentioned as being.common in 1911. ~< Two 400 gallon iron ship's tanks were~coupled together, each holding about 800-1,000 lb, of leaf.Eighty gallon~ of water was placed in each tank,a grid beingraised about 12" above the bottom. A fire was then lit direct­ly beneath and the vapour let off as described above throughan iron pipe and condensed. Dis.tillation time for thisprocess varied from 3 to 18 hours. These tanks were smallenough to be mobile, following supplies of leaf; the largerfixed tanks seem to have come into wider use about 1911 wheneucalyptus oil began to be used for the flotation process ofmineral separation in Broken Hill and elsewhere. One ofthese for example was the iron still of Mr. Burgess inKangaroo Island which held 5,000 lb. of green leaf. UsingE. cneorifolia, a slightly higher-yielding leaf than E. poly­bractea also used for medicinal purposes, Mr. Burgess was ableto distiL 100 lbs. of oil in favourable conditions fromeach distillation.

It seems likely that Burgess' still on Kangaroo Island stillexists if indeed not actually working. At least three arestill operating in the Bendigo-Wedderburn-Inglewood region ofVictoria, another in the environs of Melbourne, another inGippsland, and at least one more near West Wyalong in southeast New South Wales. Not all these distilled blue mallee;the New South Wales varieties are mainly the industriallyuseful E. dives and E. phellandra rich in phellandrene (usedin disinfectant), thymol and menthol apart from West Wyalongwhere blue mallee is abundant.

Anyone who can should attempt to record such distilleries indetail - full ground plan of lay-out, plus photographs and/ordrawings of each item of equipment or machinery; then a simpleflow chart of the processes involved, plus an account of thesources of leaf, methods of collection, frequency of opera­tions, transport of product, and capacities and yields of all

78

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First published Volume 6 No.2, September, 1976.

containers. Note fuel and recycling of waste, and thevariation in economic viability.

* Smith, H.G.: Present State of Eucalyptus Oil Industry,Techn. Gaz. of N.S.W., August 1911, p.20-22.

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First published Volume 8 No.l, June, 1978.

WHALING AND WHALING SITES: SOME ARCHAEOLOGICAL ASPECTS,

Judy Birmingham.

Some additional references on this paper are givenhere. They reflect the growing interest in locating whalingsites, in the technology of whaling, and especially theactivity of the Department of Maritime Archaeology of theWestern Australian Museum.

Coutts, P.J.F. 1985.Towards the development of colonialarchaeology in New Zealand. Part 2: Early settlementpatterns in southern New Zealand. A.J.H.A. 3: 31-42.

Pearson M. 1983. The Technology of Whaling in Australianwaters in the 19th century. A.J.H.A. I, 40 - 54.

" "1985. Shore-based whaling at Twofold Bay:onehundred years of enterprise. J.R.A.H.S. 71 (1):3 - 27.

Stanbury M. 1983. Norwegian Bay Whaling Station: an Arch­aeological Report Department of Maritime ArChae::>logy, W.A.Museum.

J.M.B. March, 1987.

Stranded whales must, have been exploited by early man from the momentwhen primitive cutting tools could pierce their thick skins. Primitivemethods of hunting whales by driving them ashore in small boats may equallydate back to an early period, surviving into the 19th century in ShetlandOrkney and Faroes, and possibly practised on Atlantic shores. In the 18thCentury AD however came the growing mastery of systematic whaling, first byputting out in small boats from land whenever a whale was sighted,harpooning and killing it, and towing it back to shore for cutting up and

,boiling down (trying out) which was known as shore whaling, then as whalesbecame scarcer in a given locality by deep sea Whaling i.e. a similaroperation using a parent ship as base, the whale carcasses being secured

'alongside for cutting, and the trying out carried out on deck in iron trypotsheated over brick hearths.

Greenland was the first locality for more distant whaling operations,where the Greenland 'right' whale proved particularly susceptible, being aslow swimmer, particularly rich in oil, and also one of the varieties 'ofwhale which did not sink when killed. Spitzbergen was a main centre, andblubber was either tried out on the spot, or casked and sent back to Britishand European ports for processing. Whales became scarce in the Arctic bymid 19th century, and emphasis had long since shifted to the coasts of NewEngland and Connecticut. Nantucket was one of the main centres, and between1800 and 1850 the Nantucketers built up an unparalleled reputation formastery in the whaling business. The American Civil War (1861-5) brought asharp decline to Yankee whaling since many boats were sunk. Moreover, thedevelopment of the petroleum industry from 1850 on, with its associatedproduct kerosene, meant a growing challenge to whale-oil as 'Che,jprirnarylighting fuel. Only the continuing demands of the 'whalebone· industry,parti~ularly for corsets and crinoline stiffeners, carried the whalers throughthe last quarter of the 19th century, and with the demise of the crinoline

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whaling virtuallY ended about 1910.

In addition to the plankton-eating class of whales to which the Greenlandright whales belonged, characterised by their colder and shallower habitatsas well as the presence of whalebone or baleen in their throats, the earlywhalers also soon discovered the deep-sea sperm whale, carnivorous andtoothed, capable of existing at great depths under 'enormous pressure, andfound in temperate and tropical waters. The sperm whale had the attractionfor the early whalers of considerable quantities of very high grade oil, aswell as a substance called spermaceti in its head, which cooled to a whitewax suitable for extremely smoothly and brightly burning candles. The spermwhale also floated when killed.

Until 1860 the right whales and the sperm whales remained the normalcatch. Then Sven Foyn a Norwegian revolutionised whaling by a new methodof killing and towing on the one hand (a heavy charge fired from a swivelmounted cannon in the bows of a steamship gast enough to chase the speedierwhales, attached to a very strong rope suitable for towing) and the use ofcompressed air pumped into the dead whale on the other to raise it to thesurface. Thus many more varieties of plankton-eating whales were accessiblefinbacks. humpbacks and others, the humpback especially rich in oil, both tobay whalers and deep sea whalers in the 70s and 80s. One earlier improve­ment in whaling technology - the shoulder-held or swivel-mounted bomb lancewhich projected an explosive dart of 1850 - was not particularly successful.

Meanwhile the early and mid 19th century had.seen the expansion of theindustry well beyond the Arctic and subarctic shores of Greenland and NewEngland. The comparable situation in the southern seas was soon recognisedby early explorers in the Pacific, but trade and navigation, includingwhaling were much inhibited in the 18th century by the East India Company'smonopoly in the Indian and Pacific oceans. 1788 saw the first Britishwhaler in the Pacific via Cape Horn (the Emilia) bound for rich whalinggrounds off Chile and Peru, and nothing could stop the accelerating exploita­tion thereafter. Trade restrictions were successively withdrawn, andAustralasian waters were freed in 1801. In fact whaling began off PortJackson in 1791 and the end af the. 90s saw thE! benefits of whaling off thenew colony recognised by many - one of them being whale oil as a returncargo for convict ships, and conversely convicts as an outward cargo forwhalers bound for the Chilean grounds.

Australian waters saw the annual migration movements of the southernright whale as the approaching Antarctic winter sent them north to breedinggrounds either along the east coast of Tasmania and NSW as far as aboutTownsville, or west along the coast of Tasmania across to Western Victoriaabout Portland, along South Australia past Encounter Bay (Victor Harbour)or around Kangaroo Island, across to Western Australia near albany, and northto Carnarvon, Dampier and Derby. At first the whaling remained the provinceof the roving deep sea whalers who first began to fish Australian waters;then from about 1806 the potential of bay whaling became apparent, and thecoasts of NSW, then Western Victoria and SA became dotted with small whalingoperations. Above all the headlands and bays of Tasmania were alive withaction, while Hobart and Sydney both became headquarters for both local anddeep sea whaling operations, with the development of skilled whaleboatbuilders and ships ~ervices.

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Tasmania

The earliest major centre of whaling was Tasmania, and it would seemlikely that many sites must have survived intact. From Hobart, bay whalingbegan from its founding in 1803, when the Derwent River itself was found tobe a feeding ground for immense numbers of the southern right whale. Thefirst tryworks was established in Ralph's Bay at a site still called TryworkPoint, and there are innumerable suggestive names and likely sheltered covesto be examined from the southernmost point of South East cape on entry tothe d'Entrecasteaux channel, suggestively called Whale Head, with Second andFirst Lookout Points, around the coasts of Bruny Island up to Whalers Cove(and later Haunted Bay) on Maria Island.

Wherever a good lookout point can be associated with a sheltered covewith shallow sloping beach there may be signs of footings for an old capstan,a capstan tree, !ron rings in the rocks, even brick foundations and whitenedwhale bones. There may be remains of old iron oil store tanks and try pots.

Such relics are unique; if you are the first to find them after 160 oddyears, don't disturb them in any way, and don't let dogs or children idly playwith them. Enjoy your own unique experience without disturbance, and thenreport them on your return to your local State Museum or National Parks andWildlife Service.

Such early whaling sites continue all the way up the east coast ofTasmania (Bicheno, Falmouth, probably St Helens) in all of which it .shouldbe possible to find traces of this early activity once one is attuned to. thesigns. Occasional whalers' coves must also exist along the less hospitablewest coast, since the whale migration route passed that way.

The heyday of bay whaling from Tasmanian shores was about 1806 untilthe early l840s; in 1836, 2291 tons of oil and 117 ton of whalebone werecorrected, a high point.

Meanwhile the deep sea· whaling of the sperm whale had begun as earlyas 1829 with the sailing of the brig Caroline and by the 1840s some 45 deepsea whalers were owned by Hobart men. In addition large numbers of foreignboats - Nantucketers, but also Norwegian, Dutch, British-used the port,sailing both south to the Antarctic but also north even as far as Alaska.

The early fifties marked the peak; new fuels first kerosene thenelectricity, as well as economic depression of 1858-72 ended the dominanceof Whale oil for domestic lighting.

(W. Lawson, Blue Gum Clippers and Whale Ships of Tasmania, Melbourne 1949,H. O'May, Wooden Hookers of Hobart Town and Whalers out of Van Diemen's Land,Hobart, 1957: J.E. Philp, Whaling Ways of Hobart Town, Hobart, 1936,acknowledgment, Whaling out of Hobart Town, Information leaflet, TasmanianMuseum and Art Gallery: Max Cowall, Whaling around Australia).

Victoria, South Australia and Western Australia

Detailed knowledge of the existence or otherwise of whaling remains inthe Portlahd area is so far unknown. An interesting discussion of whalingactivities in Encounte~ Bay, SA, by the South Australian Whaling Co., and

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also less si~nificantly on Kangaroo Island (Destrees Bay especially) isgiven in J. cumpston's Kangaroo Island 1800-1836 (2nd ed. 1974). TheWhalers Haven Museum has been set up in Rosetta Harbour (just west of VictorHarbour) on Encounter Bay on the site of the old whaling station (established1837). The nearby jetty was built by the SA Government· for the use ofwhaling vessels in 1854. About 1850 there were some dozen buildings at thewhaling station - stables, sleeping berths, boat sheds and wOrkshops.Numbers of whale bones were strewn about the area. (M. Grose & M. Sando,Discovering the Fleurieu Penninsula with the National Trust (S.A.»). Veryslight traces of old whaling structures and relics can still be found onKangaroo Island - including the sadly cement-embedded trypot at Kingscote,and a small stone hut, now a garage, on descrees beach with foundationsobservable in the ground nearby.

in Western,Australia there are a scatter of shore whaling sites fromAlbany in the south, operative from the early 19th century to Dampier inthe north, some of them with particularly interesting surface remains. Itis also reported that a recent wreck reported to the WA museum is possibly.that of a whaler. We hope very much to present a special account 'ofwhaling sites in WA - and perhaps also Victoria and western South Australiain a later Newsletter.

New South Wales

By far the best knom1 whaling locality in NSW is that of· Twofold Baynear Eden, where whaling continue from about 1828 until the 1930s.

Benjamon Boyd, quite the best-known of the three families who operatedthere lasted essentially only some five years (1843-8) and as with all hisenterprises it is never quite clear how much was actuallY accomplished,Three generations of Davidsons however survived a very challenging mode oflivelihood, and most of what remains to be seen around Eden of whaling daysis theirs.

John Raine (1828-32) and the three Imlay brothers (beginning in 1833)both operated from Snug Cove, adjacent to the present day Eden wharf, and itis difficult so far to identify earlier traces, if any survive. Boydhowever, selected the southern end of Twofold Bay both for his township ofBoydtown and for his tryworks and station. A number of interested peoplehave visited the site in recent years - Bob Irving with architectural studentsfrom NSW to look at Boyd's beautiful and unfinished church, Ms. Barbara Little,whose paper on early whaling is cited below, Mike Pearson of the NationalParks and Wildlife Service, which happily plans a full coverage of the area'shistory and topography in relation to its Boyd National Park, and studentsfrom .Sydney University's Historical Archaeology course,' quoted below.

In fact difficulty of terrain and access to sites (by sea only) makessuch flying visits unprofitable, while the knowledgeable local historianH.P. Wellings is alas not topographically oriented; there are no maps or plansin his otherwise admirable Benjamon Boyd in Australia (1842-1849) available

. from the Eden Historical Museum. In fact it becomes clear, from a study ofthe 1:25,000 topographical map plus the relevant parish maps that Boyd'swhaling station was most probably lcoated in East Boyd Bay either on the Boydblock bordering Fishery Creek on the west bank (now very swampy), or atabout the site of Edrom Lodge on Boyd's more easterly land. Either are

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plausible on prima facie grounds - the first has water, a good beach, and isat a distance from a possible residence (necessary in view of the noxiousnature of whale processing: the latter is on firmer ground, and may wellhave been a first choice if there was no real question of a residence.Either site incidentally makes good sense of a previous Boydian crux ...the Boyd tower on Red Point, with its elaborate landing stages internally,would have been an essential lookout link to a secondary beacon, the RoundTower, on Torarago Point halfway to Boydtown. The first Boyd tower was notin view of East Boyd Bay; it could however certainly have signalled to theRound Tower, which was.

The fact remains that the re-identification of the Boyd whaling ruinsremains a challenging task, essential to the proper telling of the story ofBen Boyd and Eden.

Again, should you find ruch ruins - note, describe, photograph, andinform (the NSW Heritage.Council, Sydney 237 9111); don't disturb in anyway. There will not after all be anything of interest except informationand disturbance will destroy it irrevocably.

Two brief field investigations in t:his region have recently been carriedout and are included here for interest. Damaris Lord and Wendy Thorpinvestigated the old Davidson site at Twofold Bay, and Mike Pearson recentlyissued a report on the Bittangabee site for the National Parks & WildlifeService. The first is a typical example of gathering on-site data - theinformant stage. The second is an interesting example of archaeologicalinference (especially in the light of K.G. Mclntyre's recent book).

The site of Davidsoh·'s Whaling Statloh...L..}wofo1d Bay

Alexander Davidson was a latecomer to whaling in Twofold Bay.He seems to have worked fOr Boyd in the 1840sand in the 1860sbought land at the mouth of the Kiah (now Towamba) river. Herehe established a bay whaling station which was continued by hisson, John and grandson, George and ceased operations only in the1930s There is still a Mr. Davidson in the Eden area.

The property is now owned by Mrs. Boyd (no relation toBenjamin). With her we inspected what was left of the whalingoperatllions. The site is typical of early shore whaling stations,occupying the south-east of a sheltered, shallow cove. Whaleswere winched up the gentle slope to the shore by means of ahoist in a tree and a hand operated capstan set on heavy timberblocks embedded in the slope above the beach. MrsBoyd saidthat George Davidson's son had removed the hoist, upon whichthe tree collapsed and that she had removed the capstan toprotect it from the ravages of bottle hunters and sent it toEden where it now rots outside the museum.

All that is left on the shore are three square, iron tanks,some collapsed brick and timber beams. Although on the presentshoreline and not much above high water mark, the fact that thebrickwork is closer to the tanks than to the hoist suggestsfireplaces rather than a timber ramp sometimes shown inillustrations allegedly of Davidson's station: There is nothingto indicate a ramp and one of the criticisms of Twofold Bay

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whale oil in the last century was that it contained sand. How­ever there was a timber structure on these brick foundations,part of which was standing when Mrs Boyd came to East Boyd sometwenty years ago. Local information is that the shoreline ofTwofold Bay changes constantly, especially at the mouths of therivers where floodwaters meet heavy tides and storms. Mrs Boydsaid that each major storm meant a bit more of the brickworkslid into the bay.

C -1"" ...... 5CCG-At(OC rlola~

The kitchen and dining-room of Davidson's house remain, notthe original house but what seems to have been the second. Muchof the kitchen fireplace still stands, hooks for smoking suspen­ded on chains in the chimney. Two blubber scoops and a flensingknife are kept here, and a whale vertebra, someone's souvenir ofthe past.

In the garden around the house are three trypots. They areabout the same size, 15-18 gallons, squat with a flared lip, butare slightly different in detail. One has a knob on either side,presumably to fit a stand and allow the pot to be tipped. Thesecond has a square-sectioned spout. The third has no additionsapart from the manufacturer's name, 'R.Dawson Sydney'. Davidsonseems to have acquired some of his equipment from the Imlaybrothers. It is not known if these could be part of thatequipment.

D.L.

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Bittangabee Ruins, Ben Boyd National Park

Theories relating to possible pre-Cook landings on the eastern coast ofAustralia by Spanish or Portuguese ships have appeared from time to timesince the late nineteenth century. For example, Lawrence Hargrave, the notedaeronautical pioneer, presented a detailed argument in support of a claimthat Lope de Vega, a Spaniard, discovered the east coast in the late 1500's.This work, done in collaboration with NorrnanLindsay, was published earlythis century. (Royal Society of N.S.W. Journal Vol 43, 1909). However,to date, none of these theories have been supported by any concrete evidence.

The theory of a Spanish/Portuguese settlement at Bittangabee Bay seemsto have been generated during the last two decades, no earlier reference toit having been found. Mr Rex Gilroy has published articles expounding thetheory in local newspapers.

The evidence used to support the Spanish/Portuguese theory consists oftwo jars and a figurine recovered in tray/ling nets off Twofold Bay. Thetwo jars are common Mediterranean ware, still made today in Mediterraneancountries, and they have never been identified or analysed to establish theirage. The figurine has disappeared and can no longer be studied, even inphotographs.

Recently K.G. McIntyre forwarded a Portuguese origin for the Bittangabeeruins i.n the book "The Secret Discovery of Australia" (Souvenir Pre ss, 1977).In this book many mistakes are made concerning the ruins size, construction,and a non-existant date. Mistakes are also made regarding the architecturalstyles at mearby Boyd Town.

If the Spanish or Portuguese did land at Bittangabee one must explainwhy the large stone building (the ruins), was commenced. The work wasobviously done by skilled masons, and ship-wrecked· or visiting parties arenot likely to go to the· trouble of quarrying stone, cutting it, and burninglime in order to build what .,as ·to have been a large imposing building.The building was obviously meant to be permanent, not a survival shelter.It had been suggested that it was a fortress to give protection from maraudingAborigines. This is not likely, as the building was shaped like a squat "U"in plan, not at· all suited to defense during attack and it is not situatedin an easily defended position.

The construction technique used is still a common One in masonry,being rubble filling between two coursed and shaped outer layers. Aderelict Nineteenth century building in Eden shows just this building system.

The mortar used in the structure was local sea shell, burnt about 200metres from the ruin. Shell was also burnt for lime at Boyd Town, wherepiles of shall (not Aboriginal middens) are still found close to the wharfand brick pits. The well preserved condition of this mortar suggests anage considerably younger than the 300 or 400 years required by the Portuguesetheory.

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The Bittangabee building was never completed. Evidence for this isthe existence of a clear working space between the existing foundations andthe surrounding stone rubble. This space is commonly seen in buildings underconstruction, where it represents the standing room required by the masonsconstructing the ,walls. If the walls had collapsed, the rubble would be ina continuous heap extending from the wall's base. The remaining standingmasonry are sub-floor foundations, which measure 68ft x 33ft maximumdimensions. These foundations rest on the ground, not on a masonry platformas suggested by Mr McIntyre.

It would appear that without other evidence the theory of a Spanish/Portuguese origin of the Bittangabee ruins stands on shaky grounds.

The Ben Boyd Evidence:

The proximity of the ruins to the area of Ben Boyd's activities led toan investigation of manuscripts in the Mitchell Library to establish whetheranybody connected with Boyd refers to the ruins or to the building ofsubstantial structures in the Bittangabee area.

The papers and diarys of Oswald Brierly, manager for Boyd at Twofold Bayfor most of the Boyd era (1842-9) were most enlightening.

Brierly refers to "Bataneby" and "Bat-angaby" as early as 1842-3. In1844 Brierly indicates that Bittangabee and Mowarry were pastoral propertiesand whaling lookout points for the Imlay brothers, Boyd's main rivals. By1847 Boyd was grazing his own stock on'Bittangabee and Mowarry, and late in1847 he acquired the leases for these properties from the Imlays, andstationed his own men on-site.

Up until early in 1848 Brierly visited Bittangabee several times, butmade no mention of any buildings or ruins at the site. If the legend thatthe Imlay brothers discovered the ruins were true, Brierly, an artist, wouldalmost certainly have made reference to them, or even painted them .

.. Brierly left Boyd' s employ, and the district, soon after Boyd acquired theBittangabee Run License.

It was not unlike Boyd to planexhibited by the Bittangabee ruins,properties and whaling outstations.brick on a large scale was shown inwith which projects the Bittangabee

and commence a building with the styleto service his newly acquired pastoral

Boyd's flamboyant use of' stone andmany buildings around Boyd Town, comparedruins were quite small.

Oswald Brierly never mentioned any building activities at Bittangabee,but he left Boyd's employ early in 1848 to join the "Rattlesnake" expedition,and may have been gone by the time the project commenced. Boyd had importedhighly skilled stone masons to work on the Boyd Town buildings, especiallythe lighthouse, which was completed in October 1847. It is probable thatBoyd put these masons to work on the Bittangabee outstation, which wouldexplain the high standard of workmanship at the ruins. The fact that thebuilding was never completed is easily explained by the sudden collapse ofBoyd's financial empire early in 1849. Any works in progress, like theBoyd Town Church, were just abandoned. It is this sudden abandonment of theBittangabee ruins that had confused local historians for years, but if it isseen as a Boyd building this "mystery" ceases to be so mysterious.

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Conclusion:

There is no evidence, as yet located, either at the ruins site or inthe literature, to suggest that the Spanish or Portuguese landed atBittangabee Bay. There is, however, internal evidence in the buildingtechnique used, style of construction, and location, as well as in thedocumentary evidence of Oswald Brierly, to strongly suggest that thestructure originated as one of Ben Boyd's enterprises, as the base stationfor his pastoral empire and as a whaling outpost.

Protection of the ruins:

The Bittangabee Ruins an" located within the Ben Boyd National Park,and are protected under the National Parks and Wildlife Act, 1974. TheNational Parks Service is currently trying to preserve 'the ruins andinterpret them to the public. To this end over-growing vegetation hasbeen removed from the site and the a.rea generally cleaned up, allowing theruins to be seen in total for the first time in many years. Methods ofstabilizing the walls are being investigated. Rather than surround the sitewith a fence, educational signs are being erected to inform the public ofthe history and legends of the site, and to encourage visitors not tovandalize the site by pulling down walls or digging holes. Visitors aregently reminded that any activities which damage the site, or which removematerial.from the site, are offences punishable by fine. It is hoped thatsuch a program of education will ensure the protection of the site and atthe s.ame time increase the enjoyment and awareness of the visitor.

M.P.

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Addendum.

Since the section of the preceeding article which deals with the BittangabeeRuin was issued by NPWS in 1978 there has been more evidence found whichleads to a reinterpretation of the origin of the ruin. A new report, partof which is reproduced below, was issued by NPWS in 1980. This presentedthe case suggesting that the Imlay brothers, and not Ben Boyd, wereresponsible for the Bittangabee works. This interpretation has beenreinforced by subsequent work by myself, and in particular by Sandra Blairwhile working on a conservation plan for the ruins and for the new DavidsonWhaling Station Historic Site for NPWS. A brief history of Whaling atTwofold Bay, written by myself, was published in the Journal of the RAHS,Vol.71(1), 1985.

THE INLAY BROTHERS

The Imlay brothers, George, Alexander and Peter, built up a considerablepastoral holding in the Twofold Bay - Bega area during the 1830s and 40s.Bittangabee run was· added to these holdings sometime before 1844, and awhaling outstation was established there, which operated for at least twoseasons. (for more information on the Imlays, see Wellings W.H.: TheBrothers Imlay) ---

In 1844 the Protector of Aborigines for the Port Phillip District, GeorgeAugustus Robinson, travelled to Twofold Bay. Robinson visited Bittangabee("Pertungerbe" to Robinson) and described it as a "pretty little bay"where the Imlays had a boat station .. More importantly, Robinson statesthat the "stone foundations for a house" had been begun. (G.A.Robinson'sJournal 1 July, 28 Sept 1844, Mitchell Library, especially 13 and 17 July).

The only stone foundations in Bittangabee Bay, apart from a lighthousestoreshed built in the 1880s, belong to the Bittangabee ruin. Robinsonrefers to the .foundation variously as being for a IIhouse" and "storehouse",with bark huts and a garden nearby, and the dimensions of the Bittangabeeruin would be well suited for a storehouse with some accommodation space.That the building was designed as a storehouse would be suggested also bythe absence of chimney foundations in the ruin.

If the Imlays built the Bittangabee ruin, the non-completion of the projectis easily explained. The Imlays,: who had built up extensive holdings ofpastoral land, were faced with financial troubles as a result of thegeneral decline in stock values and trade in 1843-4. As a result, severalproperties were sold to the Walker brothers, and the Imlays generallyreduced their activities. (see Wellings The Brother Imlay p.6) One of thefirst projects dropped would have been the expensive building at Bittanga­bee Bay. Work may well have ceased by the time Robinson arrived, as hedoes not refer to active building activity, just to the fact that founda­tions had been begun. The Imlays' withdrawal from their activities atTwofold Bay continued, and after the death of George Imlay in 1846, andAlexander Imlay in 1847, the family concerns were withdrawn entirely toBega and New Zealand.

The direct reference to stone building foundations by G.A.Robinson is themost concrete evidence yet presented to explain the origin of the Bittan­gabee ruin, and this evidence, and the consistency of the Imlay story,would suggest most strongly that the Imlays were responsible for construc­ting the Bittangabee ruin.

M. Pearson, March, 1987

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First published Volume 8 No.2, December, 1978

EXCAVATIONS IN MARY ANN STREET} ULTIMO} N.S.W.

John Wade.

Digging of the foundations and drainage lines for the newConservation Laboratory for the Museum of Appl ied Arts and Sciencesduring late October and November 1978 became interestingarchaeologically when old bottle and tableware fragments began toturn up.

The site of the digging, which was not control led, is locatedin the eastern end of Mary Ann Street, north of Systrum Street, inthe forecourt of the Former Ultimo Tram Depot. The things were dug up bythe bui Iding contractor's workmen, who were able to keep tha best thingsfor themse Ives. I caooe upon the site after the di gg ing was we I I under way;fragments from the spol I dumps were collected on several occasions, andtaken back to the Museum for analysis.

At first it was thought that the diggers had encountered a smal Irubbish pit, such as was commonly used to dispose of household rubbish inthe Victorian period. However the extent was shown to be wider than thisby. the digging of a long trench for drainage pipes, which extended some15 metres In a rough Iy north-south direct ion from the rear of the newbu i Id Ing. Inspect ion of the sect Ions in the trench showed the rubb ish toconsist of several I ines, each about 20cm thick, of tightly compactedbroken glass bottles, stoneware bottles and earthenware, separated bylayers of clayey fi I I; such a fill ing could result from the tipping ofmany dray loads of refuse. There was a heavy iron content In the soi I,due to the decay of iron objects in the rubbish, which included pieces ofcorrugated iron sheet, which had stained much of the earthenware brown.There was also some organic material, notably cloth, leather boots, andscraps of leather from a shoemaker's, out of which heels and soles had beencut. Trenches to the east .of the Laboratory were less rich in finds, forthese did not have the compacted layers of broken ceramics and glass.The whole deposit had been very clearly sealed by a layer of stone bal last,into which the sleepers for the tram tracks were set. Since we know theUltimo Tram Depot was constructed in 1899, we have.a neat te~inus ante quemfor the whole deposit.

The nature of the material is either domestic or the detriTus fromsmall business, such as the shoemaker, or from retai fers such as hotels andsmal I shops. Most of the land was sti I I undeveloped in 1870, and SurgeonJohn Harris' original land grant of the Ultimo Estate remained mostlyintact. In the decade after 1870, there was deve lopment on the easternside of Harris Street (the Duke of Cornwal I Hotel is I isted in Sands'Direatory from 1877) whi le the western side remained in the hands ofJohn and George Harris; Ultimo House and its grounds eventually becamethe site of the Sydney Technical Col lege In the late 1880s. The presentbui Iding of the Museum of Appl led Arts and Sciences was erected here, tothe design of Will iam Kemp, in 1891. Further east nearer Darl ing Harbourwas the railway spur goods I ine which took agricultural products to thewharves. The character of the area was that of a working class waterfront.The naming of Systrum Street is a fair indication of what the neighbourhoodwas I ike, since it would appear to be an abstruse joke based on the ancientGreek <rei,lpov (Latin sistrum), meaning a metal I ic rattle used in theworship of Isis, or a brothel.

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Unlike the deposit found In Water Board operations outside the Dukeof Cornwal I Hotel In Harrls Street, Ultimo last year (see the brief notein ASHA Ne~slettep 1977,vol.7, no.3 p. 13), which comprised almost entirelysaltglazed stoneware ginger beer bottles, this deposit Included as wel Iglass bottles and fragments of household ceramics, which give a fullerpicture of life In Ultimo during the late 19th century.

The dating of the tip on archaeological grounds can, be made quiteprecise. We have the ter-minus ante quem of the construction of the TramDepot in 1899. The significant items from the fl I I and their dates ofproduction are as fol lows:

Stoneware bottles, T. Field and Sons (Bl,B3-B7) 1873 - 1887

Stoneware bottle, H. Kennedy, Glasgo~ (Wl) 1866 - 1929

Stoneware bottles, Popt Dundas, Glasgo~ (W2-W3) mid C19 - 1932

Stoneware bottle, , W.F. Mu:r'pay, Glasgow (W5) 1870 - 1898

Glass Bottle, R~lands, Ballapat &MelbouPne (G2) - 1884

The Field &Sons bottles give us a ter-minu8 post quem of 1873, sothe burial of the deposit must date between 1873 and 1899. However, theabsence of any Field bottles with earlier marks suggests a slightly laterdate; since the company went out of business In 1887, It would be unlikelyto be so heavily represented In such a deposit after'thls date, althoughsome bottles may have continued in use after the pottery closed In 1887.I think It would be fair to surmise the comp~ny was stl I I thriving andmaintaining a strong market position locally when the bottles were buried(they may even have been kl In wasters dumped here by the proprietors, whocerta In Iy owned a dray wh Ich cou Id have brought them down from George Street) .So we can narrow the dates to c. 1875 to ,c. 1887. The Rowlands bottie cannarrow It further, since his business expanded to Sydney In 1884, whereuponhis new bott Ies were embossed with the word "Sydney" as we I I. Th is iscertainly one of his older bottles, but Is unlikely to have arrived hereuntl I Rowlands began In Sydney in 1884. With the Field and Rowlandevidence, we can narrow the dates to c. 1884 to c. 1887; a date of c. 1885is a reasonable guess.

The finds from the excavation are briefly catalogued here under fivegroupings: brown stoneware, white stoneware, glass bottles, householdceramics and miscellaneous, each of which wi I I be discussed in turn. Thelast two categories wl I I appear In the next Issue, In Part 11 of this report.

A. Brown stoneware

Twelve of the thirteen specimens recovered are stoneware bottles.Eleven are of similar shape, the standard form of "ginger beer" bottlewhich Is about 17cm (63/4 Inches) high and 7.0 to 7.5cm (23/4 to 3 Inches)In diameter, with a cylindrical body, concave shoulder, blob top, andthick wal Is to withstand the pressure of the aerated contents. One bottleis rather less In diameter (812; diameter 5.9cm or 2!inches); this and itsthinner wal Is suggest another function, perhaps a blacking or ink container.

'The other example In stoneware Is a "penny" Inkwell <B13). All aresaltglazed.

The capac Ity of the nea r Iy comp lete ginger beer bott Ie is about 320m I,and if we al low for an air space this would leave about 290ml~ or ten fluid,ounces ,for the contents. Six of the e Ieven spec Imens are marked, a I I withthe impressed oval stamp of Thomas Field and Sons. The founder of thepottery had been a potter by trade in Hertfordshire before he migrated toAustralia when he was In his mid-twenties. He announced the cdmmencement

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of his business in the SMH of 1st Apri I, 1843, and the business is listedin Sands' Directories from 1847 to 1871. From 1873 unti I 1887 Sands'Directories show that the firm was styled Thomas Field and Sons. Fieldhimself died in 1880, aged 64, leaving his sons to carry on the trade unti Irising property values in George Street South, and perhaps the working outof clay deposits there, resulted in the closing of the business.

The oval stamp T. Field &Sons Potteps Sydney is a much moreprofessional device, no doubt produced by a brass stamp, than some ofField's earl ier marks, such as that on three lines T. FIELD! POTTER! SYDNEYand the later oval mark with the same wording. Field had at least twostamps with the latter oval design, since two sizes of the mark of known.

The mark which includes the names of the sons in the business wasprobably introduced around 1873, when the business name is changed to includethem in the Sands' Directory. The descendants of the family sti I I have acopy of Field'S business card, which we have reproduced here with theirpermi ss ion.

The Field bottles, which were also found in great numbers in theNovember 1977 Water Board excavations outside the Duke of Cornwal I Hotelare characterised by the chamfered base up to a height of about O.5cm,and on thiS basis it Is perhaps justified to attribute one of the unmarkedbottles from this deposIt (B8) to Fields. However, as some othermanufacturers also chamfered the bases of their bottles, I do not wish topress the argument.

.FIELI),

Clw~~()lJJXW

enCl:wClCL:o

~1.\:\l:!',\l,"I'I·I:I':I: Ill'

ll\inl1tr ~.'Im ~lolHt'), ,~tOI\t ~liping, ;lllb all ltinbs of ~lOt\tql ~!,ll.lr:,l:t~OHl;J<: :;'1 Ht<: In' SOl i'll, :'\"))\1:'.

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Catalogue of Brown Stoneware

B 1 Brown stoneware ginger beer bottle, complete except for the top,saltglazed outside, chamfered base. Impressed oval mark T. FIELD, &SONS POTTERS SYDNEY. H pres. 16.2, D 7.3cm, total capacityapproximately 320 ml.

B 2 Brown stoneware ginger beer bottle, top, shoulder and upper wal I fr.,saltglazed outside. No mark. H pres. 12.6, D 7.5, top D 3.6, I.D. 1.6cm(minimum). '

B 3 Brown stoneware ginger beer bottle, base and lower wal I fr., saltglazedoutside, chamfered base. Impressed oval mark as for B1. H pres. 9.9,D 7.7cm.

B 4 Brown stoneware ginger beer bottle, base, wal I and shoulder fr.,saltglazed outside, chamfered base. Impressed oval makr as for B1.H pres. 13.3, D 7.5cm.

B 5 Brown stoneware ginger beer bottle, base and lower wal I fr., saltglazedon outs i de, chamfered base. Imp ressed ova I mark T. FIE{ LD & SONS}POT(TERS) SY(DNEY}. H pres. 6.7, D c. 7.5cm.

B 6 Brown stoneware ginger beer bottle, base and lower wal I fr., saltglazedon outside, chamfered base. Impressed oval mark T.(FIELD} & SONSPOTTERS SYDNEY. H pres. 5.7, D 7.4cm.

B 7 Brown stoneware ginger beer bottle, base and lower wal I fr., saltglazedon outside, chamfered base. Impressed oval mark T.(FIELD & SONS}POTTE(RS, SYDNEY>. H pres. 3.6, D 7. lcm

B 8 Brown stoneware ginger beer bottle, base and lower wal I fr., saltglazedon outside, chamfered base. Unmarked. H pres. 10.5, 0 7.4cm

The chamfered base suggests this is also a Field bottle.

B 9 Brown stoneware ginger beer bottle, top, shoulder and upper wal I fr.,saltglazed outside. No mark. H pres. 8.5, D7.4, top D 3.9, I.D. 1.6cm(mi n).

B10 Brown stoneware ginger beer bottle, top, shoulder and upperwal I fr.,saltglazed outside. No mark. H pres. 5.9, D> 7.0, top D 3.6, I.D. 1.6cm(m in. )

Bl1 Brown stoneware ginger beer bottle, complete except for top, saltglazedoutside, unmarked. H pres. 14.5, D. 7.1cm

B12 Brown saltglazed stoneware ginger beer bottle, base and lower wal I fr.,saltglazed outside, very slightly chamfered base. No mark. H pres. 9.3,D 5.9cm

B13 Brown stoneware "penny"inkwell, intact but for chip to rim, saltglazedoutside, unmarked. H pres. 5.3, D 4.8cm

B. White Stoneware

Of the 18 pieces recovered, 16 were bott Ies of the "porter" type, withacyl indrical body, long sloping shoulder, and generally a collar rim withring below. None was complete, but six were marked, al I made in Glasgow,Scotland. At least three makers are represented:

i. H. Kennedy, Barrowfield Pottery, Glasgow.Listed in G.A. Godden, EnoyoZopaedia of British Pottery andPoroeZain Marks, as operating between 1866-'1929;

i i. Port Dundas Pottery Coy Ltd, Bishop Street, Port Dundas, Glasgow.Listed by Godden from mid 19th century to 1932.

i i i. W.F. 'Murray & Co. Ltd, Caledonian Pottery, Rutherglen, Glasgow.Li sted by Godden as worki ng 1870-1898.

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B 1

W 2

95

B 2

11' IS

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First published Volume 8 No.2, December, 1978.

Three sizes of bottle are represented in this group, their diametersrespectively c. 9.1, 7.5 and 5.8cm. The Murray bottle gives the closestdate for the group, which we can refine with other information. TheseScottish bottles are of superior qual ity to the local stoneware botties,being of fine texture and lead-glazed inside and out; they are oftenthought to have been used for porter or stout, but as these bear noindication of the contents, we cannot be certain.

The other two fragments are a bottle and a jar, both with clear leadglaze inside and out, with the tops dipped in a honey-brown glaze. Theseare clearly imported.

Catalogue of White Stoneware

W 1 White stoneware bottle, base and lower wall fr., lead giazed insideand out, smears of glaze under base. Mark impressed on side inoval, H. KENNEDY (BARROWFIEl LD POTTERY GLASGOW around a number,probably 29. H pres. 13.0, D 9.1cm.

W2 White stoneware bottle, base, wall and shoulder fr., lead glazedinside and out except for the base. Mark impressed on side in oval,upside down (PORlT-DUND(AS POTIERY COY GUASGO(Wl, .therest··of·themark·illegible. H pres. 21.6, D 9.1cm.

W3 White stoneware bottle, base and lower wall 'fr., lead glazed insideand.out except for the base. Mark impressed on side in ovalPORT-DUNDAS P(OTTERY COYl GLASGOW. H pres. 13;0, D 9.1cm.

W4 White stoneware bottle, base and lower wal I fr., lead glazed insideand out except for the base. Mark impressed on side in oval (GlLASGOW,the rest i I legible. H pres. 10.6, D 7.5cm.

W5 White stoneware bottle, base and lower wal I fr., lead glazed inside andout· except for the base. Mark impressed on side MURRAY GLASGOWH Pres. 11. 0, 0 7. 6cm

W6. White stoneware bottle, base and lower wall fr., lead glazed insideand out except for the base. Mark impressed.on side in oval GLASGOW,the rest illegible. H pres. 12.0, D 7.7cm

W7 White stoneware bottle, base and lower wall· fr., lead glazed insideand out except for the base. No mark. H pres. 13.0, D·7.5cm

W8 White stoneware bottle, base and lower wal I fr., lead glazed insideand out except for the base. No mark. H pres. 11.3, D 7.7r.m.

W9 White stoneware bottle, base and lower wai I fr., lead glazed insideand out except for the base. No mark. H pres. 5.7, D 5.8cm.

W10 White stoneware bottie, neck and rim fr., lead glazed inside and out.No mark. H pres. 10.2, rim D 3.0, inside D 1.7cm.

W11 0 itto. H pres. 5. 3, rim 0 2. 8, I. D. 1. 6cm.

W12 Ditto. H pres. 8.0, rim 0 2.7, I.D. 1.6cm

W13 Ditto. H pres. 5.5, rim 0 2.7, I.D. 1. 7cm

W14 Ditto. H pres.12.9, rim 02.7, 1.0. 1. 7cm

W15 Ditto. H pres.12.5, rim 0 2.7, I.D. 1.7cm

W16 Ditto. H pres.13.9, rim 02.6, 1.0. 1.6cm not glazed ins.ide.

W17 White stoneware botTle, fr., preserving rim to upper wall, lead glazedinside and out. H pres. 14.6, D 7.8,0 rim 3.2, 1.0. 1.7cm.

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W18 White stoneware bottle, neck and rim fr., lead glazed outside, collarrim. Hpres. 9.7, rimD4.0, 1.0. 1.9cm

W19 White stoneware bottle, neck and upper body fr., with concave shoulderand cyl indrical body, .. col lar rim with ring below, the top of thebottle dipped In honey-brown glaze, the rest clear glazed. No mark.H pres. 11.8, 0 8.0, rim 0 c.2.5, 1.0. 1.5cm.

W20 White stoneware "meat paste" jar, neck and upper body fr., with bandson the neck, the top of the bottle dipped in honey-brown glaze, therest clear glazed. No mark. H pres. 7.2.o c.l0, D"im c.5cm

C. Glass

The glass finds are a group about which at this stage it is difficultto say much, most of them being unmarked, and with few distinguishingcharacteristics.

The Hami Iton bottles (Gl-3), of a type invented by Wi I I lam Hami Itonin 1814 to i ie on their sides and so circumvent the problem of corksdrying out, would have contained aerated water. The Evan Rowlands bottlementioned above Is of particular interest in suggesting a date for thedeposit.

A pharmaceutical use is mostprob~b:le for the large blue bottr~ (4),and the smal I clear bottle (G32) would have served for pi I Is or patentmedicine. Salad oi I was sold in bottles with fancy ribbing (G23) andsalad oi I or vinegar would have come in a bottle of which a neck fragmentwith three rings (G31) is preserved. The others would al I have containedspirits, wine or beer.

AI I the bottles are mould made, generally in a three piece mould ­one for the base and two for the sides. There Is considerable variationin diameter, height of the kick-up, and the thickness of the base(probably due to irregularities in the amount of glass Introduced intothe mould).

Three kinds of lip finish are represented - the collar rim found onmodern wine bottles, the blob top also found on the stoneware ginger beerbottles, and the thickened collar rim with a ring below a recess used forwi ri ng on the cork. In one or two examp Ies the ori g i na I cork i.s st I1Ithere; before the invention of the Crown Seal in 1892, and introduced byAustral ian manufacturers some fifteen years later, even beer bottles had acork wfuich had to be withdrawn by means of a corkscrew.

Catalogue of Glass

G 1 Pale green round-bottomed Hami Iton bottle, neck and rim missing, blownin a two-piece mould, Iridescent surface. H pres. 21.2, 0 7.5cm.

G 2 Pale green round-bottomed Hami Iton bottle, base and neck missing, blownin a two-piece mould, embossed lettering ROWLANDS!LATE ROWLAND(S)! ANDLEWlslBALLARAT! AND! MELBOURNE.

According to Siel ing, AUBtpaLia Aepated Wateps p.4, Evan Rowlandsexpanded his business to Sydney in 1884, introducing bottles embossed"E. Rowlands Bal larat· Melbourne and Sydney"; stoneware bottles are knownwith "Newcastle" added as well (J. Lerk, BatHes in CoUeation p.40,nos. 1 & 2). This bottle must date from before the expansion to N.S.W.but may have been used here before new bottles were introduced; it istempting to date its burial around 1885. A complete bottle of this typeis illustrated by Siel ing, p.29 no.'3.

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G 5

G 3

G 10

G- 15

98

G 14

G 19

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H pres. 10. 1, D base 5.5cm

Ditto 8.3, Ditto 5.5cm

Ditto 8.5, Ditto 5.5cm

Ditto 8.9, Ditto 5.5cm

Ditto 7.8, Ditto 5.5cm

Ditto 9. 1, Ditto 5.5cm

First published Volume 8 No.2, December, 1978.

G 3 Pale green base fr., of a round bottomed Hami Iton bottle, si ightlyoval In section, blown In a two-piece mould. H pres. 14.0, D 7.5cm.

G 4 Cobalt blue base fr;, probably of a pharmaceutical bottle, low kick-upwith smal I central nipple. H pres. 6.1, D 12.4cm.

G 5 Green "whisky" bottle, rim missing, with cyl indrical sides, curvedshoulder, nearly cylindrical neck, semi-circular kick-up with centralnipple and embossed "Il", blown in a three piece mould. H pres, 24.5,D 9.1cm.

G 6 Dark olive green bottle base and lower wal I fr., cylindrical sides,thick base, low kick-up with small central nipple. H pres. 8.8,D 8.7cm.

G 7 Dark olive green bottle: base and lower wal I fr., cyl indrical sides,thick base, low kick-up with small central nipple. Moulded reverse "N"under base. H pres. 6.1, D 8.5cm.

G 8 Green bottle base and lower wal I fr., cylindrical sides, low kick-upwith small central n.lpple, moulded "5" under base, mould seam aroundfoot ring. H pres. 9.0, D 8.0cm.

G 9 Black bottle base and lower wal I fr., cylindrical sides, conicalkick-up, thick base. H pres. 7.3, D 8.8cm

G10 Black bottle base and lower wal I fr., cylindrical sides, conicalkick-up, thick base. H pres 8.4, D 8.0cm.

G11 Black bottle base and lower wall fr., cylindrical sides, kick-up withsmall central nipple and embossed "5", thick base. H pres. 12.3, D 7.7cm.

G12 Green bottle base and lower wall fr., cylindrical sides, low'klck-upwith small central nipple and embossed "2" and letter "C". H pres. 6.2,D. 8.7cm. .

G13 Olive green bottle base and lower wal I fr., cylindrical sides, veryhigh kick-up <)6cm). H pres. 5.9, Dc. 10cm.

G14 Green beer bottle base and lower wal I fr., cylindrical sides, lowkick-up with smal I central nipple, thick uneven base. H pres. 11.5;D 6.8cm.

G15 Black bottle ·base and lower wa II fr. , cyl indrlCal sides, kick-up,thick base. H pres. 5.6, D 7.0cm.

G16 Green bottle base and lower wa 1I fr. , cyl indrical sides, kick-up,iridescent surface. H pres. 8.0, D c.7 cm.

Numbers G17-22 are all base and lower wall frr. of dark 01 ivs green bottleswith f Iari ng sides, perhaps of "ten pin" shape, hav i ng a mou Ided recessedbase with clearly defined smal I central nipple. The seams of the mouldaround the base and up the sides of the bottle ane clearly visible.

G17

G18

G19

G20

G21

G22

G23 Pale green salad oil bottle, upper neck and rim missing, with mouldedvertical panels of oblique ribs alternating with plain, Iridescent.H pres. 18.0, D 5.1cm.Cp. LA. Lerk, !JovUesin'CoUec'tion p.46 no.4

G24 Green bottle neck fr.,_ with chamfered lip and applied ring collarbelow rim. H pres. 10.2, D rim 2.9, I.D. 1.8cm

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G25 Green bottle neck. fr., with uneven I ip and appl ied ring collarbelow rim. H pres. 6.5, 0 rim 2.8, 1.0. 1. 7cm.

G26 Olive green neck fr., with flaring shoulder, tal I appl led collarrim. H pres. 9.3,0 rim 2.6, 1.0. 1.8cm.

G27 01 ive green neck fr., tal I appl ied collar rim. H pres. 9.4, 0 rim 2.8,I. D. 1. 8cm.

G28 Dark 01 ive green neck fr., appl ied collar rim with smaller collar belowchannel for cork fastener. H pres. 6.6, rim 0 2.8, 1.0. 2.1cm.

G29 Green neck fr., appl ied collar rim with smai ler collar below channelfor.cork fastener. H pres. 7.1, rim 0 2.7, 1.0. 1.9cm.

G30 Dark 01 ive green neck fr., appl ied blob rim with smaller, irregularcollar below channel for cork fastener. H pres. 4.6, 03.6, 1.0. 1.7cm.

G31 Very pale green neck fr., of a salad oi I or vinegar bottle, blown ina mould with three rings on the neck. H pres. 9.7, D2.5cm.Cp. J.A. Lerk, Bottles in Colleation, p.47 no.10

G32 Clear smal I medicine bottle, intact, oval in section, with shortcyl indrical neck, blown in a 'three-piece mould. H 10.7, W 4.7, T 2.3cm.

G 2G 30

G 28

G 24

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AUSTRALIA'S TECHNOLOGICAL HISTORY IS WORTH PRESERVING,

P. H. Sydenham.

Engineering and technological achievement reveals itselfas unique man-made rearrangements of naturally availableresources. This creative effort seldom reproduces Nature,the end product of it being civil works, structures andmachines which have been executed to fulfil a given taskat a given time by ways not existing naturally.

The design and implementation of these works are alwayscompromises made to suit the times. As abilities improve,as new materials become available and as more knowledge isdiscovered, the means to fulfil a stated aim change. Tech­nology has a great social impact on the society of the time.

History of technology and engineering is the discipline thatdelves into these processes, a discipline that also enhancesnational pride and assists proper understanding of the placeof technology in the scheme of things.

In general the Australian attitude to objects and works nolonger useful is that they are of nuisance value only andmust be removed from existence as soon as possible, aprocess enhanced if a financial return is offered for thescrapping process.

Occasionally a class of object from the past captures theimagination and interest of the public and its history andpreservation is then provided for. Early transportation isthe obvious example of historic artefacts (the Institutionuses the term 'Relics') being preserved.

The historic value of plant, equipment and civil works istoo often. not recognised. An important pumping station inthe outskirts of Newcastle recently lost its pump to thescrap merchant; a nineteenth century dividing engine inMelbourne went the same way.

The current apathetic mood toward historical engineeringrelics probably can be traced to the fact that Australiantechnology has always been largely of a derivative kind.The tendency has been to buy in know-how and ready-madeproducts from other Nations; little national attachmentdevelops for products made elsewhere.

But to believe we have been a totally derivative technolo­gical culture is untrue. Throughout all of our historymany notable world inventions have originated in Australia.Here are a few -

Rid1ey/Bull stripperHarrison commercial, mechanical

refrigerationBland 'Atomic' steam-driven airship

(model)

101

1843

1851

1852

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l890s

1869-187718761884

19101913

c 1920c 1950-60

prior

Higham/Gwynne/Wolseley mechanical shearsSmith stump-jump ploughMcKay stripper-harvesterHargraves discovery of the principles

of flight, radial enginePotter, Delprat, de Bavey flotation

processesTaylor header harvesterRocla concrete pipesHastings Favelle high-rise tower crane

No doubt research will uncover many more as we learn ofachievements long forgotten.

Another reason for recognizing that early Australian tech­nology is important and interesting is realised when weremember that Australia was a work-place for real applica­tion of many new requirements made possible by the 19thcentury Industrial Revolution - gold and winning of otherminerals used the latest Northern Hemisphere technology.Communications also made use of the most modern techniquesavailable at any time. In most cases new technology inEurope found application in Australia within a very shorttime indeed. Here is an ad hoc list of some first uses oftechnology in Australia.

1871c 1877

1880

Locally built ship; 10 tonneMagnetic observatory, Rossbank, HobartWeather observatory, Williamstown,

VictoriaTelegraph link, Melbourne to Williams­

townGovernment owned railway (first in

British Commonwealth) NSWDomestic underwater cable telegraph

link, TasmaniaEngineering course, Melbourne UniversityInternational submarine cable link, Java

to Port DarwinTelephone link, Yanga Station, NSWTelephone exchange, MelbourneGas engines and electric generators,

South Head Lighthouse, NSWTelephone trunk line, TasmaniaSteam car built in Australia by Thompson,

VictoriaX-ray in medical use at Newcastle

HospitalRadio-telephone link to England

17891840

1853

1854

1855

18591860

18831888

1896

1896 (?)1930

With a little delving it is clear we possess an interestingtechnological heritage, especially if we add in severalglobally important relics which have been brought intoAustralia by enlightened persons in earlier years. TheBoulton and Watt beam steam engine in the Sydney Museum ofApplied Arts and Sciences (it is a joy to beholdl) isprobably one of the oldest intact commercially usefulsteam engines in existence·(manufactured in 1785 andacquired for Australia in 1880); the Holmes magneto-

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electric generator stored at ETSA in South Australia is oneof two of the first generators to be used in lighthouses ­it dates from 1867 (acquired around 1956).

Engineering relics are as important a part of our heritageas the early buildings that are now accepted as worthpreserving. Already, of course, many important relics mayhave gone. What happened to Shearer's 1896 steam waggonthat plied from Mannum to Adelaide? Where is the secondde Mentla's 1883 magneto-electric generator from theMacquarie Lighthouse? Does the second Thompson 1896 steamcar that went to Tamworth Shire Council around 1901 stillexist? Where is the Watt grass-hopper beam engine thatRidley brought to Australia for his own use in the l830s?

The engineering profession is built upon its past achieve­ments and experiences. It is, therefore, proper toresearch its foundations, to display its works of the pastand to document its existence. Overseas museums oftechnology are as popular as art galleries!

* * * *FIDrtunately there is some interest in our past technology and a ·littlemore progress has been made since 1974 to update this article. Shearer'ssteam car has been reconstructed and normally is on show at the BirdwoodMill Museum, Birdwood, South Australia. The Holmes magneto-electricgenerator has been faithfully restored and now sits in a place of pridein the foyer of the Sir Charles Todd Building of the Schools of Electronicand Electrical Engineering, The Levels Campus, South Australian Instituteof Technology.

Peter Sydenham, now at the South Australian Institute of Technology,reports that Denis McCullum, University of Adelaide, has taken up thebanner for technological history releasing, in recent years, a biographyof South Australia's past engineers and their works.

Finally a National Committee now exists within the Institution ofEngineers, Australia.

Stump-jump Plough.

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~-

First published Volume 10 No.1, March, 1980.

THE NAIL AS A CRITERION FOR THE DATING OF BUILDING ANDBUILDING SITES (LATE l8TH,CENTURY TO 1900)

Robert V.J. Varman.

What is emerging in the examination of many buildingmaterials as dating criteria is that machine made or massproduced objects provide us with much better subjects fordating than those produced by hand. This is because machinemade objects require a specific invention which is thenpatented and production begins subsequently. The object hasa specific production life span and shelf life (i.e., howlong it takes to sell existing stock). For all of thisdocumentation may be found; the name of the inventor, thedate of invention, the date of the patent, the commencementof production, clues to distribution includiing export, therise and fall of popularity and finalty the cessation ofproduction.

Unfortunately there have been so many nail patents takenout since the 18th century and nearly Ell of them ambiguouslyworded that only broad statements can pe made at present.

Over the last two hundred years there have existed fourbasic methods of manufacturing nails ; 'these have resulted inthe following types: wrought or forged. nails, cut nails, castor moulded nails and the wire nail. Within these types basedon manufacturing technique there are sorts with specificnames based on their particular function. Tomlinson'sCyclopaedia of Useful Arts, popular during the mid 19thcentury, exaggerates perhaps a little when it states thatthere are 'probably over 300 (sorts), with at least tendifferent sizes for each sort, so that there are upwards of3,000 nails with .different names, all of which are perfectlyunderstood by the persons who manufacture them or use them'(p.308, under Nails). There are, for practical purposes,about ten sorts (see ill. A) . These sorts could be boughtaccording to their length and number to the pound using asystem of penny names (see ill.B). These were furtherdivided according to their thickness, viz., fine, bastardand strong. Nails of over 5 or 6 inches in length werecalled 'spikes'. The system of penny names varied much fromplace to place and also over time. I have found that inAustralia nail sorts were rarely used according to their textbook function; this I think relates to their scarcityespecially up to about 1870.

WROUGHT OR FORGED NAILS

Until 1792 nails manufactured in England weie forged.Even up to that time progress had been made in the mechani­zation of some aspects of nail production. Forged or wroughtnails were cut from rods of iron which originally had to belaboriously hammered out from a lump of iron. In latertimes a bore was used to shape the head. This was a strongpiece or iron about 10 to 12 {nches long and was bored tofit the shaft of the forged nail, the forged nail was placed

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w~thin using a pair of pliers, and the head was brought toshape by the hammer. The next step was to introduce a borewith another piece which when hammered on the head of thenail would produce a neat form. By using different boresvarious forms of head could be produced. The ease ofproducing wrought nails was much facilitated by the produc­tion of ready-made nail rods. English patents were taken outin 1606 and 1618 for cutting iron into nail rods but theywere never put to practical use. Sweden was the first nationto develop machinery which successfully split rods for nailmaking. This invention was 'borrowed' by a man called Faleyof Stourbridge and the practice spread rapidly.

The first nails used in the colony in 1788 were broughtout with the First Fleeters from England. These nails wouldhave been manufactured out of ready made rod iron andhammered at the forge for pointing. At this time in Englandthe nail was probably placed in the bore and the nail headedfairly crudely with a hammer into the 'rose' shape (see ill.C). In most cases the head would tend to be quite flat andth~ four facets or sections of the head of unequal area.This type of primitive head may still be found in buildingsof-the l820s.

Blacksmiths were too valuable to the early colony tospend time in the making of nails. Nails were not madelocally to any large degree until about 1818 though a fewinstances are recorded between 1800 and that time. Thesenails were made from nail rod iron imported from England.

Many patents improved methods of manufacture over thefirst half of the 19th century. Wedge pointed nails becomemore common in the late Macquarie period (see ill.F), theseearly ones have rose heads and unlike the later ones havevery sharp edges along the shaft. The wedge pointed nailshave only two sides of the shaft which taper (see ills F andG). As a result of machines invented in theU.S.A. anddeveloped in England (there was much exchanging of nailmaking inventions between England and theU.S.A. during thefirst half of the 19th century), systems were developed wherewrought nails were cut from the rod, headed and pointed inthe same operation. A sophisticated nail was developed witha wedge point which became known as the Eubank's patent (seeill.G). This nail almost appears moulded, which is due tothe pressers or hammers of the machine which formed theshafts and the operation of the dies which formed the heads-bycompression. This nail is most commonly found in Australianbuildings of the late l840s to about 1870 when it was replacedby the iron nail.

THE CUT NAIL

This type of nail required long thin iron plates (orribbons of iron) instead of rods of iron as the 'raw material'The nail plate or ribbon was taken to the nail plate shearswhich sheared off pieces the length of the nail required (seeill. Ha). From these nail plate strips nails could be madefrom one inch to six inches plus in length. In the case oftacks or brads (the simplest form of cut nail), the nail

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plate strips were fed into a machine with a shear blade setat a small angle. After each cut the nail plate was turnedover and the shear blade cut a series of tapering nailsresulting in a nail or tack indicated in ill. Hd. In thecase of the sort of nails indicated in ills Hb and C, thenails were formed by a cutting punch which punched the nailout of the nail plate strip. (The nail plate strip wasturned over after each punch as in the case of the tack orsimple nail.)

The history of the cut nail takes us back no furtherthan about 1775 when Jeremiah Wilkinson of Cumberland, R.I.,(U.S.A.) cut tacks from plates of sheet metal. He laterextended his invention to mails and spikes and formed theheads of these nails in a vice. Another American, EzekialReed of Bridgewater, Mass., invented a machine for cuttingnails from plate iron in 1786. Inventions at this time tooklittle time to travel across the Atlantic. Thomas Clifford,in England, patented a machine in December of 1790 which cutnails from nail plates using a punch. Cut nails on theClifford principle were being produced at French's factoryat Wineburn , Staffordshire, England, in 1792. Machinesproducing nails as illustrated in ills Hb and c were probablynot produced in England until about 1800 and we can expectthem to have turned up in Australia a few years later.

They appear to have been used as housebuilding nails upto the mid l820s and are used on a minor scale as tacks forabout another fifteen years after which they are used almostexclusively as horse shoe nails (see ill.A, Nos 9 and 10).

It should be noted that some nails are difficult tocategorize as strictly cut or wrought as some cut nails(especially ones produced as illustrated in ill. Hd) wereput through a secondary process. In the case where a cut nailundergoes a repointing and heading under heat and pressureI prefer to classify them as 'wrought' because in their grosscharacteristics they are virtually indistinguishable from thewholly wrought product.

CAST OR MOULDED NMILS

This nail is rarely found in excavations of old buildings.I have not come across any in Australia except in the form ofhorse shoe nails (fairly recent in date). They have t.urned upin excavations in the U.S.A., the earliest example being foundat Fort Montgomery, New York, dating 1776, 1777. They arethought to have had a very specialized function, probablydecorational. They are primarily characterized by theirsmooth surface and lack of sharp cutting edges and on the topof the head appears a small knob as a result of the castingprocess.

The earliest patent for them is an English one granted toJoseph Ashton of Birmingham dated 1769. The reason of manu­facture was to make 'Coffin nails and tacks': these nailswere also tinned. Technical manuals of the 19th centurymention their use as garden nails; 'a cast nail with apyramidal head, used for nailing up climbing plants, vines,and wall fruit trees to brick walls'

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HIRE NAILS

This type of nail, as its name suggests, is manufacturedfrom drawn wire and is intimately connected with the maturedevelopment of machine wire drawing. Many machines hadalready been developed to cut nail rods, head and point thenail in one operation. It now required an inventor to usewire as the 'raw material' instead of nail rods to produce anew type of nail. The first recorded wire nail makingmachine was developed by Ado1ph Fe1iz Brown of New York in1851 and the production of the wire nail commenced both inthe D.S.A. and Great Britain in that decade.

Although coils of wire of various diameters were readilyavailable weighing from 15 to 20 1bs in the 1830s, there wasno. great demand for wire until the advent of the telegraph.Its sudden demand made improvements to its manufacture inbulk imperative. In 1862 George Benson invented and patenteda continuous rolling-train for the production of wire inquantity. Machinery of this patent was installed in the worksof Johnson Bros. at Manchester. This invention resulted inthe first quantity production of steel wire. Further improve­ments occurred in England and the D.S.A. in the 1880s.

The first wire nails were imported into Australia latein 1853 but as in most building circles in the D.S.A. andBritain they were viewed with suspicion. The first wirenails were not especially cheap and they were not fullyaccepted amongst builders in Australia until about the mid1860s. By about 1870 as a result of the improved methods ofwire manufacture they became both cheap and plentiful andreplaced the wrought nail. Well dated buildings of the 1850sin Australia, for example those at Beechworth, Vicoria,employ wrought nails of the sort illustrated in i11.G.Buildings of the mid 1860s sometimes use both wrought andwire nails.

Common house wire nails up to the 1870s tend to bethicker than those of later times. A nail of two inches inlength in 1870 may be 9/64th of an inch in diameter whereasa nail of the same length in the 1890s may be 7/64th of aninch in diameter. Thinner nails were available in 1870,however, these were used for very fine wood work only.

The square shafted wrought nail continued to be popularin England long after they ceased to be popularly used in theAustralian colonies; the British referred to the wire nail as'French' nails because of their popularity in France.Although the wire nail was produced in England the mainproducers of them were the D.S.A. and Continental manufactu­rers. I have not found any successful manufacturers of thewire nail in 19th century Australia.

To establish a dating system within the order of wirenails is fraught with problems. Patent records, as mentionedbefore, are generally vague; advertisements in trade journalsand newspapers rarely if ever illustrate nail products. Thetype of nail available is usually offered under ambiguous

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First published Volume 10 No.l, March, 1980.

trade names such as 'Eubank's' (which from 1840 to 1900 mayrepresent a score of different varieties) or they may besimply called 'best imported'.

By examining nails from the original fabric of firmlydated structures a system of dating may be established. Arough picture has emerged which with the co-operation ofpublic institutions and individuals involved in restoringbuildings may in time be reasonably perfected.

The parts of a typical wire nail are as shown in i11.I.There were two basic sorts used for common building purposesin the second half on the 19th century; the rose headed nail(see ills K and A), and the rhomboid headed nail (see illsM and N). The following is a rough chronological outline ofthe two sorts:

ROSE HEAD

The rose head is the earliest type of wire nail to beused on a large scale. The shape of its head is an adaptionof the earlier rose headed wrought nail but it is morecompact and well defined in shape. I have divided the roseheaded nail into two types on the basis of brackets whichappear under the head (see i11.J).

The earliest form of the rose nail is type la and b(i11.K); the head is large and in some cases primitivelooking, the body is thick and the point of the nail hasonly two facets or divisions. This type is common untilabout 1870. After this date these nails have four facets atthe point. Type Ic appears often in the 1870s.

The rose nail of type 11 (with the brackets occurringat the corners of the nail head) appear in much the same form~s type la to c in the 1870s but are comparatively rare.Type 11 is more common during the 1880s in the form of bandc (see i11.L); these seem to disappear at about the time ofthe 1893 depression.

RHOMBOID HEAD

These are quite distinct from the rose headed nail asthe profile of the head is much more block-like, except inthe case of a transitional variety Type IIa (i11.N). TheThe rhomboid nail has eight facets or divisions on the headexcluding the apex (see ills M and N). The facets aredivided into major and minor facets (see the breakdown ofparts in il1.I). The rhomboid nail is divided into twotypes based on the same system as in the rose nail.

Type IIa appears to be one of the earliest types andfirst appears in the 1880s. Type la (i11.M) appears in the1890s. Types Ib and lIb and c have only two sets of ribsinstead of four (type IIc has only two brackets instead offour). These latter sorts appear in the late 1890s and somesurvive on the market well into the 20th century.

* * *108

* *

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Used in timbers which split

The head is driven below the surfacean even plane.

Used to nail iron sheeting, leather,

First published Volume 10 No.l, March, 1980.

I have presented the above material not as a definitiveguide to dating nails but more in the hope of creating anawareness of the possibility of their potential in dating.I wish to encourage people in the position of restoring ourpublic and private buildings to take samples of nails fromthe original fabric and place these samples in envelopesnoting the location of the building and the exact part of thebuilding from which they were taken. Perhaps a publicrepository could be created to receive dated and properlylocated building materials for the benefit of future research.

R.V.J.V.

I ,IlI t

'\ ~'I,~!

, ,"

~ (Tomlinson's Cyclopaedia)

1. Rose nail, sharp pointed. Used traditionally for hardwoods.

2. Rose nail, chisel pointed.easily.

3. Clasp headed nail.of the wood to give

4. Clout headed nail.etc. to wood.

5. Counter clout nail (has a countersink under the head).Used by wheelwrights and smiths.

6. Dog nail. Used for nailing stout iron work.

7. Kent hurdle nail. Used for nailing and clenching theoaken bars of hurdles together, also used as gate nails.

8. Rose clench nail with 'washer'. Used in ship and boatbuilding.

9. Horse shoe nail.

10.Brad.

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First published Volume 10 No.l, March, 1980.

®Inches

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2d fine 1 880

3d fine 130 665

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4d 130 280

5d 1 3/4 195

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7d common 2\ 120

7d fencing 2\ 65

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8d fencing 230 50

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First published Volume 10 No.l, March, 1980 .

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First published Volume 10 No.l, March, 1980.

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First published Volume 10 No.2, July, 1980.

THE WUNDERLICH PROJECT - AN EXERCISE IN INDUSTRIAL ARCHAEOLOGY.

Susan Bures and Barry Groom.

"No firm is better known in Australia than that of Wunderlich Ltd."

lilt is safe to say that Wunderlich Ltd. has done more than any otherfirm or organisation to improve and beautify Australian architecture,whether of a public or a private character. The roofs of our houseswould be duller and drabber if there were no Wunderlich materials;the interior construction of the average Australian home would be aclwnsier and less attractive thing.1!

(The Clay Products Journal, 1938, 39)

The story of the Wunderlich industries is one of the great successstories of Australian industrial enterprise. From small beginnings at the end ofthe 19th century, by the early 19606 it was a public company employing 2,000 peoplewith a subscribed capital of nearly two million pounds and assets of over fivemillion pounds. Through the greater part of this century, Wunderlich was ahousehold name throughout Australia.

It all began in 1885 when Ernest Henry Charles Wunderlich arrived inAustralia from England, with the agencies for several lines of European manufacturedgoods, and high expectations. Born in London and educated at Vevey in Switzerland,his business career to date had not been particularly successful -- indeed anearlier attempt to sell pianos in Africa was a notable failure.

Undaunted however, he settled in Sydney as a manufacturer's agent. Abuilder friend noticed, in Ernest's house, a discarded catalogue for stamped zincmansard windows. He insisted they were just what he needed for some houses he wasbuilding at Rushcutters Bay, and Ernest agreed to supply them. And so, almostby accident, the saga of the Wunderlich industries began.

In 1887 Ernest was joined in Sydney by his youngest brother, Alfred,and the following year Ernest took out a patent for stamped zinc as applied toceilings. The Wunderlichs' first major ceiling contract was for the Town Hall:

"The present Town Hall, at first named the Centennial Hall, wascompleted about 1889. It'was never designed as a concert hall andthe immense organ must have been an afterthought, because thea~chitects had specified an elaborate plaster ceiling, with consoleand pedentives, that certainly would have fallen on the audience assoon as' the 64 ft. lower C pipe sounded. After a long canvass ofmayor and aldermen, I induced the City Council to substitute stampedzinc for the ceiling and all its decorations. This ceiling isintact after half a century. I merely mention this, as it is not myintention to dilate on my business achievements, which are well known."

(Ernest Wunderlich, AlZ My Yesterdays -a Mosaic of Music and Manufacturing, 1931)

The business of the Wunderlich brothers expanded, and they won manycontracts for both ceilings and various types of metal roofing. In 1890 theyestablished a factory at Baptist Street, Redfern, for the manufacture of stampedzinc. and other metal products. They were, of course, in competition with themakers of fibrous plaster ceilings, which had become very popular over theprevious decade. We found in the Building and Enginee~ing JournaZ of May 1889this letter from Ernest Wunderlich to the Editor:

"Dear Sir,

It may interest your readers to learn that the plaster ceilingof Aaron's Exchange Dining Hall has quite recently come down in

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First published Volume 10 No.2, July, 1980.

a lump. I have been instructed by Mr Pritchard on behalf ofAaron's Exchange Co. Ltd to supply and fix a zinc ceiling, which Ihope to be able to complete within five months from this date. In themeantime all the paster has had to be removed, and a canvas vellumhas been drawn across the ceiling.

I remain, Dear Sir, yours faithfully,

E. Wunderlich"

Over the next few years the picture becomes murky. Ernest says in hisown publications that he went to Melbourne to establish the metal working branchof W.H. Rocke and Co. and stayed there for three years as manager. Our researchesindicate that, in fact, the Wunderlichs sold their patent to Rockes, probablyafter an unsuccessful business deal had left them in an unstable financialposition. Both brothers "ere then employed as managers for Rockes, Ernest inMelbourne and Alfred in Sydney. However, in a curious reversal of fortune,Rockes themselv-es ran into financial difficulties during the great depression of1892/93, and the Wunderlichs bought back the patent, operating under the name ofthe Wunderlich Patent Ceiling and Roofing Company Ltd.

After 1892 the Wunderlich brothers, by another happy accident, enteredthe terracotta roofing tile importing business. A large shipment of tiles fromMarseilles to Sydney could not, for some reason, be handled by the originalconsignee -- it was possibly the same Rocke and Co. whose Sydney branch hadbecome insolvent that year. The Wunderlichs were asked to sell the cargo,beginning a fruitful partnership with the United Tileries of Marseille, whichlasted until World War I.

In 1900 the third brother, Dr Otto Wunderlich, arrived in Sydney and wasresponsible for re-organising the b~siness along modern accoun~ing principles.

In 1908 Wunderlichs finally absorbed their old rivals, Rocke andCo., and the business was formed into a public company under the name ofWunderlich Limited. In this year a new administration block was build at Redfernwhich housed the offices of the Sydney branch and the head offices for all theWunderlich enterprises.

The outbreak of World War t proved the foundation for future Wunderlichgrowth. Metal for the ceilings (now steel rather than the more expensive zinc)could no longer be imported from England and there were nO ships free to bringin the cargoes of roofing tiles. Wunderlichs established their own tilery ·atRosehill, near Sydney, and by 1916 were manufacturing terracotta tiles in largequantities. They also established a plant at Cabarita to manufacture asbestoscement sheets, under the brand name of Durabestos.

Through a lack of sheet metal, the Redfern plant was forced to turn toother materials:

"In the matter of ceilings, things were not so easy. It Has thepotency of the name that stood the Company in good stead in thosetrying times. Clients permitted contracts to be executed in almostany materials - plaster, wood, cardboard, etc. - as long as Wunderlichsgave their imprimatur to the work. In this way the Redfern factorywas practically transformed into a plasterer l s shop during the latterperiod of the war, and for some time after.1!

(Forty Years of WunderZioh Industry, 1927)

The period between the wars was a time of great expansion for WunderlichLtd. Factories for the manufacture of metal products, Durabestos and clayproducts were established in every state, and a new industry -- manufacturingarchitectural terracotta -- was founded, with the main factory at Rosehill.

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First published VQ1ume 10 No.2, July, 1980.

The depression years shook Wunderlichs, but they survived. DuringWorld War 11 the entire Redfern plant was turned over to wartime manufacture.Production lines included aircraft parts, lockers, and metal coffins for theAmerican armed forces.

It was during the immediate postwar years and through the early fiftiesthat Wunderlichs reached their highest production peaks. A massive shortage ofmaterials in the housing and construction industry meant the Durabestos and roofingtile factories could sell whatever they produced. In 1957 Wunderlichs establishedan aluminium window manufacturing plant at Villawood, and even diversified intoplastics in the early sixties.

Yet some crac~s began to appear in the fabric of their success. In aremarkable piece of misjudgement, Wunclerlichs refused to go into the manufactureof cement roof tiles, fabricating instead metal roofing panels which imitatedterracotta tiles. Today, cement tiles represent 80% of the roofing tile market.

A disastrous venture into the production of asbestos cement pipes anda significant over-capitalisation in factory real estate, buildings and plant,left the company in a fragile financial position..

In October 1969 Wunderlichs were taken over by CSR, a company that hadsubstantially diversified into building materials. The tilery at Rosehill, thealuminium plant at Vi1lawood and the plastics factory were retained and integratedinto the CSR company structure, while the asbestos cement industry was sold offto another company.

The Redfern plant, however, devoted since 1890 to metal working andfabrication, was found to be hopelessly outdated, inefficient, labour intensiveand uneconomic. It had been kept going out of sentiment, but CSR inevitably hadto make the decision to close it down. Little by little the site was abandoned,machinery and people moved to other factories and some senior management peopleshifted to CSR's head office in the city. The site was finally sold for asupermarket development and the demolishers were ready to move in.

Just about this time the Museum of Applied Arts and Sciences was madeaware of the factory. The director, Dr Lindsay Sharp, realised its importancein the record of Sydney's industrial development and approached CSR for a grant.They responded with a donation of $~O,OOO for the recording of the site and thepreservation of certain items."

The Museum then appointed Senior Curator John Wade to head the project,assisted by the Curator of Transport and Engineering, Norm Harwood and hisassistant, Gearge Imashev. We were appointed as consultant industrial archaeolo­&ists directly responsible for the Project.

By the timerazing the buildings.on a massive scale.

we began, demolishers were already at work on the siteThus, our work was in essence a rescue operation although

We decided to treat the factory on a number of levels. First, therewere items to be preserved for re-erection in the new Powerhouse Museum. Theseincluded an old stamping machine, the 1908 boardroom, and part of the magnificentArt DecD showroom. Then came those items to be preserved for archival purposes.As the pressed metal ceilings for which Wunder1ichs were famous were so much apart of the Australian scene until World War 11, it was decided to preserve andstore at least two examples of every panel type found in the factory. Generally,we treated the factory as an archaeological site. Complete plans were drawn withthe industrial features indicated, and an industrial flow chart is being preparedto show the workings of the plant through its history. Everything that couldilluminate the life and times of the plant has been preserved for analysis anddocumentation -- inCluding a detailed examination of the Marseille tiles, which

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Wunderlichs imported in vast quantities, that were used to roof the factorybuildings.

Finally, but ~y no means the least important, a complete social historyof the factory and its people is being prepared, by contacting former employeesand ,collecting as much written, oral and pictorial material as possible. Oneadditional task, which proved of vital importance, was to attract as much publicattention to the project as possible, with the aim of stimulating interest in thepreservation and recording of valua,ble buildings and material. We found that,after each newspaper item, radio or television spot appeared, we received severalphone calls from people offering us books, letters and other memorabilia ofWunderlichs. The final product of our work is to be a book summarising all thathas been done and discovered in the course of the Project.

The impending destruction of the buildings naturally dictated theorder of work. We began working carefully with old photographs and we arepainstakingly reconstructing the different factory areas, their machinery andtheir usage. Although almost all the machinery had gone, there were somediagnostic features we could work with -- for example, an acid treatmentbath ~~hich was used in an enamelling process for various ornamental metal works.

The whole area was carefully measured and drawn, and we are takingsketch plans with us when we visit former employees, asking them to point out onthe plans what they rememher of the processes that occurred in different areas.Our longest employed informant began work at Redfern in the late thirties and,as we have a fairly complete photographic record of the factory processes in thelate twenties, we are able to b~ild up a picture of the industrial developmentthat took place at the Redfern site.

The factory once had eleven drop hammer stamping machines at the heightof pressed metal panel production, which apparently peaked in 1914. There wereonly two left when we came to the factory and one was earmarked for preservationand re-erection in the new Museum. This machine was ca~efully photographed andwill be measured and drawn with its original steam-powered workings reconstructed.

The sequence of pressed metal panel production began with designscarefully dra'''' by skilled draftsmen. In the mQdeller's studio, the designswere modelled in clay and plaster moulds taken. There were then cast in zinc atthe foundry and taken to the press ~rea where zinc matrices were prepared. Thedrop hammers then stamped out the design on sheet metal, guillotines trimmed thepanels to shape and other machinery;' like toggle presses, were employed forprocesses like blanking and forming. The panels were then stored in the warehouseuntil despatched.

Pressed metal panels were not, of course, the only thing manufacturedat Redfern and, indeed, after the Second World War, they went completely out offashion. The factory produced everything in its time from mudguards for theAustralian Six motorcar, memorial tablets in metal doors and stainless steelsinks to beautifully crafted metal letters and ornamental metal work such asthe metal griffins holding the globes atop the Grace Bros building on Broadway."Indifferent work is never Wunderlichs" was an early slogan of the company,and indeed it was their superior craftsmanship that virtually put the Redfernbranch out of business. In this era of mass production and assembly linemanufacture, there is not much of a market for hand-crafted, or rather hand­finished products.

The administration building and showroom area were measured andcarefully drawn up. In certain areas we discovered traces of the originalexternal walls of the building behind the later additions and were able to correl­ate these findings with our knowledge of the site's development.

The next area on which we concentrated was the bo~rdroom) designed whenthe administration building was erected in 1908. t~en the Museum first saw it the

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<furniture was all gone, and only the bare bones left. It was decided to preservethe fireplace, ceilings and wall panels, if possible completely. This proved animpossibility. The wall panels were completely removed but the ceiling wasfirmly fixed, with no access through the rafters to enable the panels to beknocked down. For this part of the project we employed five stalwart young men(Warren Wickman, Peter Kelley, Michael Lorimer, Martin Davies and Graham Wilson)and we all worked at prising off panels, which were then all stacked andlabelled. It was necessary to invent new techniques as we went along forremoving these panels. Finally, it was decided to take a range of samples of-all parts of -the ceiling pattern, with the rest of the ceiling to be reproducedin fibreglass.

We are trying to trace the furniture and other fittings from theboardroom. So far we have located the table and several other pieces. Theboardroom housed a large library of technical and other publications, a list ofwhich we discovered among the Wunderlich papers in the Mitchell Library, and weare endeavouring to recover as many as possible.

Our next major job was the showroom, which the Museum intends toreconstruct in the new Powerhouse Museum 85-8 display hall for its own collectionof Art Deco. Begun in 1928 and completed the following year, it was designedas both a social hall and showroom and was furnished with magnificent bronze andglass hanging lights, and a grand piano. The ceiling was of pressed metal andthe structural columns were tiled in glazed terracotta,capped with foliate bronzecapitals. Around- the sides of the showroom were lower ceilings_ illustrating

-the history of design in pressed metal, --and toiled pilasters were set against thewalls. Gradually, the area lost its social function and was used just as ashowro.om. In the late fifties or very- early sixties the whole arei-- was renovatedwhen extensions were added to the administration building. The columns wereencased in caneite and a false ceiling of acoustic panels slung below theoriginal ceiling, obscuring it completely. Even the pilasters had been covered.Only the floor was still visible. Thanks to the quick eyes of Peter Lesslieand CsabaKollanyi of the Government Architects' branch of the Public WorksDepartment, the original showroom was uncovered. Through the acoustic ceilingwe could see the ornate pressed metal ceiling, the Art Deeo windows, the bronzecapitals and the tops of the columns. The exterior of the showroom had beenobscured with a display of Wunderlich roofing tiles. When these were removed,the facade was photographed and the terracotta medallions removed, althoughvandals damaged two Boon after.

It then became a matter of taking the showroom to pieces. The columnswere removed by artisans from the Public Works Department, not before, unfortun­ately, three of the bronze capitals were stolen. We were left with the task ofremoving the windows and ceiling. First, the copper surrounds had to be removedfrom the windows;' it was impossible to unscrew the windows from their frame sothe wooden surrounds of each window had to be destroyed to get them out.

Again the ceiling could not be saved in its entirety. Two-thirds ofall the panels had been damaged when the acoustic ceiling was hung, and it wasdecided to get down representative samples of each portion for future reproduction,after detailed drawings and plans had been made. As the panels could not easilybe removed from their frame, we had to get into the loft above the ceiling andlower the panels on their frames by rope.

As a follow-up, we are also tryingshowroom. We have traced the dome which wasornate copper panels that framed an archway.and stained glass War Memorial that stood in

to locate the fittings from thein one corner, and were given three

We have also tracked down a bronzea small bay to one side.

As we stated earlier, one of our functions was to record and, whereverpossible, preserve samples of the eressed metal panels that were everywherescattered throughout the factory and the administration building. In the main

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factory area, we had some difficulty in persuading the demolishers to _take carein bringing them down. We were not always successful, an~ the demolishers rippeddown with a crane one area of panels marked for preservation.

As we have been fortunate enough to locate a large number of oldcatalogues for the pressed metal panels, we will prepare a complete typology ofdesigns which could then be used diagnostically to date certain buildings. At thevery least, it could provide a terminus post quem if no firmer information wasavailable.

Incidentally, in the early days Wunderlich had several competitors inthe pressed metal ceiling field as we discovered from this delightful quote froman 1895 catalogue:

"Everything of sterling merit is subject to imitation and thezinc ceiling is no exception to this universal rule. The successof our works in every colony of the Australasian group hasnaturally stimulated the parasitic, not to say piratic, habit in theincompetent mimic and the cheap copyist, who have entered the fieldwith plagiarisms of our very designs and~ who seek to force an entryinto the market with common travesties of our original and perfectedwork. Against these inferior imitators we intend in no wise tocompete. I!

Part of our work at Redfern was to analyse the Marseille tiles which hadbeen imported to Australia in such great numbers by Wunderlichs between 1892 and1914. Seventy-five milliOn tiles were brought in through this period, enough toroof 40,000 Australian homes. Large areas of the factory were still roofed withthese tiles which thus provided a unique opportunity to study~them in quantity.We were delighted to discover ten separate types including one that came not fromMarseille but from Voghera in Italy, near the port city of Genoa. Each wasidentified by a Characteristic mark:

Cock:Horse -:Bee:Lion:Star:Spade:Anchor:Maltese Cross:Turtle:Horned Head: )Entwined Anchor:)

SAUMATI FRERES, Marseille, St. HenriLES FILS DE JULES BONNET, La Viste, MarseilleGUICHARD CARVIN ET CIE, Marseille, St. AndreGUICHARD FRERES, Seon, St. Henri, MarseillePIERRE SACOMAN, St. Henri, MarseillePIERRE A}ffiDEE, St. Henri, MarseilleANTOINE SACOMAN, Usine La Plata, St. Henri, MarseilleARNAUD ETIENNE ET CIE, St. Henri, MarseilleTUILERIES DE LA MEDITERRANNEE, Siege Social, Marseille

GUSTAVO GAVOTTI, Lungavilla, Voghera.

Wunderlichs themselves used a waratah mark on their locally produced tiles.

We titled this paper "The Wunderlich Project, an Exercise in IndustrialArchaeology". Industrial archaeology is a relatively new field in Australia anda relatively new concept in archaeology. The Wunderlich site is probably thelargest industrial site to have been tackled as an archaeological project and,although we intended to work within the bounds of traditional archaeologicaltheory, we found ourselves constantly formulating new approaches to problems.

There were, for example, few material remains at the site -- themachinery had gone, the records dispersed. The few pieces of machinery of plantrema~n1ng were either stripped or in isolation, with nothing of their industrialcontext evident.

We had to turn elsewhere for our information, and fou~d it in theWunderlich publications, in the memories of former employees, in old photographsand relevant printed materi~l, acquired through the generosity of fonmer Wunderlichemployees ahd of CSR management.

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12 RAGLAN STREET, DARLINGTON,

Damaris Bairstow.

This catalogue was compiled as an undergraduate exercise at a time whenlittle archaeological work on bottle fragments had been published andnothing was available from overseas. Since that time important work hasbeen published. First and foremost is Parks Canada's GLASS G~OSSARY (1985),a definitive work on the classification and cataloguing of glass. WithinAustralia, Peter Coutts, in his report on Captain Mills Cottage, PortFairy, Victoria (Vivtoria Archaeological Survey, 1984, Appendices 3 - 6)produced not only a classification of the bottles recovered but alsodetails for dating bottles from 1840 on.

None the less, the Raglan Street catalogue may still prove useful. Thematerial, mainly black bottle of two sizes (small and large) was deposited,according to the evidence from historic documents and from the bottlesthemselves, over a short period just prior to 1867. Thus the cataloguemay assist in dating similar material.

In terms of social history, these bottles stand as material witness tothe validity of those who, in the 1860s, declaimed against the thenprevailing habit- among underprivileged 'boozers' of creating a publicnuisance by carousing all night in any available open allotment.

The material, the subject of the following catalogue, was unearthed by

Bob Holmes under a terraced house shortly before its demolition by the

University of Sydney. The catalogue was com9iled early in 1978 but

.publication abando~ed as better artifacts seemed to be appearing from

sites of greater interest. The Raglan Street finds, however, are a

homog~neous collection, possibly the result of a single dumping, are

limited almost entirely to black bottles and case gins and have a

definite ceiling date. As such, they are of considerable interest.

The first mention of Raglan Stre-et in Sands' Directory was in 1867.

Eight householders are mentioned, a number neatly commensurate with a

terrace of eight houses on the north side of the street between

Darlington Road and (former) Alma Street, considered by Mr Holmes the

oldest there, of which No.12 is one. The glass fragments were found

with but a shallow cover of earth and household dirt beneath the floor

boards which wer~ seemingly the original. This gives a terminus ante

~ of 1867, a da~e borne out by the material. One of the two case

gin lips is of the bulbous kind common until- 1870 but not later.

The following abbreviations have been used:H. Height of basal kick.L. Height of lip.M. Diameter of mouth.W. Diameter of base. All measurements are in centimetres.

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CATALOGUE OF FINDS.

Glass

Olive

Black Bottles:

These bottles, whilst in the main a homogeneousgroup, can be subdivided according to their bases, lips and necksas follows

Bases:

Type 1

Type 2

Type 3

Lips & Necks:

Type 1

Type 2

Type 3

Type 4

Type 5

Type 6

9.0-9.5 cm. base diam.; domed basal kick with centralnipple. Gl-lO, Gl3-l9.

8.6-9.3 cm. base diam., conical basal kick. Gll-l2,G20-'37.

7.8-8.0 cm. base diam., conical basal kick. G38-39.

Convex in profile; down-tooled neck & string rim.G4l-45 & G66-67.

Convex in profile; bulbous lip over down-tooled stringrim. G46-G54.

Convex in profile; vertical lip over down-tooled stringrim. G55-G57, G65, G68.

Tapered to down-tooled string rim. G58-60.

Pinched below trailed string rim. G6l.

Convex in profile; vertical lip; no string rim.G63-G64, G69-G70.

Bases

G.l

G.2

G.3

G.4

W.9.0 Domed basal kick & moulded Ip I.

H.2.0

As above.

W.9.0 Domed basal kick with moulded lp' .H.2.4W.9.2 Domed basal kick with moulded lp' .

H.2.2

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G.5 W.9.0 Domed basal kick with moulded 'p' .H.2.l

G.6 Fig. 1 W.9.. 0 Domed basal kick with moulded Ip I.

H.2.3

G.? W.9.0 Domed basal kick with moulded Ip I.

H.2.2

G.8 W.9.2 Domed basal kick with moulded Ip I.

H.2.3

~

• • 1

',:

riG. 1 GG

G.9 W.9.0 Base fragment. Domed basal kick with moulded 'ploH. 2.3

G.lO Fig. 2 W.9.5 Shallow domed basal kick with moulded '0'.H.l. 5

. "'~1;.

r1G.2 Gl0G.ll W.9.0 Conical basal kick. Wall transfer-marked

H.2.8 (Sto)u(t) - se labelled bottles man(ufactured)only by J.E. Lampard & Co. Lond(on).

G.12 ~ragment.· Conical basal kick. Wall tranSLer­marked S(tou)t - se labelled bottles manufact(ured)only by J.E. Lamp(pa)rd & Co. Lon(don).

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G.13 W.9.1 Domed basal kick with irregular mould marks.H.2.0

G.14 W.9.0 Domed basal kick with irregular mould marks.H. 2.3

G.15 W.9.0 Shallow domed basal kick.H.1.6

G.16 W.9.0 Slightly ovoid; irregular domed basal kick.H.2.0

G.17 Fig. 3 W.9.0 Slightly ovoid; irregular domed basal kick.H.2.0

FIG. 3

~. , ,

GJ7

.~..

"., ... ""

.....

G.18

G.19

G.20

G.21

G.22

. G. 23

G.24

G.25

G.26

G.27

G.28

G.29

G.30

W.9.0 Irregular domed basal kick with nipple in aH.2.4 small moulded star.

W.9.0 Slightly ovoid; irregular domed basal kick withH.l.9 irregular mould marks.

W.8.6 Conical basal kick.H.2.5

W.9.0 Conical basal kick.H.2.5

As above.

W.8.9 Diam. 8.9 cmi conical basal kick without centralH.2.0 indentation.

W.8.9 Fragment. Conical basal kick.H.3.1

W.8.9 Fragment. Conical basal kick.H.2.9

W.8.9 Turn 'moulded. Conical basal kick without centralH.3.l indentation.

W.8.9 Conical basal kick.H.3.1

W.9.2 Conical basal kick without central indentation.H. 3.3

W.9.3 Conical basal kick slightly off-centre.H.3.7

H.3.2 Fragment. Conical basal kick with mould marks.Mould mark on wall.

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G,3l W.8.9 Fragment. Conical basal kick.H.3.2

G.32 Conical basal kick.

G.33 W.8.9 Conical basal kick with mould marks.H.3.3

G.34 Fig. 4 W.9.3 Irregular conical basal kick.H.3.2

~

Oil

f1G.4 G34

G.35 Fig. 5 W.9.0 Conical basal kick without central indentation.H.3.0

G.36 W.8.8 Conical basal kick.H.2.8

G.3? H.2.5 Fragment. Conicalbasal kick withmould marks.

G.38 W.?8 Conical basal kickH.3.0 with mould marks.

G.39 W.8.0 Conical basal kick.H.2.5

G.40 18 assorted fragments.

I::j

[r1G.5 G35 FIG6 G41

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Necks and lips

G.41 Fig. 6 M. 2. 2 Neck. Convex in profile. Lip thickened andL.2.0 down-tooled string rim.

G.42 As above.

G.43 Mouth and string rimas above.

G.44 M.2.1 Neck. Slightly convexL.2.3 in profile. Lip thick-

ened and slightly down-tooled over down-tooledstring· -rim.

G.45 M.2.1 Neck. Slightly convex [L.2.0 in profile. Lip thick-ened and down-tooledover down-tooled stringrim.

G.46 Fig. 7 M.2.3 Neck. Convex in profile.L. 2.3 Lip roughly tickened

and bulbous. Down-tooled string rim.

F"IG.7 G46

G.47

G.48

G.49

G.50

G.51

M.2.2 Neck. Pinched below string-rim. Lip roughlyL.2.3 thickened & bulbous; Down-tooled string rim;

M.2.1 Neck. Pinched below string rim. Lip thick~

L.2.6 ened & bulbous. Down-tooled string rim.

M.2.0 Neck. Pinched below string-rim. Lip roughlyL.2.4 thickened & bulbous. Down-tooled string rim.

M.2.0 Neck. Convex in profile. Lip thickened &L.2.3 bulbous. Down-tooled string rim.

M.2.2 Neck. Pinched below string-rim. Lip roughlyL.2.5 thickened & bulbous. Down-tooled string rim.

G.52

G.53

G.54

M.2.0 Neck. pinched below string-rim. LipL.2.3 & bulbous with horizontal striations.

tooled string rim.

Fragment. Otherwise as above.

As above.

124

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G.57

. G.56

G.55 Fig.8 M.2.2 Neck. Convex in profile.L.2.3. Vertical lip thickened

with horizontal striat­ions. Down-tooled stringrim.

M.2.2 Neck. Pinched belowL.2.1 string rim; roughly

applied lip verticalin profile with hor­izontal striations.Down-tooled string rim.

L.2.5 Fragment. Mouth asabove. Down-tooledstring rim.

G.58 Fig. 9 M. 2.2 Neck. VerticalL.2.2 striations. Tapered

to string rim. Down­tooled string rim.Iron wire for corkin position betweenstring rim & lip.

FIG.S G55

G.59 Fig. 10 M.2.2 Neck.L.2.7 string

tions.

Some vertical striations. Tapered torim. Lip with some horizontal stria­

Down-tooled string rim.

G.60 M.2.2 Neck. Vertical striations. Tapered to stringL.2.0 rim. Roughly applied lip with some horizontal

striations. Roughly applied, down-tooled stringrim.

G.61 Fig.ll M.2.2 Neck pinched below string rim. Lip with hor­L.2.1 izontal striations. Roughly trailed string rim

extending beyond lip.

G.62 Neck fragment. Convex in profile.

G.64

G.63 Fig.12 M.2.5 Neck. Convex in profile. Vertical sided lipL.l.2 horizontal striations. No string rim.

Neck. Tapering to lip. Vertical sided lipwith horizontal striations.

G.65 Fig.13 M.2.0 Neck. Convex in profile. Some vertical striationsL.2.2 and long, vertical bubble. Lip thickened and

vertical sided with horizontal striations. Down­tooled string rim.

G.66 M.2.2 Neck.L.2.0 string

tooled

Vertical striations & bubbles tapered torim. Lip slightly down-tooled over down­string rim.

G.67

G.68

M.2.2 Neck. Convex in profile. Lip slightly down­L42.0 tooled over down-tooled string rim; iron wire in

position below string rim; strong shoulder.

M.2.2 Neck. Slightly convex in profile tapered toL.241 down-tooled string rim. Vertical striations.

Lip vertical in profile with some horizontalstriations. Iron wire in position betweenstring rim & lip; strong shoulder4'

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JFIG.9 G58

flG.l1 G61

FIG.l0 G59

FIG.12 G63

/

, I

FIG.13 .G65 FIG. 14 G68

fiG. 1<0 G89

0-'·~--5

fiG.17 G90

...M7.~ .j-I.\

FtG.15 (;85

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G.70

First pUblished Volume 10 No.2, July, 1980.

G.69 Fig.14 M.l.9 Neck. Convex in profile with vertical striationsL.l.2 & bubbles. Lip heavily thickened in part and

vertical in section; copper wire in positionbelow lip. No string rim.

M.2.0 Fragment. Neck tapering to applied lip withhorizontal striations. Lip vertical in profile.

'Assorted Fragments

G.71

G.72

G.73

G.74

G.75

G.76

G.77

G.78

G.79

G.80

Labelled fragments

G.8l

G.82

G.83

G.84

Case Bottles

Bases

24 lip and neck fragments.

60 neck fragments.

76 neck and shoulder fragments.

271 shoulder fragments.

94 shoulder fragments with single mould line.

9 shoulder fragments with horizontal & verticalmould lines.

19 base fragments.

100 body fragments (assorted).

500 body fragments (assorted) with packetmiscellaneous tiny fragments.

7 shoulder fragments with "sandblasted" line.

15 fragments from 3-4 bottles Barclay's stout withparts silk screen label.

14 fragments amber bottle with part silk screenlabel" - ewans India".

Fragment with illegible pink & yellow silk screenlabel.

Fragment with illegible pink & white silk screenlabel.

G.85 Fig. 15 W.6.8 Base & part body.H.l.5

G.86 W.5.2 Base and part body. Brown metal mottled slightlyH.O.6 from contact with mould.

G.8? W.?l Base & part body. Shallow indentations in cornersof base. Heavy metal.

G.B8 Base Fragment.

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Necks and Lips

G.89 Fig.16 M.l.8 Neck rising to roughly applied spreading lipconvex in profile.

G.90 Fig. 17 Neck rising to roughly applied spreading lipvertical in profile. Brown metal.

Body fragments

G.91 Shoulder and part body.

G.92 Shoulder and part body. Brown metal.

G.93 Shoulder and part body. Brown metal.

G.94 8 green shoulder fragrnents4

G.95 2 brown shoulder fragments.

G.96 14 green side corner fragments.

G.97 2 brown side corner fragments.

,G,,98 68 green body fragments.

G.99 23 brown body fragments.

Brown

See Case gins G.86, G.90, G.92, G.93, G.95·, G.97, .G.99.

Blue

G.IOO Fig. 18

Pottery

P.l

Miscellaneous

X.l

Base fragment. Round, vertical­sided blue castor oil bottle.Shallow basal kick with centralnipple and moulded '51'.

FIG.18 Gl00(Incomplete) Neck & rim of buff glazed stonewarebottle; neck tapered to 'trailed' string rimbelow vertical lip.

4 small corks, one impregnated with red material,one stamped 'Lampar(dLo)ndon'.

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First presented ASHA Conference, 1980.First published Volume 14 No.1, March, 1984.

A BRIEF ACCOUNT OF THE DEVELOPMENT OF FENCING IN AUSTRALIADURING THE NINETEENTH CENTURY.

James Semple Kerr.

Fig. 1 Detail from SophiaCampbell's sketch book,ca. 1817, of Newcastle,NoSoW oA.NoL o Pictorial Section

All early settlement plansand drawings emphasize thesignificance of fencing inthe settled landscape. Itsmain function was to helpprotect gardens and cultiv­ation from theft and strayingstock. In purely 'urban' areasits purposes were as disparateas simple boundary delineationand the protection of humancorpses from rooting swine.

The 1796 plan of Sydney,Norfolk Island, shows a varietyof enclosures for allotments andgardens for the 'Governor', (1)officers, overseers and men.In addition, there was anextensive area for swine and anenclosure for cattle.Illustrations contemporary withthe early settlement of theSydneys, both at Norfolk Islandand on the mainland, Parramatta,Newcastle and later Adelaide allshow post and rail fencing withclose set or open pales orpickets as the predominant type.Sophia Campbell's painstakingrepresentations of such fencingat Newcastle (Fig.l) and at FiveIslands in the Illawarra areaabout 1817 are good examples.

Such picket or paled fencingremained common for homesteador garden enclosures right

129

through the nineteenth century,however it was the post andtwo th~ee and four rail fencethat became the dominent featurein rural landscapes. LionelGilbert mentions (2) that J.W.Lancashire depicted a two-railfence in 1803 and on November 26,1814 William Cox recorded in hisdiary that he was enclosing thefamous road down the Mt. Yorkescarpment in the same way (3).A watercolour of 1815 attributedto J.W.Lewin and now in the Mit­chell Library, shows it clearly.

About the same time, Macquariehad ordered that cropped orcultivated land be enclosedwith 'a good sufficient fenceequal to a three rail morticefence, or one composed of tworails and a ditch' (4)0However it was only settlerswith substantial resources andestablishments such as theGovernment farm at Emu Plainsthat were able to comply.

The best account of post and;rail fencing was given by JamesAtkinson in his Account of th:State of Agriculture and Grazlngin N.S.W. published in Lon~onin 1826. It is worth quotlngat some length.

Fencing and enclosing land, isthe greatest and most importantimprovement that can beeffected upon it; to the acquiringa proper knowledge on this subjectthe attention of the new Settlershould be early and closelydevoted, since, without doubt,it is the- foundation and basisof every other improvement to beafterwards expected. Enclosingwith post and rail fence of splitwood, has been brought to a veryconsider~ble degree of perfectionin this Colony; and is executed

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in a style of great neatness andstability. This work is usuallyperformed by free men, who haveacquired the knowledge of thisbranch of rural labour sincetheir arrival in the country;very few common labourers fromany part of the kingdom beingat all acquainted with it. Theprices at which it is generallyperformed are ~

four-railed,3s and 6d per rodthree-railed,2s6dand two-railed,ls9d.

The best woods for the purposeare the blue gum, iron-bark,stringy-bark, and box trees. Thetools used in splitting are across-cut saw, scoring axe, setof 7 -wedges, and two mauls orbeetles. In cutting out themortices, a very singular tool,called a morticing axe, is used;it has a short handle; large eye,head about a foot deep or long.and with an 'edge about an inch anda half wide; some use them double­headed, shaped like an adze on oneside, and an axe on the other,and this perhaps is the best construc­tion. In setting up, a common spade,and a post-hole spade are requisitesfor digging the holes; and if thereare many stones, a small crow-baror pick-axe will be useful inloosening them; an adze or broadaxe are used for trimming andfitting the rails for the mortice.

Posts are cut five feet six inches,and rails nine feet long. Themortices are cut quite through theposts, about four inches long, andtwo inches wide; the ends of therails are sometimes placed one overthe other in the mortice, and some­times one by the side of the other;which last is much the neatest plan.The ends are trimmed away so as tooverlap each other, and projectthrough the mortice on both sides;two panels are invariably put up toa rod, and the posts are alwayssunk two feet in the ground, whichallows the fence to be three feetsix inches high. J.n enclosing lands

130

for cultivation, four rails are madeuse of; the three lower ones beingplaced pretty close to each other,completely exclude pigs or othersmall stock. Lands for grazing,are generally enclosed with threerails, but large enclosuresintended for horned cattle orhorses, and especially where timberis scarce, are frequen~ly enclosedwith tworailsonly.

Atkinson noted that drop (slip)rails are usual and that gateshung on hinges are seldom metwith(5) , a fact confirmed byLouisa Meredith who describedthe practice as a universalinconvenience and very tedious(6). Their popularity was dueto their cheapness and ease ofrepair, unlike gates which weredifficult to maintain.

Atkinson pointed out that(before 1826) there had been fewattempts to grow live fences(hedges) (7) .. The main factorswere the time needed to estab­lish them, the necessity forregular and skilled maintenanceand the fact that the mostpopular English hedges such asthe Whitethorne (Hawthorne)needed careful attention if theywere not to become too straggly.

However the large estates,particularly in the colder partsof the colony, did establishfine hedging throughout thenineteenth century. In Tasmania,Gorse, Broom and Hawthorne wereintroduced and flourished.Sarah Ann Fogg depicted a varietyof hedging in her view of QuambyBluff from Westbury about 1860(8) and fine hedges survive inthe vicinity of Westbury (Gorse)and Hagley and in N.S.W. atDangarsleigh, (Hawthorne) today.In bleak and exposed areas suchas the Western Districts ofVictoria, more substantialtrees were planted on fieldboundaries to create windbreaks.

Several exotic hedges left tothemselves in a congenial

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environment without maintenancebecame pests and occupied thepaddocks they were intended toprotect. Gorse, Hawthorne,Privet and Lantana have all gotout of hand in areas fromTasmania to Queensland, but theclassic case of a live fenceout of control is the PricklyPear.

In 1826 Atkinson knew of noexample of dry-stone wallinghaving been erected in thecolony(9): However, insubsequent years when settlersor squatters had the resourcesand stone was easily obtainedlocally, such walling waserected in a number of areas.Large parts of England have along tradition of fine stonefencing, and the techniqueswere imported direct withvarying -success.

Fences of stone that does notsplit easily are usuallyconstructed with a pyramidsection containing bonding orthrough stones where available.On completion it looks likethis Wensleydale example (Fig.2)Similar erections have survivednear Robertson in NoSoW o

Fig. 2 Section through pyramidshaped dry-stone wallnear Aysgarth, Wensley­dale, UoK o showingbonding of irregularsto~es with 'through'stones

Where the stone splits easilyalong its bed as in this field,

131

fence near Huddersfield,Yorkshire (Fig.3), the fenceis given vertical sides withappropriate capping. The coral'rock wall at Kingston, NorfolkIsland is a fine survivingAustralian example (Fiq.4).

Fig. 3 Part of wall faceincluding capping nearHuddersfield, UoK.

Fig. 4 Part of coral rock wallface behind the surgeon'squarters at Kingston,Norfolk Island

Neither type of constructionwas in widespread use in thecolonies and fences of the moreintractable materials were oftena rough piling of stones in anapproximation of a rubble wallconstruction, often adoptedbecause it was necessary toclear an area of stone to bringit into agricultural production.The tufa walling erected byScottish artisans on the StoneyRises north-west of PirronYallock in the Western Districtsof Victoria were a skillfulexception. The better stonefencing later in the centurysometimes appears as a result

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of ornamental or symbolicrequirements for garden orburial ground protection as onthe Ryan I s property at Galong(NSW) or in the ha-ha atWerribee Park (Vie).

By the 1840s and 50s thecombinations and permutationsof fencing techniques in theAustralian colonies wereastonishing and included:

.all types of morticed postand rail (Figs. 5 and 6)

.post and rail with picket andpale (Figs. 7 and 8) (somewith rails superimposed inthe mortice(Fig. 7) but mostwith rails side by side)

oclasping posts and log(Figoll).chock log (Fig.10).aig zag or crinkle crankle(Fig. 9)

.stakes lashed or clasped(Fig. 12)

.basket or woven (Fig. 13)

and among many others theubiquitous and loosely ,termed'cockatoo'. Lionel Gllbert,quotes Thomas Tourle saying in1840 'our fencing is what istermed Cockatoo, i.e. treesfelled and rolled into line'(lO).Mrs. John Mitchell depicted the 'same technique in her pencilsketches near Lisdillon (Tas.)in the 1850s(ll)0 However theterm is also applied by a numberof other nineteenth centurycommentators to a wide range ofmakeshift fencing made fromfelled trees or scrubo Mrs.Mitchell's drawings provide arare and remarkable record ofa range of bough, log, brush,felled or deadwood fencing.Unfortunately they are faintand almost impossible toreproduce. As the centuryprogressed 'cockatoo' becamean increasingly disparagingapellation and this I suspectreflected something of theattitude of the squatter forthe small farmer, selector or'cockatoo' as he became known

132

(12). Lack of resources madehim the usual creator of suchmake-shift fencing.

Fig. 5 Morticed post and threerail

-=::t: -1;;;;- - i

Fig o 6 Morticed post and tworail

Fig o 7 Sapling picket withrails superimposed inthe mortice. Based onWatercolour in CoFoL oAllport 's sketchbook c;1885 (Allport Collec.)

Fig. 8 Post with two rails cladwith pales and finished

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Fig. 10 Construction used for'chock-log' fences

Fig. 12 Lashed stakes with postand top-rail system forsheepyards, Pyramul. NSWand ~ondaryan, QLD o

...~..... ~.~~

Construction used forclasping post or stakes.Coolamine Hut stockyardsNSW

'F.!"-'

Fig. 11

with top plate. Homesteadenclosure, Fysh River,NSW

The fate of cockatoo fencingwas destruction by fire andfrequently sooner than later.Some members may recall theconflagration of a magnificentcockatoo fence in the originalfilm version of 'On Our Selec­tion' .

The great variety and combina­tion of fencing types arose asmuch from material shortages anda consequent need to use whatwas procurable as from a desireto improve the utility and dura­bility of fencing. An articleof 1827 in The Australian on theBathurst area (and attributedby Malcolm Ellis to WilliamDumaresq) illustrates the point.

'From the great scarcity of timber,fencing is a very expensiveimprovement, and is only to beseen on the farms of the richestsettlers, the want of paddocksis very general - what fencesthere are are bad, generally madeof stringy bark, of a veryinferior quality to the treefound nearer the coast, and asfor iron bark there is none.What little fencing timberthere is, is found on the ridge.....The smaller settlerscontent themselves with a 2rail fence, and half the spaceunderneath the lower rail isfilled up with turf pared fromthe most tenacious part of thesoil, and makes an excellentfence'. (13)

Fig o 9 Construction used forwooden 'zig-zag' fences,

133

Fig. 13 Woven fence of splitsaplings

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The fencing of sheep propertiesin the Western Districts wasgiven impetus in 1854 by the

I outbreak of scab(19). Else­where pleuro pneumonia was toimpress Riverina cattlemen inthe l860s with the need toisolate their properties fromtravelling or straying stock, oreven to go over to sheep. Chan­ging to sheep usually meantconverting existing post and tworail cattle fencing by addingwire.

During the early 1850s squatterswere carrying out a variety ofexperiments. John Learmouth andhis neighbour William Lewis of

'Terinallum'in the WesternDistricts of victoria erected aboundary fence in which thelowest rail was replaced by astone dyke(14). At the sametime, George Russell, whosuperintended the ClydeCompany's operations in Victoria,wrote to Lewis from Scotlandsuggesting a turf bank two feethigh or upwards with woodenstakes driven into the bank tenfeet apart and two wires stapledto the stakes 9" and 1'9" abovethe bank(15). Both were built.This tradition continues in theWestern Districts and may alsot.e seen at Coswell, near Swansea,~n Tasmania where rock-pilewalls or dykes form the basestorey for both post and wire(Fig.14) and modified cockatoofencing.

Fig. 14 Stone dyke with post andwire at Cosworth, nearSwansea, Tasmania

From 1852 to 1855, the ClydeCompany tried a variety of 'ironwire hurdles' from C.D.Young ofEdinburgh and a Glasgow firm (16)as well as both iron and wirefencing from a variety of sources(17). Quite large quantitieswere purchased and improvementsevolved. This early wire wasmostly soft black bull wire,though at least by 1857 galvan­ized wire was available (18).

However, it should be emphasisedthat until the 1860s, extensivefencing of properties was the.exception rather.than the rule.The first boundary fence in theBarrabool Hills of victoria hadbeen erected bY"Williamson in1854(20), and fencing gatheredmomentum after the mid 1850s.

In the Riverina, the change frompost and rail for cattle to postand wire for sheep got underwayin the 1860s and intensifiedduring the 1870s and 80s.During the period 1861 to 1891,flocks increased from 1 to 13million(21) and six and sevenwire fences became usual.

At the beginning of the perioda pastoral layout wouldprobably include the followingfencing:.paled fence for homestead andvegetable garden

.post and rail stockyard

.folds throughout the run foreach flock attended by ashepherd - usually of atemporary nature (brush orhurdle) though sometimes of amore permanent wooden construc­tion (fold at Wambo, Warkworth)(Fig.15).

Fig. 15 Sturdy -fold fence at

134

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Wambo, NSW, with post andtop-rail holding heavysplit timber stakes.Taken from photograph,plate 4, Cox and Freeland,Rude Timber Buildings,London, T & H, 1969 -

Fencing would be progressivelyadded to enclose:.grass paddocks to conserve feedfor summer.small horse paddocks tofacilitate catching the beasts

• cultivation paddocks.stock paddocks to permit theseparation of bulls, stallionsand rams to permit selectivebreeding.

At some stage, a boundary fencewould be built.

An important consequence of thecompletion of boundary fenceswas the enclosure of stock­routes. By the 1880s this hadcreated intense problems for .travelling stock in dry seasonsand virtually closed a number ofroutes(22). The process wasaccelerated by a requirementunder the N.S.W. Crown LandsAct 1884, for selectors toenclose their land with asubstantial fence within twoyears of conditional purchase(23) .

By the l880s, rabbits spreadingnorth from Victoria had crossedthe Murray into the western .Riverina and by 1886 had reached'southern Queensland(24). Thisresulted in the erection ofnetting fences. The 1891 Act(NSW) defined as rabbit proof,a 'substantial fence hung withgalvanized-iron wire netting ofmaximum mesh of 1 5/8 inches,minimum width 36 inches, withwire minimum gauge of 17 ...furnished with suitable gates'(25). On Willurah Station suchnetting cost b23 per mile andwas erected for b45 per mile.

Another development in wirefencing was the introduction ofbarbed wire during the l880s.The Tam~orth Historical Society

135

Museum (NSW) has samples of 21types of barbed wire mostlyfound in the Tamworth area.An interesting early sample isthat called 'Buckthorne'patented in the D.S.A. on July26, 1881 and found on BectiveStation. It is a single wirewith a double flange or keel,one of which is set with regularcut-out points. The whole isthen twisted and the thornspoint every which way. Theeffect is very much that of animitation of nature (Fig.16) .

Fig. 16'BuCkthorne' barbed wire,patented in the UoSoA oJuly 26, 1881, TamworthHistorical Society Museumdisplay

By the turn of the century, theNoSoW o Intelligence Departmentnoted (26) that the followingwere the most common fences:.for cattle - post and barbedwire, though post and two railwas still preferred if timberwas available

.for sheep - post and six wires,the posts were spread 12 feetand the wires stapled midway onspreaders or battens.

The Department also noted thecontinued use of:.post, top rail and 4 to 6 wires.post, 2 rail and 2 to 4 wires.cockatoo fencing.chock and log fencing.

On the western slopes andNorthern and Southern Tablelands,the wire fences had an optional

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'- 0:

cladding of rabbit-proofnetting.

The almost complete abandonmentof rail fencing and the generaluse of wire has made fencing amuch less dominant feature inthe twentieth century landscape.As the new century progressed,slim steel posts, high tensilewire and the use of multiplesteel droppers have continuedthe trend. Older fencing formsare now used for ornamentaleffect or in some cases toreinforce the historic signific-ance of a remarkably intact 'property.

The 'bull-wire' knot

Bibliography

A Guide for Immigrants andSettlers, Intelligence Dept.NoSoW o 1906G.L.Buxton, The Riverina,MoUoP o , 1967James Atkinson, An account ofthe State of Agriculture andGrazing in N.S.Wo SoUoP o ,facsimile, 1975, firstpublished 1826PoL.Brown, Ed., Clyde Company~apers, OoUoP o 1941Murray Walker, Pioneer Craftsof Early Australia, McMillan1978Cox and Freeland, Rude TimberBuildings in Australia, London,To & Ho 1969Lionel Gilbert, BotanicalInvestigations, thesi~ heldAcademy of Science Library,Canberra.

136

Figs. All figures are sketchesprepared by the author fromphotographs in his collectionexcept where otherwiseacknowledged.

Notes1 0 Plan of Sydney, Norfolk

Island, PoR.O o C0201 0 182. Gilbert, Lionel, Botanical

Investigations, p.2623. Mackaness, Ed., Fourteen

Journeys over the Blue~Quntains••• ,Sydney, 1950,p .59 - ._-_ .

4. Bigge, J.T., Report onthe Judicial Establishmentsof N.S.W., 1823, p.47

5. Atkinson, Agricuiture inNoS.W o p.99

6. Meredith, L. A., Notes andSketches of NoSoW ••• ,London, 1844, p.130

7. Atkinson, Agriculture inNoS.W o p.93-4

8. Allport Collection, Hobart9. Atkinson, Agriculture in

N.SoW o P 0 9410. Gilbert, Lionel, Botanical

Investigations, p.27911. Allport Collection, Hobart12. Buxton, p.130, quoting

Pastoral Times, 26 0 10 0 186013. Mackaness, Ed., Fourteen

JourneysoooPart 11, p.9614. Clyde CompanY-Papers~-Vol.

V p.1l715. Clyde Company Papers, Vol.

V p.92-316. Clyde Company Papers, Vol.

VI p.4617. Clyde Company Papers, Vol.

VI p.8118. Clyde Company Papers, Vol.

VI p.48119. Clyde Company Papers, Vol.

VIp.21-2.20. Clyde Company Papers, Vol.

IV p.1l421. Buxton, p.24622. Buxtob, p.25023. Coghlan, Wealth and Progress

of N.S.W., p.200.24. Buxton, p.24825. Buxton, p.24926. A Guide for Immlgrants and

Settlers, p.196

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First published Volume 10 No.3, November, 1980.

RECENT MARITIME ARCHAEOLOGICAL INVESTIGATIONS IN N.S,W.

Michael Lorimer.

In the last year, a number of wreck sites have been investigated bythe authors under the auspices' of the Maritime Archaeological Association ofNew South Wales. These are part of an ongoing programme of wreck inspection.Two sites have been completed (Alexander Berry and Rose of Australia) and twomore are still in progress (Royal Shepherd and Catherine Adamson).

ROYAL SHEPHERD: (wrecked 13th July, 1890)

History

In 1853 Messrs. Blackwood and Gordon of Paisley on the Clyde inScotland built two ships for the Launceston and Melbourne Steam NavigationCompany for operations in Bass Strait. One of these was the Royal Shepherd(O/No. 31714) and the other. ·the Black Swan (O/No. 32181).

The Royal Shepherd ran on the Launceston-Melbourne run averaging up to48 hours. In 1865, the Tasmanian Steam Navigation Company took over theLaunceston-Melbourne Steam Navigation Company together with its ships includingthe Royal Shepherd. Sometime between 1865 and 1876 she was sold to a nine mansyndicate trading in the Spencer's Gulf. In 1876 this syndicate became known asthe Spencer's Gulf Steamship Company Limited. This Company traded until 15thDecember, 1882 when it amalgamated with the Adelaide Steamship Company. However,the new Company could not keep all their ships in full employment and at varioustimes in 1884 and 1885·instructed Eldred, a Sydney shipbroker. to sell the RoyalShepherd for;} 2,800. He was only able to get i 800 for her. She was sold toJoseph Mitchell who, on the 29th October, 1885, raised a 1901.16.1 mortgage fromthe Adelaide Steamship Company. This mortgage was discharged on the 11th October,1886. Prior to this in June, 1886, J. J. Cattanach trading as the CattanachChemical Co. bought her and, used her for carrying refuse and sewage from Sydneyto outside the Heads for dumping. Then, in August, Cattanach took out a £3.000mortgage from William Alexander Manning who immediately transferred the mortgageto the Mercantile Bank of Sydney. The mortgage lapsed in October, 1889 'due tounfortunate circumstances' as reported in the press l , forcing the MercantileBank to sell the Royal Shepherd of 31st October to Charles George Warburton.He used her in the coal trade until January, 1890 when she was sold to W. A. Firth.Under this ownership, she was used to bring coal from South Bulli and Bellambi toSydney2. .

The Wrecking

The Royal Shepherd was outbound from Sydney for South Bulli andBellambi on the on the 13th July, 1886, with the schooner Countess of Errol intow. Between Ilpm and 12 midnight, the crew sighted the steamer Hesketh approach­ing. Shortly after the Hesketh struck the Royal Shepherd on the port side amidship,The Royal Shepherd began to sink immediately so her crew went aboard the Heskethwhile the ships were locked together. Ten minutes later the Royal Shepherd sank3 .

Technical Details

Deductions (propeller space, and crew)

137

s.s. Royal Shepherd

139.9' x 19.8' x 10.5'Tonnage :-Underdeck tonnage deckPoopelongation of poop

engine room 31. 6'

76/1885 Sydney Registerpreviously

1/1865 Port Adelaide

233.6335.6461. 38

358.61104.03

226.58.

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First published Volume 10 No.3, November, 1980.

'),W.J

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First published Volume 10 NO.], November, 1980.

Steam Screw built at Paisely, County of Renfrew in 1853 by Blackwood and Gardon.1 deck and poop2 masts, schooner riggedsquare sterniron clench built on iron frameworkfemale bust headtwo engines oscillating by Blackwood and Gordondiameter of cylinders 38' h.p. 60 nominalSpeed 10 knots on 22 tons (coal) per dayCould carry up to 50 passengers

Significance of VesselThe Royal Shepherd was a fairly typical small iron coaster of the middle

of the 19th century. She reliably served many owners in diverse places andtrades for nearly 40 years, descending from passenger and general cargo totramping, cattle boat and garbage scow. Her last employment was as a collier -a familiar story to aging ships overtaken by technology. She will provide muchinformation on mid-19th century marine engineering which is, as yet, poorlyunderstood as little in the way of plans, diagrams and records have survived,especially of the smaller ships. Little archaeological work has been done on thistype of vessel, yet these vessels are almost as poorly documented as the 17thcentury Dutch sailing vessels.

The Site

The site lies in 27 metres of water off South Head Port Jackson, and assuch poses a number of technical problems. For reasons of safety, consideringthat none of our divers are professional divers, we decided not to allow diveswhich require decompression, so bottom time has been limited to 20 minutes perdiver per day. So far only 8 days have been spent diving.

The Royal Shepherd is lying on sand at an almost even keel. The lengthof the site is 42 metres, however little is visible above the sand. At thesouth end of the site is a winch which was originally near the bow. Further northand working aft on the wreck is the boiler (box type), then there is a twinoscillating engine with gearing to increase the number of revolutions. The prop­eller shaft plus propeller are:, at times, visible. Around the propeller thereare the stern and rudder posts. Remains of the hull can be seen from the sternto the boiler. A small pump and other machinery lie to the port of the engine.A hot well and large steam valve are to starboard.

Our work until now has been concentrated on recording the details of themachinery as these are at risk from divers acquiring souvenirs. It is well knownand a popular dive spot. The isometric drawing has been produced from themeasurements so far made. Photographic recording is also under way but, due to thewreck's location near the Heads, visibility is usually very poor - often less thanone metre4 . So far, only the oilers and some details of the boiler have beenphotographed; we are waiting for a good day to produce a photomosaic.

In the near future, a more accurate ground plan will be produced inpreparation for the laying of a grid for recording artifacts which are appearingfrom the sand.

CATHERlNE ADAMSON:

History

(wrecked 24th October, 1857)

She was a ship rigged clipper built in 1855 at Aberdeen for H. Adamson,for use on the Britain-Australia runS,

Wrecking

At 9pm on 23rd October, 1857, she entered the Heads of Port Jackson withPilot Hawkes in control. Due to the strong S.W. breeze she had double reefedtopsails, courses jib and spinnaker. She made several tacks across the Heads.But after going about on the port tack was struck by a heavy squall forcing thecrew to reef the mainsail and, foresail. This tack had her heading for North HarbouThe wind began to moderate forcing the crew to reset the foresail to keep way on,

139

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IRONSHEET

CATHERINE ADAMSONSKETCH PLAN

MARCH 1980NOT TO SCALE

COPPER30m. NAILS

approx.

ROCK LEDGEA30VE WATER

BRASSFITTING

--....... MN.

30m.approx.

IRON)BARS /

CAPSTANI'

MUNTZSHEET

,- /' - , " WI NE./" .... " IRON GLASS

I/'~ATTERE~of "" BARS"""" J \\'\ \ Ii'L-\~LASS ). .

.... 20m. dep-th.... - /----"..;"

140

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however, in the process the foresheet carried away. It was not possible toset the mainsail so the ship had insufficient steerage and started to driftrapidly to leeward. Both anchors were then dropped, all sails were clewedup and furled. The crew, at this stage, thought the ship was safe. Whenthe steamer Williams under Captain Creagh entered the Heads, the CatherineAdamson burnt blue lights and sent up rockets as signs of distress.

The Williams managed to get a hawser aboard the Catherine Adamsontwice but the first broke and the second had to be shipped. About 3amonthe 24th heavy rollers began to come from the Heads and the ship's stern swungvery close to the rocks. At approximately 3.30am the ship's keel hit the rocksseveral times. The crew began to transfer passengers to the Williams. TheCaptain of the Catherine Adamson then went aboard the Williams in the life boat.Immediately after this, the boats were swamped and destroyed, leaving a numberof people aboard the Catherine Adamson. She soon went to pieces and 21 liveswere lost including passengers and the pilot6 •

Salvage

Almost immediately salvaging began on the wreck. The cargo includedbales of cottons, woollens, worsteds, flannel, muslins, umbrellas, parasols,hats, counterpanes, clothing, agricultural implements, machinery, 9,876 gallonsof rum, 4,376 gallons of brandy, 1,873 gallons of white wine, 74 barrels of bulkbeer 7. Parts of the cargo and the ship were scattered throughout the bays ofPort Jackson. A number of people were prosecuted for failing to hand in articlesthey had found. Divers were quick onto the scene and brawls developed betweencompeting divers, but eventually most of the cargo was salvaged.

She was then forgotten until the mid 1960s when she appeared in the head­lines again. Sometime in 1964, two local divers found the wreck and tried tokeep its location a secret. Then in May, 1965, Ben Cropp found the wreck andhe began to salvage the remains 8 . Since then, the Catherine Adamson has becomea popular dive spot among Sydney divers.

Significance

The Catherine Adamson is an example of the type of ship which maintainedthe lines of communication of the Colony with the centre of the Empire during thegold rush period. In the l850s sail still predominated on all internationalAustralian routes. The clippers were the prestige craft of the '50s carryingboth passengers and cargo. In the 1850s, the exports of England to Australiaquadrupled9 and the cargo of the Catherine Adamson is typical of the range ofgoods being imported into New South Wales at the time. This typicality alongwith its position near to Sydney which meant that it was at risk, decided us tomake an inspection to record what had been left after many years of gradualdestruction by both sea and man.

The Site

The site lies in water ranging from 2 metres to 20 metres off thelocality known as Old Man's Hat on North Head, Port Jackson. So far only twodives have been made involving approximately 10 divers. The visibility isusually no more than 4 metres with a continual strong surge buffetting thedivers. The bottom consists of large boulders with twisting gullies and holes.There is no sign of the hull structure remaining and on the scale Muckelroydeveloped for wreck sites in British waters, based on topography (% of bottomsedimentary deposits), deposit (range of sediments), slope (average over thewhole site), sea horizon (sector of open water for 10+ km.) and fetch (maximunoffshore distance),lO the Catherine Adamson would be a Class 4 site in a scaleof 1 to 5. Class 4 is described as more than 10% of bottom being sedimentarydeposits; range of sediments being boulders to sand. Slope average being lessthan 8% (this is not strictly correct in the Catherine Adamson as the slopebecomes quite steep at approximately 10 metres), the sea horizon ie. the sectorof open water for 10+ km. being more than 300 and the fetch or offshore maximumdistance more than 250km.

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A sketch plan has been made and is continually being added to as thebottom sediments move. In the conditions prevailing it is practicallyilnpossible to make an accurate survey of the area nor is it at presentwarranted. ll Artifacts are found in holes, sand catchment areas and in anyplace where the surge is minimised by the shape of boulders.

The major problem with the site is that, not only the Catherine Adamsonwas wrecked in the area but that a number of other ships have been wrecked inthe general region, for example the Annie, a 470 ton barge on 29th June, 1858;the Emily Horst, a sailing vessel on-r2th October, 1861; the William Hill, a109 ton brig on 28th November, 1865, and the Julia, a 60 ton schooner on11th August, 1873. None of these wrecks has ~located and the possibilityexists that part, at least, of their remains are mixed in with those of theCatherine Adamson.

Future work will consist of more mapping, limited artifact recovery andmore attempts at photography. Unfortunately, conditions so far have not beenconducive to successful photography. The only significant artifact recovered sofar is a sheet of Muntz metal. Muntz metal was a patent alloy developed forsheathing wooden hulls to protect them from the various marine organisms, suchas toredo, which attack wood. This piece has regular nail/tack holes showing howit was attached to the hull. Lloyd's register for 1856 indicates that theCatherine Adamson was sheathed in yellow metal, i.e. Muntz metal on top of felt.Other artifacts recovered have been wine glass bases, nails and tacks.Significantly, glass is not very common on the site. It is worth quoting a news­paper report of 25th May, 1965, describing what Ben Cropp found when he starteddiving on this site. 'They swam around the wreck for hours and recovered pewtermugs, coins, a sextant, a cannon, brass bells, cutlery and broken pottery' .12After 15 years of diving on the site it is a very different story.

ROSE OF AUSTRALIA: (wrecked 22nd January, 1874)

History

The Rose of Australia was a wooden brig of 261.72 tons 98.9' x 26.2' x16.2' built at Gateshead, County Durham, England in 1862. She was firstregistered in Australia in 1864 at Newcastle, N.S.W. when her owner wasWilliam O'Hagen, master mariner: in July, 1864 he took as a partner R.R.S.Bowker of Newcastle. Then in June, 1867 William O'Hagen sold 16 of his 32shares to James Munro. Bowker bought Munro's 16 shares in February, 1868.The final share arrangement was reached in March, 1869 when Charles B.Desborough has 21 shares and R.R.S. Bowker 43. 13 Charles Desborough was themaster of the vessel when she was wrecked and a George Desborough (relationshipnot traced - brother?) was Second Mate. The Rose of Australia made a number oftrips between Melbourne, Sydney and Newcastle and prior to the wreck had beento Foo Chow. 14

The Wrecking

She was sailing from Melbourne to Sydney in ballast, leaving Melbourne on15th January, 1874. The last land they saw was, according to the Master, PointPerpendicular. This was on 21st January, 1874. On being asked why they had beenwrecked in Wreck Bay some 9 miles south of Point Perpendicular the Second Mate,George Desborough, blamed a particularly strong current which took them southwhilst the ship was sailing north at 7 knots. 15

On the 22nd there was a strong gale from the SSW with short squalls -'thick dark, rainy \veather ' ,16 The Second Mate was on watch ,,,hen the crew reportedland ahead but he thought it was cloud. Later he changed his mind and called theCaptain who came on deck. Captain Desborough was also not certain whether it wasland or cloud and gave the order to wear ship. Unfortunately he picked the wrongtack and almost immediately she went ashore. Erik Olsen was at the helm at thetime of wrecking and states that the ofiicers did not know where they were whenshe went ashore.17 No one was killed as everyone got ashore by a plank. Thevessel was insured fori.2,600 with the Sydney Marine Office. 18

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A letter written by the local Sub-Collector of Customs reports thatthe crew was beginning to salvage gear. 19

Significance

The Rose of Australia is typical of the craft which made up the bulkof the coastal fleets which ran between the capital cities of the AustralianColonies. As the history of this vessel shows these craft would also makethe occasional run to ports throughout the Pacific. They were the generalworkhorses of the internal maritime trade of Eastern Australia.

The Site

In February, 1980 the site was located by the authors using directionsfrom a letter concerned with the Marine Board of Inquiry and information froma local abalone fisherman.

The wreckage lies in a shallow gully beside a small island and isstrewn in general East-West direction. Nothing indicating bow or stern hasbeen found but working from the wreck reports it is assumed that the bow isin the east. The gully is rock with a covering of natural stones mixed withsmall, smooth pebbles used as ballast and shel1grit. Iron knees and otherpieces of iron lie over the area~ pieces of copper sheath, nails, washersand small fragments of wood and pottery were also found in the sedimentoverlay.

The absence of fittings, anchors, rudder pintles and gudgeonssuggests that the wreck was dismantled after going ashore as it would havebeen easily accessible in calm weather.

At Easter 1980 a site plan was produced and photographs of all theiron fittings were taken (see diagram). Although the site would classify asClass 2 on Muckelroy's scale from environmental attributes, it is verydisappointing from an archaeological point of view. It has clearly beenvery thoroughly salvaged.

ALEXANDER BERRY: (wrecked 1st June, 1901)

History

The Alexander Berry (O/No. 69740) was a steam drogher built in 1873at Pyrmont by James Bower & Co. for the Illawarra Steam Navigation Company.She was named for a director of the company who had died in 1870. She was42.36 net tons, 80.6' x 15.4' x 5.2' wood with an elliptic stern, billethead, two masts, schooner rigged. The engines were two direct acting highpressure cylinders with diameters of 9 inches and a stroke of 10 inches with20a rating of 20 h.p. James Bower not only fitted the engines but built them.She was used on theShoalhaven River running from Nowra to Greenwe11 Point. 21A late photograph (date unknown) taken at Nowra Wharf shows that she was atsOme stage cut down from a schooner. 22 It also shows her function very well.The main vessels of the I.S.N. Co. would unload at Nowra either onto thewharf or directly onto the droghers which would then distribute the cargo upthe river. They were not intended for coastal work although they would oftenbe forced to make coastal passages from one river to another. She remainedin this company's hands right up to her wrecking in 1901. In 1898 she hadhad someJ700 spent on making her seaworthy.23

The Wrecking

She left Shoalhaven on the 30th June, 1901 for Merimbula. Heavyweather forced her to take shelter at Abraham's Bosom about eight milessouth of Gerringong. There she anchored but at half past nine the anchorcable parted and the gale drove her out to sea. At midnight the rudder headbroke leaving the vessel without steerage. The crew used the booms from themast in an attempt to steer her by dragging them astern, however thisfailed. The seas were continually sweeping the vessel, carrying away anythingloose. She eventually drifted onto the rocks at the extreme end of Long (or

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WINDLASS I-j

1 ANCHOR '"

M.N. IRON J 20m.approx.

lA'

BOIlE:\)ENGINE<:::)

PROPEL L ER WAS HERE --~ \

PIPES 12 approx.

IRON TANKOl

20 1Om. depth

ALEXANDER BERRYSKETCH PLANAPRIL 12, 1960

NOT TO SCALE

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Bass) Point. She seas lifted her clean over the rocks and deposited her ina small bay on the other side of the Point where she went to pieces and sank.There were only five men on board, namely Captain Marshall, the engineerMr A.J. Bartlett, the fireman Mr Waiter Pearce and two able seamen Mr JohnPratt and Mr John Jansen. Only Mr Pratt survived. 24

The Site

The wreck was discovered by two local divers Mr Ludvic Lieske andMr Ray Pike. After seeing a poster advertising the Maritime ArchaeologicalAssociation of N.S.W. they contacted John Riley requesting information as towhat they should do with the wreck. So on 12th April 1980 a group of diversfrom the Association went to Wollongong to investigate the wreck and advisethe finders as to correct procedures. The finders had already raised thepropeller, stern tube and the bronze shoe of the stern of the keel. Thesite is lying in 23 metres of water off the North side of Bass Point. Thebottom is rock over which there is a continually moving shell grit, sand andpebble sediment. During the four dives made at the site, on only the firstwas there sufficient exposed to record any details of the engine boiler andwinch.

From the sketch plan it is clear that the hull had broken apart beforesettling on the bottom. It would appear that the vessel struck the rockcliff to the west of the site before being carried over the first rocks shehad struck and then broke up scattering the machinery and fittings in adisjointed pattern.

The Artifacts

There are a number of significant artifacts, some of which have beenraised, others are still in situ. These show the type and standard ofmachinery fitted to the river droghers. The boiler is oval with a singlestoke hole. The engine has twin high pressure cylinders of 9" diameter(note the specifications of the register list 9" cylinders - a goodidentification feature.) The propeller and stern gland plus shaft is9.1' long and shows a very rough and ready design typical of the small localengineering workshops. Note in particular the unsophisticated design of thepropeller. Also raised was a bronze shoe 3.8' long which fitted around thestern end of the keel. The purpose of this was to protect the propellerblades when the vessel grounded - a frequent occurrence with the riverdroghers. On a later dive fitting 'A' was raised. This was found on thefirst inspection dive and was at risk. Its function is provisionallysuggested as a pivot shoe for a derrick or crane.

No further work is intended for this site at present. It is quiteimportant as one of the best examples of river droghers machinery known andas such should be protected. Fortunately the finders took a very responsibleattitude to this wreck and so prevented an archaeological disaster so commonin diving history e.g. the Dunbar.

Conclusions

The preceding reports show a large part of the range of materialavailable along the New South Wales coast. The Maritime ArchaeologicalAssociation intends continuing this programme. Expeditions are planned to theMaitland wrecked at Maitland Bay, the Wauhope 11 at Port Stephens. It willalso respond to any reports of wrecks and requests for advice.

As yet no intact wooden hulls have been inspected but it is anticipatedthat in the near future two sites will be recorded. These sites show thevalue of wreck inspection which is the most fruitful area of research forbodies with little or no funding. It also has great value in extendingdiver's recording skills.

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147

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Notes

1. Sydney Morning Herald, 14th July, 1890.

2. History based on M. Page, Fitted for the Voyage, D. Gregory, SteamshipsPast and Present, Register of British Shipping at Sydney, Folio 76/1885.Sydney Morning Herald, 14th July, 1890.

3. Sydney Morning Herald, 14th July, 1890.

4. Being a non-funded body we are not able to afford the expensive underwaterphotographic equipment which would allow us to work in these conditions,e.g. a Nikonos with a l5mm uw-Nikkor lens, the cost of which is approxim­ately $2,000 a unit.

5. Lloyd's Register of British and Foreign Shipping, 1856.

6. Sydney Morning Herald, 26th October, 1857, 28th October, 1857,30th October, 1857 and 4th November, 1857.

7. Daily Mirror, 24th May, 1965, Australian, 25th May, 1965.

8. Ibid.

9. J.S. Bach, A Maritime History of Australia, p. 94. A.G.L. Shaw, TheEconomic Development of Australia, p. 78.

10. K. Muckelroy, Maritime Archaeology, p. 164.

11. P. Baker & G. Henderson, 'James Matthew Excavation', International Journalof Nautical Archaeology, 1979, Vol. 8:3, p. 229, for discussion on thedegree of accuracy required.~

12. The Australian, 25th May, 1965.

13. Register of British Shipping at Newcastle, Folio 7/1864.

14. Sydney Morning Herald, 24th January, 1874.

15. Court of Marine Inquiry, Evidence of George Desborough, 1874.

16. Court of Marine Inquiry, Evidence of Captain G.B. Desborough, 1874.

17. Court of Marine Inquiry, Evidence of Erik Olsen, 1874.

18. Desborough, op. cit.

19. Letter of Sub-Collector of Customs, Shoalhaven to the Collector of Customs,Sydney, dated 26th January, 1874.

20. Register of British Shipping at Sydney, Folio 6/1874.

21. Illawarra Mercury, 11th July, 1901.

22. Held by Nowra Historical Museum.

23. Illawarra Mercury, 11th July, 1901.

24. Ibid. 4th July, 1901.KIama Independent, 2nd July, 1901.

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RECORDING OF ENGINEERING AND INDUSTRIAL HERITAGE SITES,ADAPTED FROM FIELD INSTRUCTIONS OF THE HISTORIC AMERICANENGINEERING RECORD (HAER),

D.A.Cumming.

1.0 Introduction

The essential aim of the work is to document important engineering andindustrial sites and structures effectively. It is done by a team which normallyconsists of an engineer, a historian, and an architect who possess different back­grounds, interests and expertise. The work will only be successful when theirskills are applied to the task so that each complements the others; cooperationand sharing information is essential if success is to be achieved. On arrival atthe site, the team will often encounter a number of mysteries or puzzles: thefunction of a particular structure or artifact may not be easily recognized. Itmay not be known why it is there, when it was made, or what it did. Alternativelya missing object may be the mystery, what fitted into the empty room, or on to theremains of a foundation. What was there? What did it do? Unknowns must not beignored; they are often very important.

The process of recording a site has much in common with good practice inacquisitioning and preserving objects for a museum. Artifacts are three dimensionalobjects which after proper examination can tell us much about the people who made orused them; they can tell us how people spent their time, performed tasks, earnedtheir living, used materials, and shaped and worked the finished articles.

Occasionally sites can be preserved by a current compatible and sympa­thetic use, sometimes as a museum, occasionally as ruins. Most will probably becompletely destroyed and their information lost unless they have been adequatelyrecorded; this is in many ways, the functional equivalent of physical protection.Reports, photographs and drawings, like artifacts in a museum, store information onpast human behaviour.

Provided the right questions are asked and answered; documentation hassome advantages over physical preservation: the site and its function can beexplained; documents are the results and summary of research. They have definitelimitations; texture, heat light, colour and sounds are hard to record on paper.

1.1 Pocumentingtechnological sites and structures

There is no set formula for each site differs and requires its own spec­ific treatment. The basic questions are usually:-

What was there?Why was it there?How did it work?Why did it take the shape it did?Who did the work?How did the site change through time?

Finding answers requires good detective work: the following advice isusually helpful when time is short:-

(i) Decide on the questions which seem most applicable; establish anhistorical point of view; develop a strategy or plan of attack.

(ii) There are often a number of sources ofitself. What questions does it raise?published materials, historic graphics

lhQ

data: but start with the siteThen examine manuscripts,

and knowledgeable locai people

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who worked on or at the site.

(iii) Adapt to the available data: if information in one area is scarce,turn to another.

(iv) Record information by the best means available; recognizing that writtenreports, drawings and photographs have both strengths and weaknesses.A written report explains best why a site was chosen, a drawingdescribes more precisely its situation: photographs show clearlydurability, texture and workmanship. In general historians (andengineers) should use graphics extensively; architects should usescript as well as lines on their drawings.

(v) The report concerns a particular site; it must at all times feature inthe foreground: regional or national developments may be relevant, butare essentially background supporting material.

1.2 Analysis and description of location

A site, situated on property with real boundaries, may be analysed interms of:-

(i)(ii)(iii)(iv)

(v)(vi)(vii)(viii)(ix)(x)(xi)(xii)

TopographyGeology including foundation problemsClimateResources including minerals, building materials and supplies ofwater, power, fuel etc.Natural or man-made barriersTransportation systemsUtilities such as water, electricity, drainageLand valuesMarkets and capitalLaborZoning ordinances, regulations, taxesCommunity and business services

1.3 Analyses of contents

A site may contain one or many structures; some may already have beendemolished; some may be important because of what they are, or what they did,because of rarity or alternatively because they are typical examples of a oncecommon structure. Their importance may be in who built it, used it, or what itlooks like. Significant questions include:

What is it?What was its function?When was it built, manufactured, destroyed?Who designed it, engineered it, built it?How much did it cost?Of what materials was it made and why?How was it made?How did its form relate to its function?What machinery or process did it house?How many people worked on it or in it?What products were made?What processes were carried out?How long did it remain in service?Is it rare or unusual?Is it typical of .an important but now scarce type?Is it associated with significant individuals, inventions or events?

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,

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How much did the individual item contribute to the economics ortechnology of the site, structure or process.

1.4 Analysis of a work place

Some of the questions to be asked are:

What machines or tools are or were present in the structure?Who manufactured the equIpment and when?How much skill was required to operate the machinery?What was the source of power for the machinery?How was this power transmitted through the site or buildings?What tasks were performed?What were the products?What materials and resources were used?How were they processed or shaped?What were the working conditions, e.g. heat, light, ventilation, fire

prevention, air pollution, noise?What was the size of the labour force?What different occupations and trades were involved?Where did the labour force come from?What was their composition ethnically or by sex and age?Were children employed?Was the labour force exploited?Was the venture profitable?How were the profits and rewards distributed or shared?Whenever a site ii complex and an assemblage of work-places, investigate

their inter-relations and inter-dependencies.

1.5 Temporal and Technological Changes

The site, especially when used for a long time, will have survived manychanges, and much wear and~tear. An enterprise~may be successful for a time, itgrows, changes its machinery and processes. Competition forces it to change.

Not all changes are equally important; select the most important whichare generally;

the initial developmentthe zenith of its developmentthe final period of collapse.

Look for changes in ownership or internal organisation, the arrival ofinnovative people, changes in the local and national economy, changes in markets,the growth or decay of competitors, fires, explosions, strikes. Try to find outwho instigated or resisted changes and why? Did the changes come from inside oroutside? What new machinery or processes were required?

1. 6 Impacts

A site was often part of a larger community; What effects did the sitehave on this community? Did the goods or services provided have regional ornational significance? Were new products or technologies developed at the site andsubsequently adopted by others? What effect did the site have on the environmentand "quality of life", locally and regionally?

1.7 Intangibles

Human actions are not always logical and rational: cultural values and

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personal quirks can be significant: these should be considered and evaluatedwhere possible.

1.8 Conclusion

These areas of enquiry do not constitute a formula for evaluating sites.Use this list to generate an appropriate strategy for the particular site and setof resource materials under consideration.

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IDENTIFYING BOTTLES.

David Hutchison.

Introduction

About 8 years ago, when plagued by numerous inquiries about the datingof bottles, I devised a "provisional field guide" based on a number ofreferences (a. that time principally American), some personalobservation of bottles recovered from sites in W.A., and on informa­tion derived from correspondence wi th several people, Ivor Noel Humeof Colonial Williamsburg particularly.

The resulting key has proved useful as far as it goes. It could beimproved by providing much more detail which I have not had time noropportunity to do.

This key must, of course, be used only to obtain a first approximationto a date. We still know too little about the dates of adoption ofnew technologies in different factories and in different countries. Anew technological development might have been adopted much earlier inAmerica, say, than in Australia - or much earlier in one Americanfactory than in another. There is no substitute for a criticalanalysis of an assemblage of artefacts from a particular site.

REFERENCES: Derry, T. K. and Williams, T. L. A Short His tory ofTechnOlo~ (Oxford U.P.)

Kendrick, Grace, The Mou -Blmffi Bottle(PUb. by the author, U.S.A.)

Wyatt, Victor, From Sand-core to Automation(Glass Manufacturers' Federation, England)

General Notes

Free-blO\ffi bottles were- first produced about 2,000 years ago. Atfirst they were 'free-blown' but were later mouth-blown in moulds. In1903 the first successful machinery for blowing bottles was manufactured.Free-blO\ffi bottles are still used for special uses or for aestheticpurposes.

After about 1917-machinery became almost universal in bottle manufacture.

Free-blown bottles were most corrnnon until the mid 1850's. Mouldedbottles were reintroduced about 1800. (There were some moulded bottlesqui te early but moulding was not used much be1:lveen then and 1800).

Ingredients _Sand - ideally 99.9% pure silica.Flux - to enable melting of the sand at a lower temperature

(about 2000°F).Two fluxes are used principally:. potash - which causes the glass to be more difficult to blow,. soda - which produces a softer glass.

Lime - to stabilize the glass. A sand/soda glass is unstable and tendsto dissolve. ("Soda-lime" glass now forms about 90% of totalproduction).

Cu1let - about one - to three-quarters of a mix would be old glass.Cry~tal glass - made of refined ingredients with about 25% to 50% lead oxide.

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Colouring

Colour depends upon the amounc of w~tallic oxide present, thetemperature of the melt and upon reheating at certain stages ofmanufacture. Glass tends to be green to blue because of ironimpurities. Colourless glass is bleached by adding manganese orselenium. Too much oxide gives a 'black' glass. A cheap 'black' glasswas made by adding iron filings.[See 'colour change' in the following key.]

Colour

BlueYellowPurple or brown'opal' ('milk')Ruby redRedEmeraldPurple (or colourless)Yellow, pink (or colour-

less)Common brown'Prismatic surface'Surface colour similarto oil slick on water

PRINCIPAl HEADINGS:

Oxide of the following metal used

cobalt or copperchromium, sulphur, silver, charred hornnickeltin, zincgold (metal)coppercopper or iron filingsmanganeseselenium

carbonreheating when copper presentprobably due to thin film ofglass on surface being dissolved on exposure.

'!HE KEY

(A) Surface(D) Lip and Stopper(G) Pontil marks(J) Vent marks

(A) Surface

CB) Shape(E) 'Kick up'(H) Colour changes(K) Some defects

(C) Seams(F) Lettering(I) Seals(L) Fruit jars.

A.l - a very smooth surface without seams.

A.I.l Free-blown bottle: no seams, lack of exactsymmetry, high lustre surface- most common until c.1850's.

A.I.2 Turn-moulded: (bottle turned in mould to obliterateseams). no seams, smooth surface, but more precisesymmetry. May be rings due to impurities orimperfections of mould during turning. These can beseen by looking along surface of the bottle.- mainly just before or just after 1900.

A.2 - Seams present:

a moulded bottle- after c.lxOO (see C)

A.3 - Whittle marks:

('hammered appearance' of surface produced '''heniron mould is co'j. Tended to occur in first

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A.3 bottles produced in a day. In later years all ironmoulds were pre-heated1- iron mould, after c.1860.

(some bottles are given artificial whittle marks, butexperience may help to detect this)

N.B. Condition of surface is not a reliable indicator of age,although it helps. A bottle in dry conditions, ifsheltered from sand-blast, will keep a shiny surface farlonger than one in moist conditions. Experienced observersmay use surface erosion as another indi.:ator of age.

(B) Shape(principally refers to general evolution of shape of cylindricalbottle, with two special shapes)

B.I Evolution of cylindrical bottle:

B.I.I longer neck- before about 1675.

B.I.2 neck shortened, shoulder more angular- c.1675/1680.

B.1.3 neck shortened further, body more dome-shaped,'kick up' wider and higher. Body rather tapered.- c.1680-1715. .

B.I.4 cylindrical bottle similar to modern port bottle ­body sides nearly vertical- c.1750.

B.2 Free moulded bottles in general:

A blown bottle tends to be spherical unless moulded. Flatbottoms and sides may be formed by placing on 'marver'(flat plate) or by shaping with paddle-like tools, or byslapping dot~ on marver.- most common before c.1800.

B.3 Special wine bottles:

B.3.1 slender green moselle

B.3.2 slender amber hock

B.3.3 pot-bellied burgundy

B.3.4 'robust' champagne

- c.1800 (U.K.) a bit earlier on Continent'

B.4 Egg-shaped aerated water bottles:(early aerated water bottles were corked and the bottle had tolie on side to keep cor~; moL t and prevent loss of gas, hencerounded bottom)

B.4.l Original egg-shape

later 19th C. toc.I90?

. , -t:"~

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B.4.2 Flat bottom egg-shape. '.' ,(with introduction of crown-seal bottle couldstand up, partly egg-shape preserved fortradition)

- c.1907 to c.19l9.

C.l.l

(C) Seams

General: Moulds became common after c.1800. Mainly woodenmoulds were used until c.1860. Principally ironmoulds after c.1880. Experience may help to detectsurface differences and general appearance of seams.Seams of iron moulded bottles tend to be finer thanfor wooden and become finer still as better ironmoulds are produced.

C.l Seam on body, not on neck:

2 piece mould for body and shoulders, neck and lipdrawn out and formed by hand.~-------- Vled<- ,<ZC\\,\,\

b~~i\4i ]::S -before c.1860.

C.1.2 later bottles have higher neck-seams.

,- - after c.1860.

C.l.3 neck seam only about 3mm below crest.

- c.1900.

C.2 No seam on body, neck formed separately.(some bottles were formed with a one piece mould for thebody, with neck moulded separately)

C 1;? -' early 19th C.

5'l.aw.

C.3 Seam continuous to crest of lip:

2 piece mould machine made bottle

t--'-----~C.4 Three piece mould:

p .~C5oY>te..).IW\e.~ ~e."'''' )pCl-n (4.-P\'''~ w oold _

156

- 1903 or later.

- mid 1800's.

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(D) Lip ("Finish") &Stopper

The lip was fonned last with a mouth-blown bottle, hence thetenn "finish" - which is still used although the lip is fonnedfirst on a modern bottle. From c.1600 to c.1870 bottles weremostly corked.

D.l Sheared or rolled lip:(Lip cut off with shears and smoothed by tool or melting,or lip rolled back causing bulge on inside or outside)

- before c.1840.

D.2 Laid-on ring:(introduced for effervescent liquids to enable wiring onof cork)

thread of glass laidon a round neckabout 6mm fromcrest- after 1840.

Note: In c.18S0 a 'lipping tool' was introduced to fonn thelip. This may leave scratches and/or ringscircumscribing the neck near the lip.

D.3 Codd's glass marble stopper:

- 1873 and later.

D.4 Rubber gasket inside bottle controlled by wire loop throughneck: (Hutchinson's patent)

- c.1873 and later.

D.S 'Lightning' stopper:

rubber or porcelain plug clamped down or released withc:.ick of wire bale

- mid 1880's to c.1920.

D.6 Crown seal:

- 1892 and since

(-not general in Australian manufacture until c.1907)

D.7 Inside screw closure:(especially whiskey bottles and English pottery bottles)

- c.1900.

D.8 Outside screw closure:(used earlier on 'specialty bottles' such as reusablewhiskey flasks but not common until thread standardisedin 1920)

- c.1920 and since.

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- 18th C. &early 19th C.

l' Se<U\ot(F) . Lettering

E.2

E.3

Moulded kick-up:(Conventional 2 piece mould could not be used as kick-upwould lock ~ds together)~illl(([;t \001<. f"r <p.re~fo"'d,,,,') Se-~"",

~-;;;;;:;;;;;;;,:I.,.,J - c 1880 .~(r«tIW«{/r'YKIr-k <Jp '''' ••~~=~'::-::'::::'#==!~'7 O"e- free.::

Separate base-plate and 2 piece body mould:

~ /

- generally before 1860

F.lPrincipally introduced after 1860 with iron moulds, butcould occur on bottles before this. Does it appearmoulded, if so

- after c.1860(roughly)

F.2 Slug plates:

introduced in late 19th C. These were thin metal sheetswith embossed lettering which fitted into a sunken panelin the mould. Plates could be changed to use the samemould for different customers I bottles. (A seam mightshow around edge of panel).

- late 19th C.

F.3 Lettering on bases:

F. 3.1 1 or 2 digit number. Cavity number. A sequence ofmoulds of same design.

F.3.2 3, 4 or 5 digit number, with perhaps 1 or 2 letters.lvfould des ign number.

F.3.3 Symbol, monogram, few letters. Trademark.

F.3.4 Word. Name of product or customer.

(G) Pontil Marks (or Scars)

(these appear on the centre of the base of the bottle)

G.l Pontil mark:

rough ring or disc. Made when bottle held by ·'pontil' duringforming of lip. All bottles before 1860 with few exceptions.Most of exceptions would have a cold finished lip in whichcase grinding should be obvious.

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G.2 Improved pontil mark:

round or squarish. May appear to be ground in. Partly orwholly metallic surface.

- after 1840

G.3 No pontil mark:

if a mouth-blown bottle

- c.1860 to c.1903

CH) Colour Change

H.l Manganese used to produce clear glass. Very apt to'solarize' to amethyst colour.

- c.1890-c.19l6

H.2 Selenium became most popular 'discolourizer'. May alsochange to a 'ripened wheat' or 'honey' colour.

- after c.19l6

NOTE: Clear glass containing Manganese may be coloured morequickly by exposure to more intense ultravioletradiation. Glass may also be dyed. If dyed scratchingwill show that colour is only near surface.

Cl) Seals

commonly on shoulder, often with lettering or mark.

- introduced c.1650

(J) Vent Marks

As iron moulds. improved the complete neck and lip were formed withthe body mould. Moulds were also' locked together more securely.Air could not <.Jscape from between glass and mould so small ventholes were drilled - usually in shoulders or base. They left apinhead size pointed mound of glass, usually placed where they mightappear decorative. E.g. - quite common on Ivhiskey bottles atshoulders in c.1900. Now often incorporated in raised lettering ordrilled within joi.nts and not noticeable.

If vent marks are detectable - probably later 19th C. to early 20th C.

CK) Defects

(jus t a few more obvious ones. These are not much use inidentification).

Stones: fragments broken offlvhen poor clay used in melting pots.Wrinkles in glass may cause 'tails' or 'insects'.

Seeds: myriad small bubbles formed if mix fired too slowly.Cloudy or bubbly glass: usually cheap bottles due to' gall' not

being removed from surface of melt.

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(L) Fruit Jars

L.l Wide mouth bottles:- before c.1850

L.2 Mason screw topped fruit jar:

(John L. Mason. Body mould included threaded mouth" whichdid not appear until later on necked

SCl-ew.\o1' bottles. Rubber gasket for sealing atshoulder).

~-'('Ub6eV' j<lSKe.J.-

- c.1858 and since

L.3 Jars made by 'press and blow' machine

- c.i882 and since

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NOTES ON THE EARLY HISTORY OF SMELTING COPPER ORES IN SOUTHAUSTRALIA,

D. A. Cumming.

By the end of 1845 about 900 tons of copper ore had beencarried to Port Adelaide and exported to Swansea in Waleswhere it brought about twenty pounds per ton. It wasobvious that much higher prices could be obtained if the orewas smelted to copper before export and the consequent cost,which was on a per ton basis, of shipment to England reduced.

Many people, including Edward Davy, physician, chemist andjournalist who had earlier invented a telegraphic relay,experimented with smelting copper ores at Port Adelaide usingcharcoal CBlainey 1963, 110). Penney and Owen arranged aprivate act of the Legislative Council to safeguard theirrights to one smelting process CLinge 1979, 144). The Burracompany engaged Germans to build them a smelter, but aban­doned the venture.

Late in 1847 the brothers Thomas who had previously operateda smelter in Chile, established the Bremer smelting workswhich started operations in August 1848 CS.An. 26/8/48) usingcharcoal and poor quality ores.

In 1848 Penney and Owen erected a smelter at Apoinga 25 milesnorth of Kapunda to smelt ore from the Burra mine: the firstmetal reached Adelaide in 1849. The proprietors of theKapunda mine set up a smelter which started production inDecember of the same year.

The Adelaide Smelting Company which was formed in December1847 with a capital of 20,000 pounds built a smelter at Yatalaeast of Port Adelaide, started operating in February 1849 andby mid-December had produced 140 tons of copper worth 12,000pounds using imported coal and coke for the hot blast machin­ery CLinge 1979, p.145) and often as fuel for the furnaceswhen charcoal was not available CS.A.Register 1/12/45, 29/8/46,15/9/46. 29 April, 4 October and 15 December 1849 and 2/10/50).

incon­hadfor a

had earlier backed experimentscalled tenders in 1845 for the

In 1846 they stated that theyand attempted to raise capital

The Burra company whichsmelting with charcoal,struction of a smelter.1460 tons of ore ready,smelting company.

The Patent Copper Company which was already established inNew South Wales started construction of a smelter costing over60,000 pounds at Burra in December 1848. The first furnacestarted production in March 1849: three more followed in Juneand two more ilin October.

A generalised flow diagram of the grading of copper ores andtheir subsequent processing in about 1890 is given in fig.l.The flow diagram given by Hopkins of the smelting processesused in Wales in the early l800s is given in fig.2.

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Cementcopper

I

Ilow

gr ..'h, .Lctchln\l

. I ..flf. rcll0l09

CathOdecopper

IBl~d(:QPpcr

IFire relining

I

Blaek (.oppcr,melllng

in abtiut 'urnace

(wilh much (oh)

Bti SIc: copper

. I ..fur relining

iHighg, .. dc

Rcverb.llor~

I1ro4111U

IConvert.,i !

SulplllduI

I

P,riti~ ,melting

'" .blalt furnace

(with litlle coke I

iMaltt

IConvener

+N;l,liu

~~ low

i . j . grade"hl"Ulc Talllng~

copper

~Fiu M.."iu Oincminalcd

ufining . lulphidu ""inl

$j I

hiling, Concentralc

Frg. 1 Grading ot copper ons and smelting to metallic C'opp,r

Pyritic ores (high in iron sulphide) were calcined at a temp­erature of SOOOC. for 12 - 24 hours in a reverbatory furnacewith a capacity of 3 - 4 tons to leave the sulphur in equi­molecular portions of Cu 52 and Fe 5. The product wasgranulated by quenching ..

This calcined pyritic ore was mixed with oxide ore low in ironand then heated in a small reverbatory furnace (2) with asilica hearth at a temperature of about 11SOoC. when theprincipal reaction was:-

CU2 + Fe 5 --t CU25 + Fe 0

The product was a coarse metal or matte with a compositiongenerally 31% Cu, 41% Fe 27% 5, the surplus iron oxide beingremoved with the aid of silica from the hearth as a black slag

Pyritic o"'...._-llol

Lo'!\' 9ra de ore

High grade ore

Olide and carbonate ore

Waste slag

Slag

W"'ite metal

ay

1,l .. Caleiner.2 __ .Ore furnace4 __ • MctOlt furnace,

S ._. Fine metal hlrnace6 ~~.Roaster

7 __ . Relinery turnace

7

Tough pitch metal

Fig- 2 Flow diagram 01 Wcllh .melting process cire" 1830 by Hopkins

162

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with a composition 60% Sc02 30% Fe 0, and other minor compo­nents.

After granulation this matte was mixed with high grade sulphideore low in iron and calcined (3) to reduce the sulphur contentfrom 30% to 15%6 charges of 2 tons were generally treated for24 hours at 800 C.

The coarse metal from this calciner was mixed with rich oxideore and transferred to a metal furnace (4) at a temperature ofl200oC. to obtain nearly 100% white metal with a compositionof 75% copper 2% irom and 23% sulphur. The rich slag contain­ing up to 5% copper was returned to the previous calciner. Ifthe iron content was too high or rich oxide ores were notavailable, blue metal with an excess of iron was produced andtreated to an additional oxidising fusion in a fine metalfurnace (5) to produce white metal of satisfactory quality.

The roaster (6) which followed, induced the exothermic doubledecomposition process:-

2 Cu20 + CU2S ~ 6~Cu + 2S0sPigs of white metal were stacked, Jmd gradually decomposed tomolten metal over an eight hour pei:ciod. Slag was skimmed fromthe surface, and the metal cast in~o blister pigs.

These were further treated in the refinery furnace for 24 hoursin an oxidising environment, followed by a final reduction topure copper.

This process required in 1850 abou~ 20 tons of coal per ton ofcopper from high grade ores and 30' - 40 tons of coal for lowgrade ores.

In the late l850s blast furnaces came into use for the firstthree stages of the process. The Pilz furnace was introducedin Saxony in 1866 with a free standing pentagonal hearth andwater cooled tuyeres; in the same year water cooled furnaceswere operating on the Rhine. Later Bessemer converters wereused as at Wallaroo for the roasting of the matte.

About the same time revolving multiple hearth furnaces wereintroduced for the preliminary roasting. Electrolyticrefining of copper in acidic copper sulphate was first usedin Wales in 1869.

The dressing of copper ores was revolutionised by the discoveryof the flotation process in which ground ore was agitated inwater with oil and air, so that a bubble attached itself toone of the components and floated it to the surface.

Recovery of copper was effected by leaching the tailings dumpswith acid (generally sulphuric acid) and precipitating thecopper from solution with scrap iron. This process was knownin the Wallaroo area as cimentation. The result was finelypowdered and generally impure copper, the consolidation ofwhich could be expensive ..

\

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References.

Blainey, G. (1964) The rush that never ended.Hopkins, D.W.G. (1971) Bulletin 5 (1) 6. Historical Metal~

lurgy grmup.Linge. G.R. (1979) Industrial Awakening.Tylecote, R.F. (1976) A History of Metallurgy.

164