Parks, Peoples and Pictures:

How Imagery Influences Revenue to NGOs in East Africa

Ashley Jowell and Jenna Shapiro

Sophomore College 2014

“Parks and Peoples: Dilemmas of Protected Area Conservation in East Africa”

Professors Susan Charnley

and William Durham

Abstract

This paper explores the extent to which imagery of East Africa has an effect on the

revenue stream to Non-Governmental Organizations (NGOs) with efforts in the region. In

particular, the paper examines three education-based NGOs: the Indigenous Education

Foundation of Tanzania, the Maasai Girls Education Fund, and the Tanzanian Education

Foundation. An original research study on Stanford University students and alumni prompts

participants to theoretically donate money based on their emotional responses to pictures from

the three selected NGOs. A comparison between the study's results and actual data collected

from the NGOs seeks to give insight into how content, quality, and quantity of images can

generate revenue. Broadly put, the findings have implications of the power of pictures for

education non-profits and other causes.

Introduction: A Historical Snapshot

Ironically, the idea of "nature," as traced through its historical and aesthetic

representations, seems to have quite unnatural roots. Beginning in fifteenth-century Italy,

landscape painting developed into an artistic genre that does not always depict real landscapes in

a realistic manner. Rather, a Eurocentric ideal of expansive, pristine--and unpeopled--land has

informed a deeply ingrained suggestion of nature that removes human association with nature.

With a crafty hand and creative touch, artists have helped produce an image of "nature" that

shows no sign of mankind's touch. Moreover, this painted picture has actually redrawn physical

landscapes--specifically, imagery aided in the creation of national parks.

In his book Imposing Wilderness, scientist Roderick P. Neumann takes his readers back

through time to trace the artistic roots of national parks. As Neumann describes, European

landscape art of the 17th and 18th centuries included "sublime nature" which revealed an

emphasis on vast, grand, and untamable wilderness, seen in the works of Salvator Rosa, Claude

Lorrain, and others.

This English aesthetic tradition of the sublime preceded Romanticism, considered by

many as the "golden age" of landscape painting. Romantic art, with its spirit of imagination and

emotion, characterized nature as having "uncontrollable power" and "unpredictability," a

contrast to society's concurrent Enlightenment of intellectual thought (Gallitz 2004: 1).

"Evening Landscape," Salvator Rosa, 1640-1643

Representations of "man's struggle against the awesome power of nature" and dwarfed figures

against the "overwhelming scale of the landscape" contributed to this Romantic sensibility

(Gallitz 2004: 1). In Casper David Friedrich's "Wanderer above the Sea of Fog," the clear

distinction between the wanderer against his expansive foreground portrays man as a mere

observer of the natural world.

These ideals ventured over the Atlantic so that "nineteenth century American romantic

constructions of the 'wilderness' drew heavily from the English aesthetic tradition of sublime

nature" (Neumann 1998: 16). Yet these Anglo-American visions have not remained in the

confines of their frames but have actually informed environmental policy.

In particular, pictorialized nature with its roots in European and American romanticism

that revered "sublime nature...constructed around awe-inspiring vastness and grandeur"

"Wanderer above the Sea of Fog," Casper David

Friedrich, 1818

(Neumann 1998: 16) served a fundamental role in the development of the national park. It was a

painter, George Catlin, who first coined the term "a nation's park" in 1932. Despite Catlin's

acknowledgement of "man and beast" together, the landscape painting of Thomas Moran

influenced Congress to establish the world's first national park, Yellowstone National Park, in

1872 (Catlin 1842: 262). The influence of European notions of "pristine nature" on the creation

of national parks sends a clear message: images have power.

The national park's model, free from evidence of human labor much like the socially

constructed ideal of nature, has now been replicated across the globe, including in the East

African countries of Tanzania and Kenya. The transition from canvas to conservation

demonstrates that imagery helped create these parks. Now, how has imagery played a role with

people?

In the technological age of the 21st century, digitized imagery has become a significantly

well-liked, shared, and "Instagrammed" art form. An examination of how people of East Africa

have been represented and directly affected by imagery raises the question: how does

photography influence revenue to NGOs in East Africa?

"Grand Canyon of the Yellowstone," Thomas Moran,

1872

Congress declared Yellowstone the world's first

national park in 1872

Background: The Power of Pictures

Several research studies have connected imagery to monetary gain. As is perhaps

intuitive, imagery holds an emotional weight for viewers. The ability to appeal to a person's

feelings then, in turn, can inspire that person to give--often in the form of money, through

donations and tourism.

Corporations and NGOs of all sizes leverage the nonverbal, emotional appeal of images

as a rhetorical technique. In a study of advertisements and mental imagery, Laurie Babin and

Alvin Burns ensure that "several consumer researchers have shown that imagery-eliciting

strategies can significantly affect attitudes" (Babin and Burns 1997: 33). Alan Branthwaite

investigated the impact of imagery in marketing communication. He describes imagery as a

"powerful tool, in advertising or real life" and states that "[our visual world is] filled with

selected, carefully cropped images that carry symbolic and emotional meanings" (Branthwaite

2002: 164). Pictures can be tailored to evoke emotion. He goes on to explain that "visualization

translates an abstract idea into a concrete experience... we relate to the emotions of the situation

and participants through the characteristics and qualities of the image" (Branthwaite 2002: 168).

In this way, Branthwaite demonstrates visualization's outcome of empathy, an emotion that

connects viewers to the "situation and participants" of the image.

Care can turn into capital. Frank Flynn showed that like companies in search of

customers, "many philanthropic organizations have turned to advertising to attract donor dollars"

(Flynn 2010: 1). He elaborates that "charity ads attempt to inspire personal interest in their cause,

which often involves placing photos of the people they serve on media materials" (Flynn 2010:

1). This "personal interest" implies an effort to inspire empathy so to encourage donations.

Just as philanthropic organizations fundraise donor dollars, so too does the tourism

industry use visual marketing to gain revenue through tourists. Elizabeth Buck argues that

"tourism is an industry based on imagery: its overriding concern is to construct, through multiple

representations of paradise, an image that entices the outsider to place him or herself into the

defined space" (Garrod et. al. 2006: 124) In another study on advertisements that promote

tourism, Delfin adds that "because tourism inherently inspires fantasy, it is an ideal vehicle for

the recruitment of potential consumers of goods" (Delfin 2009: 139-140). In 2008, the Tanzania

Tourism Board launched its first ever United States video campaign, "Tanzania: The Land of

Kilimanjaro, Zanzibar and the Serengeti," based largely on the film's imagery. The campaign led

to record-breaking numbers of tourists. Shamsa Mwangunga, the Tanzania Minister for Tourism

and Natural Resources, said in a statement, "For the first time, visitors from the US reached a

record high of 68,379." The campaign not only exemplifies success of imagery, but also the

success of imagery shared by one country for another country. Without words or language

barriers, pictures can transcend location and appeal to viewers miles away.

Whether in the context of philanthropy, tourism, or other sectors, images are used to

appeal to audiences' pathos in order to prompt viewers to spend. The bottom line is that pictures

have power; what's more, pictures have profitable power.

Question and Hypotheses

How can this power be used to more directly influence people? This led to our research

question: How does photography influence revenue to NGOs in East Africa? In particular,

we decided to focus solely on NGOs that target education.

Our methods to study how photography influences revenue to education NGOs in East

Africa involved two parts: a research study, and a comparison of the study to the actual NGOs.

We began by having 27 Stanford students and alumni participate in a research study that asked

them to allocate mock “donation dollars” for an NGO that we created, The Ashley and Jenna

Foundation. The purpose of this was to help us identify the ideal category, quality, and relative

quantity of education NGO photos that inspire fiscal action. We were curious to determine how

different cohorts of individuals chose to donate their money based on these various factors. The

photos that we used came from three different education NGOs in East Africa: the Indigenous

Education Foundation of Tanzania, The Maasai Girls Education Fund, and the Tanzanian

Education Foundation.

Following the study, we compared the data collected from the case study to the revenue

generated by the three actual NGOs to determine if a correlation existed. The process behind this

research, as well as the results, will be presented and analyzed in further detail in the "Research

Study" section.

Before beginning the case study, we developed four different hypotheses centered around

our research study based on gender, age cohort, a comparison of image quality between the three

NGOs, and quantity of imagery. Our fifth hypothesis related our case study to data from the

actual NGOs. Our hypotheses included:

1. Gender: On average, women will donate more donation “dollars” to photos depicting girls

education than photos of mixed education.

2. Age cohort: On average, adults will donate more “dollars” than students to photos

containing teachers.

3. NGO Comparison: The Indigenous Education Foundation of Tanzania will generate the

greatest proportion of donation “dollars.”

4. Quantity: The amount of “dollars” donated will correlate with the number of images

available.

5. In the cases above, donation “dollars” from our research study will correlate with the

actual revenue generated by the three NGOs.

Our reasoning behind the development of these three hypotheses will be discussed in detail in

future sections.

Research Study

For our research study, we decided to choose NGOs that focused on education so that the

purpose of their photographic content served a similar purpose. We chose the theme of education

because much of current dialogue on the conflict between conservation efforts and local peoples

seems to value education as part of the solution. During Stanford University's "Parks and

Peoples: Dilemmas of Protected Area Conservation in East Africa" seminar, students learned

about the importance that education has on communities' ability to raise informed citizens that

can support their families and communities.

The photos used in the study came from the websites of the three NGOs. During our

selection process of NGOs, we had prioritized organizations with strong online presences and

ample photographic content, both of which could justifiably generate a significant portion of the

NGOs' revenues. Choosing NGOs with this condition made it more reasonable to assume that

donations were directly linked to digital photography and online information, as opposed to

external fundraising efforts such as events.

NGO #1: Indigenous Education Foundation of Tanzania

In 2008, Peter Luis and Raphael Robert founded the Indigenous Education Foundation of

Tanzania, a community-based initiative in predominantly Maasai communities. The Indigenous

Education Foundation of Tanzania funds the Orkeeswa School located in the Monduli Hills of

northern Tanzania. In addition to offering free education to the local village, Orkeeswa School

has many extracurricular activities including competitive athletics, life skills and counseling

programs, agricultural projects, among others. The organization's revenue in 2013 was $344,139,

a sum helped by international sponsors like Harvard and New Balance.

The images on the NGO's website appear professional, crisp, and generally high-quality.

Many photos on the website overlap visually appealing text with an image, exemplifying

intentional beautification of the photos. Additionally, the website appears well-organized with

sophisticated animation and clear descriptions of funded projects.

NGO #2: Maasai Girls Education Fund

Founded in 2000, the Maasai Girls Education Fund (MGEF) works to educate and

empower girls, an effort the NGO represents as fundamental to improving literacy, health, and

economic well-being of communities. In addition to academic schooling, the fund offers life

skills workshops and business training. The MGEF also organizes workshops for boys, elders,

and mothers, as well as provides scholarships for women to attend primary school, secondary

school, vocational school, and college. MGEF's annual revenue last year was $147, 543 and the

majority of its funds derived from online donations.

The website contains many different images of girls being educated and provides detailed

descriptions of the organization’s programming. The website is not as graphically sophisticated

as the Indigenous Education Foundation’s website. Nevertheless, MGEF has dozens of pictures,

slideshows, and videos depicting the organization's work.

NGO #3: Tanzanian Education Foundation

The Tanzanian Education Foundation is a smaller NGO than the Maasai Girls Education

Fund and Indigenous Education Foundation. It was founded in Charleston, South Carolina and

primarily focuses on fundraising for the Meru View Nursery School in Arusha. Funding goes

towards different programs that focus on health and nutrition, daily dental services, field trips,

and other expenditures. Tanzanian Education Foundation's most recently recorded revenue in

2013 was $6,416.

Study Design

In this test study, 27 participants were presented with information about a new NGO, the

Ashley and Jenna Foundation, focusing on education in Tanzania. Participants were told that that

researchers wished to know how people allocated their money based on pictures that were

representative of the NGO’s work.

The research study contained a series of slides: for each new slide, participants received a

budget of $10,000. After viewing a series of pictures, participants were asked to "allocate their

money according to how powerful [they considered] each picture." Therefore, the amount of

money a picture (or group of pictures) earned was representative of the imagery's power to

generate donations. In order to study the responses of specific cohorts, each participant was

identified by gender and whether he or she was a student or alumni.

The study was broken up into three parts: Part 1 looked at the content of the image, Part 2

looked at the NGO’s quality of photography, and Part 3 looked at the quantity of images

available when donating.

Part 1

Introduction, Methods and Hypotheses

The purpose of Part 1 was to look into how large a role the content of the images played

in generating revenue. To study content, we decided to classify the images into six categories

described below:

Table 1: Classification of Images Category of Image Criteria for Category

Girls Education Only girls are present in the image; there are "signs of education" (e.g. in

a classroom, school materials are visible)

Mixed Education Identical criteria to "Girls Education", but both boys and girls are present

Schools / Facilities Image focuses on the schools / facilities

Happy Kids Photo contains "signs of happiness" (e.g. smiles, playing); however, no

"signs of education"

Teachers Image includes adult teacher(s), either teaching a student or working in

the classroom

Volunteers Image contains volunteers at work

Participants were then presented with three slides (one slide containing images from each

of the respective organizations). Each of the three slides had one image for each of the six

categories listed above; the amount of money that participants allocated to each photo was

associated with the power the photo’s “category” had to generate funds. The two hypotheses that

corresponded with Part 1 of the study were the following:

1. On average, women will donate more donation “dollars” to photos depicting girls

education than photos of mixed education.

2. On average, adults will donate more “dollars” than students to photos containing

teachers.

These two hypotheses were based on the theory of “like to like”--that people respond positively

to those they perceive as similar to themselves, whether in gender or age. We therefore

anticipated that women donors would associate more with photos of girls education than those of

mixed education. Additionally, we projected that adults would respond more positively to images

of fellow adults and donate more to photos of teachers.

Results

To test our first hypothesis, we sorted out the average “donation dollars” that females

allocated to images of educated girls as well as the average “donation dollars” that females

donated to images depicting mixed education (Figure 1). Based on these results, our hypothesis

was supported: on average, women donated 17% more of their donation dollars to images

depicting girls education than mixed education.

We were then curious to see if the same trend followed with male donors, so we

calculated the same figures for males only. Much to our surprise, there was only a slight

difference between male and female donors' practices towards girls and mixed education: this

therefore rejects the “like-to-like” theory and suggests that perhaps both males and females

recognize the value of women’s education.

Figure 1: Average allocation of "donation dollars" to images of girls education and mixed education

Furthermore, when comparing all of the images, those depicting photos of girls education

overall generated the highest proportion of donation dollars, following those containing a teacher

(Figure 2). To understand these results better, we asked some participants what some of their

criteria was when choosing images for Part 1, and the responses were overwhelmingly similar.

Participants responded that they donated the greatest portion of "donation dollars" to images

displaying children “actively learning or being taught" and both students' and teachers' "active

engagement."

Figure 2: Average allocation of "donation dollars" by all participants

To test the second hypothesis, we graphed the average “donation dollars” that both

adults and students allocated to teaching (Figure 3). The results did not support the second

hypothesis; in fact, students donated more to images depicting teachers then adults, thus rejecting

the “like-to-like” hypothesis again.

Figure 3: Donations to images depicting teachers

Comparison to Actual NGOs

After looking at the results of the research study, we wished to compare if these results

correlated to the revenue of the actual NGOs. Unfortunately, we did not have access to the

gender or age of those donating; however, we could determine if the percent of girls education

pictures generated the most revenue for NGOs (Figure 4).

Total

Revenue

% Of Girls Education

Pictures

Indigenous Education Foundation $344,139 2.5%

Maasai Girls Education Fund $147,543 20.0%

Tanzanian Education Foundation $6,416 2.4%

Figure 4: Comparison of NGO's total revenue to percentage of girls education photos

When analyzing Figure 2, it is clear that a direct correlation does not exist between the percent of

girls education pictures and the total revenue an NGO receives; for instance, the Indigenous

Education Foundation received a total revenue of $344,139 while only 2.5% of their photos

depicted girls being educated. On the other hand, the Maasai Girl’s Education Fund received less

than half as large a total revenue, yet 20% of their photos depicted girls education. We will

discuss the many possible factors for this lack of correlation in the "Implications" section of this

essay.

Part 2

Introduction, Methods and Hypotheses

The purpose of Part 2 was to study which NGO had the most evocative quality of

photography. We therefore followed a similar procedure to Part 1: participants were presented

with three cases of images with each set containing one photo from the three NGOs. Case 1

contained all images representing girls education, Case 2 contained images of “happy kids,” and

Case 3 contained images of teachers

We hypothesized that the Indigenous Education Foundation would receive the largest

portion of donation dollars, due to our previous assessment that this NGO had the most

professional photography.

Results

The results of this study did not support our fifth hypothesis, for the Maasai Girls

Education Fund received the largest portion of donation dollars (Figure 5), rather than the

Indigenous Education Foundation as we had anticipated.

Figure 5: Average allocation of "donation dollars" to three NGOs based on selected photos

Comparison to Actual NGOs

A correlation does not exist between our results and the actual revenue generated by NGO. In

actuality, the Indigenous Education Foundation does indeed receive the highest revenue between

the three NGOs. Many other factors that account for the discrepancy are discussed in the

"Implications" section.

Part 3

Introduction, Methods and Hypotheses

The purpose of Part 3 was to study if the number of pictures an NGO presented to donors

influenced the amount of money they allocated to the NGO. We wanted to determine if a greater

number of pictures--providing donors with a more detailed, comprehensive understanding of an

organization, yet having the potential to be overwhelming--were more powerful then fewer

pictures. Participants looked at three sets of images: the first set contained two pictures, the

second set contained four pictures, and the third set contained eight pictures. After they had seen

all sets twice, they allocated their $10,000 between the three sets.

We hypothesized that a greater number of images would generate more "donation

dollars," for more pictures could provide a wider glimpse into the NGO's work.

Results

The results of this study supported the hypothesis (Figure 6): the greater the number of

pictures in Part 3 led to a larger portion of donation dollars donated to that set of images.

Figure 6: Average dollars donated to each grouping of photos

Comparison with Actual NGOs

However, this same trend only weakly correlated with the results on the NGOs' websites. While

the Indigenous Education Foundation both received the largest revenue and had the greatest

number of pictures, the Maasai Girls Education Fund had the smallest amount of images yet

received the second largest revenue.

Implications

This section will focus on the fifth hypothesis, which predicted that “donation dollars"

from our research study will correlate with the actual revenue generated by the three NGOs.

However, as discussed in the preceding section, the stimulus on the Internet did not line up with

the types of images that our results demonstrated to be most powerful.

There are many possible explanations for this discrepancy between our research study

and that actual data from the three NGOs. First, our study was flawed in some ways. The

research study contained very few trials and only had a small sample size of 27 participants,

especially miniscule in comparison to the internet's global audience. Furthermore, the

participants in this study were not very diverse: the majority were Stanford students, alumni, or

spouses of alumni, and this pool is not representative of all of the donors on the internet. An

additional flaw with the experimental design was that experimenters were required to choose the

type of image to “represent” each category of photo or NGO. This single photo does not,

however, adequately represent all of the NGO’s imagery and could reflect some experimenter

bias.

Another crucial explanation for the lack of correlation between our research study and

actual revenue is that multiple other factors influence an NGO's revenue generation beyond

imagery. Each of our NGOs have a different age; they have had a different number of years to

gain a following and establish their credibility. Some NGOs (such as the Indigenous Education

Foundation) have tremendous sponsor support independent of donations, while others (such as

the Tanzanian Education Foundation) were more locally based and did not have large

corporations supporting their work. Another factor influencing revenue beyond simply imagery

is the website's textual content, information that surely generates donations, as well.

This lack of correlation between our research study and online revenue does not

invalidate our research, however. This research provides us with many important implications on

the power of images that could be applied to NGOs (such as the mock Ashley and Jenna

Foundation) in the future. While further research is necessary, based on our research study,

photos depicting girls being educated receives the largest amount of revenue. NGOs should also

include a large proportion of images showing their actual project and work “in action” and being

performed, for both qualitative and quantitative data in Part 1 supported this trend. Finally,

NGOs should include a large number of images, so as to give donors a more comprehensive

visual narrative of their projects.

Future Work and Conclusion

There are many possibilities for further research into the power that photography has on

people's inclinations to donate. The research study discussed in this essay could be replicated in

greater depth. Hypotheses on donation practices could consider more participants and more

diverse cohorts of peoples (i.e. socio-economic status, ethnicity, specific age, etc). Additionally,

future research could look more closely at other factors that contribute to a picture's "power"--for

example, how adjacent text has a role in an image's persuasive effect.

An additional topic that examines the power of pictures is photo-elicitation, the use of

photography to understand and gather information about a community. One study of photo-

elicitation took place in the Mkuru Maasai village in Northern Tanzania. The original project in

this village was to study how communities interacted with their changing environment,

particularly focusing on how the Maasai living near protected areas were responding to a new

sedentary lifestyle. Researchers were gathering the information through interviews; however, the

interviews were at first unsuccessful, for the Maasai had difficulty communicating with the

interviewers. Many of the Maasai replies were vague, and the study describes how there were

many “embarrassing pauses, clear signs of not only a problem with communication, but also a

cultural and relational gap between us and the informants” (Bignante 2014).

While the interviews were not fruitful, the researchers noticed how the Maasai were

drawn towards their photography equipment. The Maasai were very curious around the cameras,

and the researchers decided to use photography in order to gather information regarding Maasai.

This realization developed into the ultimate photo-elicitation project that used images in an

interview and asked interviewees to comment on them. The researchers in this study employed

two versions of photo-elicitation: in the first part of the study, researchers presented the Maasai

with different “landscapes” with varying amounts and types of “anthropic elements” (Bignante

2014). The Maasai were then asked to choose their favorite images and provide reasoning

behind these decisions. In the second part of the study, researchers used "native photo-

elicitation" to gather data, in which they left cameras with the Maasai and asked them to take

pictures of subjects most important to them. This in turn provided researchers with insight into

what Maasai valued, as well as helped researchers understand the Maasai community's

relationship with their environment.

Photo-elicitation could be used in many different ways within the context of education

NGOs, among other community-oriented NGOs. Different NGOs could ask the students to

photograph the important aspects of their daily school life and life at home. These pictures could

raise a greater amount of money for NGOs, for donors might be inspired to donate money upon

viewing these images. Furthermore, these photos depicting the important aspects of students’

lives would provide NGOs with valuable information about the children’s lives and teach

researchers the best ways to apply their money. In the future, photo-elicitation could be used by

NGOs to learn more about a community and generate greater revenue from donors.

Acknowledgements

We would like to truly thank Bill and Susan for all of their guidance and support during

this trip. Thank you to them for engaging lessons, daily insights, and the opportunity to partake

in this adventure. Thank you to Clementine and Eric for being the world’s best TAs who never

failed to support us no matter the time of night (or morning!). Thank you to our extraordinary

class of students and alums for being wonderful colleagues that inspire us and “have our backs.”

A special thank you to Pedro for helping to recite data, and finally, we are sincerely grateful to

the Stanford Alumni Association for making this trip possible.

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