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Studying Young People's New Media Use:

Methodological Shifts and EducationalInnovationsC. J.Pascoe

a

a

Department of Sociology , Colorado CollegePublished online: 05 Apr 2012.

To cite this article:C. J. Pascoe (2012) Studying Young People's New Media Use: Methodological Shiftsand Educational Innovations, Theory Into Practice, 51:2, 76-82, DOI: 10.1080/00405841.2012.662862

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Theory Into Practice, 51:7682, 2012

Copyright The College of Education and Human Ecology, The Ohio State University

ISSN: 0040-5841 print/1543-0421 online

DOI: 10.1080/00405841.2012.662862

C. J. Pascoe

Studying Young Peoples NewMedia Use: Methodological Shifts

and Educational Innovations

A lack of good information about what youth are

doing with new media stimulates fears and hopes

about the relationship between young people and

digital technologies. This article focuses on new

modes of inquiry into youth new media use,

highlighting the challenges, complexities, and

opportunities inherent in studying young peoples

digital cultures. It outlines methodological issues

unique to studies of youth and new media, such

as accessing populations of respondents, benefits

and drawbacks to online qualitative research,

and challenges in capturing a snapshot of youngpeoples actual, not self-reported, media prac-

tices. This type of qualitative research on youth

media cultures and practices can guide educators

who are developing pedagogy and policy that

C. J. Pascoe is an Assistant Professor in the Depart-

ment of Sociology at Colorado College.

Correspondence should be addressed to C. J.

Pascoe, Colorado College, Department of Sociology,

14 E. Cache la Poudre, Colorado Springs, CO 80903.E-mail: [email protected]

integrate young peoples mediated practices into

the educational process.

CONTEMPORARY YOUTH CULTURES have

been shaped by, and are shaping, the use

of new media. Parents, educators and those who

work with youth are struggling to catch up with

young peoples orientations, practices, and ideas

about digital technology. These adult constituen-cies are simultaneously fearful of the effects new

media have on youth and are eager to harness

the power of digital technology for the learning

process (Alvermann, 2004). Parents, for instance,

want their children to take advantage of the

opportunities afforded by new modes of commu-

nication while they also attempt to shield young

people from known and unknown dangers lurking

therein (Wang, Bianchi, & Raley, 2005). As such,

schools and educators often impose restrictions

on digital media use, fearing students mediatedpractices might impair the learning process or

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Pascoe Studying Young Peoples New Media Use

put them at risk of victimization. A lack of

good information about what youth are actually

doing with new media often stimulates these

fears and hopes. This article suggests specific

approaches through which researchers and prac-titioners might gather information about young

peoples mediated practices. Armed with good

information about these practices parents, educa-

tors and those who work with youth might be

able to make decisions about how to incorporate,

or not, new media into educational settings.

Gathering data on young peoples technology

use has proven somewhat challenging, given that

emerging technologies can complicate traditional

research methods (Hine, 2005). As a result, someresearch methodologies need to be rethought to

incorporate mediated communication practices

(Mallan, Singh, & Giardina, 2010; Standlee,

Garcia, Bechkoff, & Cui, 2009). One of the most

fruitful avenues of research into new media use

is the use of new media itself as a tool of inquiry

(Heath et al., 2009; Moinian, 2006). Researchers,

for instance, are marshalling technologies like

instant messaging for interviews or deploying

mobile phones to replace pen-and-paper notes for

diary studies. Using digital technology in theseways solves some of the problems researchers

might encounter in conducting qualitative studies

of young peoples new media use, as well as

poses new ones. For example, using new media

can expand the purview of traditional methods by

transcending geographic limitations, facilitating

access to populations of respondents that are not

easily accessible, saving costs, and possibly al-

lowing researchers to investigate sensitive topics

that might be difficult to cover in offline environ-ments (Heath, Brooks, Cleaver, & Ireland, 2009;

Mann & Stewart, 2000). However, the process

of researching young peoples new media use

also raises structural, ethical, and methodological

concerns.

This article briefly discusses four modes of

investigating young peoples new media prac-

tices: performing content analysis, conducting

interviews, negotiating access, and carrying out

ethnography. Using these techniques to gather

information about how young people use technol-ogy in their everyday lives, practitioners might

be able to incorporate the informal learning

(Ito et al., 2009, p. 65) that happens through

technology use into formal pedagogy in effective

ways that feel authentic to learners.

New Methods for New Media

Gathering data on new media use requires

some rethinking of qualitative methods. This re-

thinking can help to alleviate some of the current

struggles qualitative researchers encounter when

studying youth. Researchers often have difficulty

accessing populations of youth to research nat-uralistically outside of an institutional setting.

Ongoing contact with young people also poses a

difficulty for the qualitative researcher. Research

subjects under the age of 18 are, rightly so,

considered by institutional review boards as a

vulnerable population and require more stringent

protections in research protocols.

AccessMediated environments such as social network

sites, blogs, or bulletin boards allow researchers

to contact youth outside of formal institutions. A

researcher can send a young person a call for par-

ticipation and he or she can post it on his or her

wall or forward it to a group of friends, some of

whom he or she may know intimately and some

of whom he or she may know only tangentially.

The Internet also provides a way for a young

person to find a researcher. The researcher canadvertise in a variety of online venues that young

people visit, such as social network sites, bulletin

boards, or blogs, especially if he or she is looking

to target a population who may be interested in

specific topics, activities, or identities. In these

ways, new media allow researchers to circumvent

institutional barriers that can serve as gatekeepers

to young people.

The same technology that helps researchers

navigate around institutional barriers also pro-

vides youth a way to transcend restrictions ontheir mobility. Cell phones, instant messaging

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Qualitative Research in the 21st Century

technology, and social network sites are all pri-

vate lines of communication in which a partic-

ular youth can engage, even if that particular

young person is bound to the home (because

of curfews, lack of transportation, and the like).One researcher, for instance, reported spending

an evening on IM with a 13-year-old respondent

because she was not allowed to leave the house at

night but was allowed to participate in an online

interview (Ito et al., 2009). When thinking about

issues of access, new media provides opportu-

nities for researchers to navigate an age-graded

society that often separates adults and children

by providing new channels of communication.

Content Analysis

A main problem researchers encounter when

studying young peoples new media practices is

that these technologies are so woven into the

fabric of young peoples daily lives that they

forget that they are actually using it. Fortunately,

new media archives its own use, making invisible

moments of use visible. In this sense, respon-

dents computers, cell phones, Web browsers,and social network profiles can themselves be

technological artifacts on which a researcher can

perform content analysis. Although a researcher

may not always be with a given respondent while

he or she engages in technological practices,

viewing these archives can bring to life those

private and often forgotten moments.

Mobile phones, for instance, are such a part

of young peoples everyday lives that it is often

difficult for a respondent to elaborate on its use.A researcher can use the phone itself as digital

artifact, asking respondents to scroll through the

information stored in their phones to provide

insight into their communication practices (Horst

& Miller, 2006). When looking at call logs,

text messages, and photos stored in respondents

phones, researchers can ask a series of questions

about who the respondent called, what they

talked about, who they were with during the call,

and what they were doing when they received

or made a call. Through asking these types ofquestions, a researcher can learn not just about

technological practice, but the context of that

practice.

A researcher might do something similar

with an instant messaging program, by scrolling

through archived discussions. In fact, at the be-ginning of a research project, a researcher might

consider asking youth to begin archiving their

instant messages so that he or she can ask about

them in an interview.

Because over half of American young people

have a social network site presence (Lenhart,

Purcell, Smith, & Zickuhr, 2010), these sites

are also fruitful archives of young peoples so-

cial lives. On a given social network profile, a

respondent may list his or her friends, have arecord of wall posts, display videos, and the like.

These sites can provide information about the

way in which new media may or may not be

a part of his or her social world. These sites

can show the researcher what is important to a

given respondent, allow the researcher to inquire

as to specific events memorialized on these sites,

and shed light on the relationships played out

over such sites. In walking through a site with a

respondent, an interviewer gets a story not just

about the respondents life but about the role newmedia plays in it.

The Web browser itself can be a glimpse

into the often private world of new media use.

Much like a researcher might request to see a

respondents cell phone call logs, he or she might

also ask to see a respondents browser history.

Researchers can ask respondents to guide them

through their favorite Web sites. The discussion

around this history and the pages respondents

visit can reveal much about a respondents dailyuse of the Internet.

Interviews

Digital communication technologies also en-

able new interviewing strategies. E-mail, instant

messaging, texting, and Skype-like programs can

all be used to facilitate interviews. These tech-

nologies allow researchers to modify traditional

interview techniques by addressing challenges

such as young peoples physical immobility, theirdistance from the interviewer, or the difficulty

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of accessing a dispersed population. There are

some drawbacks to these types of mediated

interviews. Although there are ways to convey

affect in online environments (Kazmer & Xie,

2008), researchers may lose some of the physical,interpersonal interaction upon which interviewers

rely to build rapport and craft the interview.

However, there is some evidence that participants

engage in higher levels of personal disclosure

online (Joinson, 2005; Walther, 1996), which

might mitigate the lack of physical cues.

New media technologies can also be used to

rework traditional diary studies. These studies

provide a wealth of concrete detail that can get

lost in more traditional forms of interviews. Inone study, respondents were given a cell phone

with a camera and asked to use it to document

every time they used a piece of technology for

a 48-hour period (Ito et al., 2009). Respondents

sent a message to the researcher including a pic-

ture of the technology, a description of what they

were doing with it, how long they did it, and who

else was with them. Researchers followed each

diary study with a face-to-face interview in which

they discussed each diary item. These studies

provide micro-level detail about how young peo-ple use technology in their daily lives that would

have been difficult for researchers to access in

any other way. Diary studies, quite simply, give

researchers glimpses in to the private spaces

to which they cannot go. This approach often

helps in the endeavor of making the invisible

visible, reminding respondents of those mundane

moments of technology use about which they

might have otherwise forgotten.

Ethnography

Ethnographic research methods are currently

being expanded to include and address mediated

venues (Robinson & Schulz, 2009). These online

environments allow researchers to take advantage

of the continuous contact and always-on (Baron,

2008) possibilities of new media.

Instant messaging, text messages, social net-

work site communication, and bulletin board

posts all provide a form of constant contact thatmight be used as part of new media ethnography.

Instant messaging programs provide opportuni-

ties to engage in real time chats in an ongoing

fashion. Both the researcher and respondent can

remain in casual frequent contact in the same

way they could if the researcher were doingparticipant observation in the respondents daily

world. Text messages can work much the same

way, and perhaps might be even a more fruitful

research practice given the prominent role of

text messaging in many young peoples lives.

Although both instant messaging and text mes-

sages can be used to conduct formal interviews,

ethnographically they can also function much

like informal conversations in a physical research

site. In fact, while researching young peoplestechnology use, I carried out some of my most

interesting conversations with young people over

instant messaging, long after the formal interview

was over, as we chatted about daily life and

current events or they shared stories they thought

I might find interesting.

Social network sites and message boards are

online venues where researchers can hang out,

much like they might in a physical research site.

On social network sites, researchers can friend

their respondents and see what they are doingonline on a daily basis. These observations might

also provide data to talk about in a follow-

ing interview. Message boards provide a similar

function, a window into youth social worlds that

might not otherwise be available.

It should be noted, however, that most in-

stitutional review boards are not yet equipped

to review these online ethnographic techniques

and researchers may have to educate their own

institutions as to the ethics of these sorts ofresearch practices.

New Challenges for New Media

Using new media to study technology use

can allow unprecedented access to youth and to

intimate parts of young peoples lives. In many

ways, this is a boon to social media researchers.

However, these methods raise questions aboutmethodological, ethical, and structural concerns.

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Methodologically, researchers need to be

aware of the projection of adult use of new media

on to young peoples practices and orientations.

That is, adults cannot assume that youth use

technology as adult designers intended or inthe same way adults do. Adults, for instance,

might assume there is a digital world and a

real world, and that the former is inferior to

the latter. For most youth, mediated practices

are not some sort of alternative reality, but an

extension of their everyday interactions (Mackay,

2005).

Second, young people may use and view cer-

tain technological forms differently than adults

do. E-mail, a mainstay of adult workplace com-munication and sociality, is used less frequently

by young people, except in formal instances

(such as contacting a professor) as they prefer

to text or message on a social network site

(Lenhart, Madden, Rankin Macgill, & Smith,

2007). Adult researchers need to keep in mind

that young people might espouse different per-

spectives on these technologies than adults do

(Cosaro, 1997).

Third, adults often see the Internet as a dan-

gerous space (Richman, 2007). Researchers needto be aware of their assumptions about safety

and danger as they forge ahead in this area of

research.

Researching young peoples new media use

also raises several ethical concerns. These medi-

ated communication technologies challenge re-

searchers ability to maintain a boundary be-

tween their public and private lives (Robinson

& Schulz, 2009). The same technologies that

circumvent adult guardians of youth may alsotranscend the researchers personal boundaries.

For instance, researchers need to think seriously

about whether or not to friend the youth they

are researching. Doing so allows researchers

ongoing contact with respondents, but also may

allow respondents to learn private information

about researchers. Similarly, researchers should

consider whether or not to share mobile phone

numbers. Such availability can, again, provide

ongoing contact, but opens up a venue for poten-

tial abuse. It is not that these types of boundarytransgressions do not appear in offline research

(Pascoe, 2007); new media use might facilitate

such transgressions. Thus, researchers need to

address how the very technology that has made

it easier to access youth also comes with a new

set of challenges regarding boundaries betweenthe researcher and the researched.

Ethically, it is also important to think about the

presence of the fieldworker in deidentified online

spaces. Does a researcher need to announce his

or her presence in an online discussion group

(Rutter, Smith, & Kollock, 2005)? If the group is

a private one? If it is publically available? Some

argue that lurking might be considered ethical;

others claim that the researcher always needs to

announce himself or herself (Robinson & Schulz,2009).

These ethical quandaries need to be addressed

by institutional review boards where there is

currently an absence of ethical guidelines that

specifically address Internet research (Richman,

2007, p. 183). Although not specifically ad-

dressing youth, the Association of Internet Re-

searchers is attempting to clarify research ethics

of online research behavior that may be found

on their Web site (Robinson & Schulz, 2009).

Following suit, institutional review boards alsoneed to address, more directly, the challenges that

accompany qualitative research of new media and

youth. These boards often work off the implicit

assumption that youth are contained in certain

institutions, but, as this article has demonstrated,

these institutions may be rendered less salient

due to new communication technologies. On-

line research raises questions of age verifica-

tion, parental consent, and levels of contact. If

researchers do solicit online participation, howis one supposed to verify a given respondents

age? How do we know their parents are sign-

ing scanned consent forms? Indeed, one of the

drawbacks of new media is that we cannot verify

who people are (Heath et al., 2009). The level

of contact between respondent and researcher

might be much more frequent and less formal

than in offline environments. Institutional review

boards need to develop guidelines around ethi-

cal standards of qualitative online research with

youth by attending to some of these uniquechallenges.

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New Practices With New Media

New strategies of qualitative research are nec-

essary to study youth new media use because,

by knowing what young people are doing withtechnology, practitioners will be able to reframe

the current discourse about technology use in

educational settings. Rather than understanding

new media as solely a threat to the educational

process, practitioners reframe new media as an

important part of what researchers call informal

learning (Ito et al., 2009, p. 65). That is, as

youth are texting, writing blogs, updating social

network sites, or playing games, they are not just

playing, but are actually engaging in a learningprocess (Ito et al., 2009). Upon first glance,

this informal learning process may be clouded

by the moral panic that often accompanies new

technologiesthus the need for good qualitative

research on young peoples practices.

Building on the idea that young people learn

through mediated practices, educators have

begun to incorporate these practices into more

formal educational processes. One of the more

innovative examples of this approach might

be the Quest to Learn public school in NewYork City, where the curriculum is centered

around games and game-inspired methods (Salen,

Torres, Wolozin, Rufo-Tepper, & Shapiro, 2010).

Although reorienting an entire curriculum around

a specific type of technological practice is not

necessarily feasible or desirable for most schools,

the idea that games may be an important learning

tool is one that can be integrated on a smaller

scale in particular classroom projects. As Katynka

Martinezs (2007) work demonstrates, games canbe important in the development of literacy skills.

Knowing how youth use new media as part

of their everyday lives can help practitioners

incorporate technology in ways that feel authen-

tic to learners. However, practitioners must first

know what young people are doing in mediated

environments. Knowing, for instance, that some

young people spend their free time writing fan-

fiction as a member of an online community,

or dedicate evenings to writing long, involved

role plays with peers across the world (Ito et al.,2009), might inspire teachers to think in new

and creative ways about how to get students to

think about the writing process as one that can

be fun, collaborative, and peer oriented. Practi-

tioners looking to integrate new media into their

pedagogy in ways that reflect young peoplesinformal use can draw on findings presented

in the MacArthur Foundations Digital Media

and Learning Initiative and the book Teaching

Tech Savvy Kids (Parker, 2010). Both of these

draw on qualitative research studies of young

peoples new media use to develop suggestions

for ways educators might use technology in their

pedagogy. By drawing on this type of research,

rather than banning sites that deal with particular

topics, social network or blogging sites, schoolsand administrators might use data on youth new

media cultures to develop thoughtful and mea-

sured strategies that keep youth safe while in-

tegrating these new communication technologies

in classroom settings in ways that feel authentic

for young people.

Conclusion

Much of the discussion around youth andnew media use frames technology as a threat to

learning: Youth are texting during class. Youth

no longer have a sufficient attention span. Youth

have lost the ability to write because texting

has replaced real English for them. Qualitative

research of youth new media use can place these

fears in context, rather than letting them drive

educational practice regarding technology.

Studying youth is no easy task for a variety

of reasonsaccess, ethical concerns, and thecontemporary understandings of age. Studying

their new media use both solves and throws into

relief some of these issues. Using new media

to research young peoples technology use can

help researchers circumvent institutional barriers,

keep tabs on youth, chronicle easily forgettable

behavior, and provide, in many ways, documen-

tation of young peoples daily lives. However,

it also comes with its own set of challenges

lack of IRB understanding, adult preconceptions

about new media, and a lack of clear ethicalguidelines.

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In spite of these obstacles, performing re-

search on youth media cultures and practices can

help educators develop pedagogy that integrates

young peoples mediated worlds. By knowing

how, when, what, where, and with whom youthuse technology, practitioners can note the ways

in which media actually does interfere with the

learning process (not just ways they fear it does)

and devise creative ways to integrate media into

the learning process.

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