patterson, sf, 2006, transnationalism
TRANSCRIPT
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Transnationalism: Diaspora-Homeland DevelopmentAuthor(s): Rubin PattersonSource: Social Forces, Vol. 84, No. 4 (Jun., 2006), pp. 1891-1907Published by: University of North Carolina PressStable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/3844481
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8/9/2019 Patterson, SF, 2006, Transnationalism
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Transnationalism:
Diaspora-Homeland
Development
Rubin
Patterson,
University
f
Toledo
Abstract
Basedon detected orrelations etween he
strategic
ollaboration
f
U.S.-based
diasporas
and their
respective
ncestralhomelandson the
one
hand and the socioeconomicand
technological
evelopment
f
those homelandson
the
other,
his
paper,
which
provides
a
conceptual
oundation of
the
correlation,
attempts
to
ignite
a new
area
of
research
on
transnationalismand
development
n
the
global
South. The
conceptual
oundation
suggesting
uch
an
important
correlation
s
ensconced
n
the theoretical ontexts
of
world
systems
and
racialformation
heories.The
hierarchically
anked tatus
of
a nation in
some
ways
reflects
he
hierarchically
anked
tatus
of
its
diaspora
n
the United
States.
Strategic
collaboration nd brain
circulation
between
he
diaspora
nd the
homeland
can
avorably
affect hestatusof transnational ommunities,both within the UnitedStatesand within
the
wider
globalsystem.
Introduction
Transnationalism1s an
emergent
ieldof
study
with
a focus on citizens
who,
thoughmigrating
from
poor
o rich
ountries,
manage
o construct nd
nurture
ocial ields
hat
ntimately
ink
their
respective
homelandsand
theirnew
diasporic
ocations.Whencitizens
of the
global
South,
with
advancedhuman
apital,
migrate
o a richWestern
ociety
such as the United
States and
they
maintain
trategic
dialectical
nterplay
etween the old and new
locations,
brain
irculationccurs.
Conversely,
hen
such talented itizens
migrate
o
a rich
ociety
and
are
permanently
prooted
rom he
homeland,
without uture nvolvement
n its
affairs,
he
latter uffersa
brain
rain.
Those
Southern ations nd
regions
hat
support
he
emigration
f
large
numbers
f
theirnationalso
the
UnitedStates
-
and
those
diasporans
who
engage
in
the
building
of
institutions,
onducting
ransactions
and
generally nfluencing
ocal and
national
vents
in
their
respective
homelands have
a
huge comparative
dvantage
over
those Southern
nationsand
regions
hatfail o
send
theirnationals
o
the UnitedStates or
those
diasporans
who fail o nurtureransnational
ocial
ieldswith he homeland.
Transnationalismnd brain
irculation
ccurwith
several
Asian
nations,
ncreasingly
ith
some
Latin
nations,
and not much at all with
Sub-Saharan
fricannations.
In
addition o
developing
conceptual
oundation f
strategically-oriented
ransnationalismnd
suggesting
that t can accelerate ndextend ocioeconomic nd
echnological evelopment
nthe
South,
this
paper
explores
reasons that
partially
ccount
for
the relative ack
of such
strategic
transnationalism
n
Sub-Saharan
frica.
otential
dvantagestemming
romAfrican
migration
to
developed
countriesare so
great
that African
overnments
hould aid
and abet
such
emigration.
his
proposition
houldnot
be
considered
gainst
n idealworld
wherein llAfrican
nationals
anfind
productive
ork
n
their
ountry
f
birth
s
they
labor
ollectively
ith
ellow
citizens o build
prosperous
ociety.2 ather,
he
proposition
houldbe
considered
gainst
he
realworld
in
which African
itizens
are inhibited
rom
freely contributing
o
national nd
professional evelopment
ue
to
economicand
political
onstraints.
Direct ll
correspondence
o:Rubin
atterson,
niversityf
Toledo,
ociology
Anthropology,
oledo,
Ohio 3606.E-mail:
Social
Forces,
Volume
84,
Number
4,
June 2006
The
University
of NorthCarolinaPress
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1894
*
Social
ForcesVolume
84,
Number
4
*
June
2006
in
the near
uture,
otally
ssiEmilated
hite
Latinos...,
ighter-skinned
ultiracials...,
nd
other
sub-groups;
he intermediateacial
roup
or
honorary
hites
will
comprise
most
light-skinned
Latinos...,
Japanese
Americans,
Korean
Americans,
Asian
Indians,
Chinese
Americans,
Filippinos,
nd
most
MiddleEastern
Americans;
nd
inally,
hat
he
collective lack
roup
will
includeblacks,dark-skinnedatinos, ietnamese,CambodiansndLaotians. pp.932-3)
World
ystems
theory
contends
that
nations
possess changing
evels
of
upward
nd
downward
mobility
n
the world
economy.
According
o Wallerstein
1979),
nations
can
advance rom
he
periphery
o
the
semiperiphery
y
(1)
seizingopportunities,
2)
accepting
invitations
rom core
nations,
or
(3)
devising
self-reliance.
Periphery
nd
semiperiphery
nations,
ndividually
nd
collectively,
ace
a
cacophany
f
constraining
ynamics
perating
o
keep
them in checkandto
serve
the interest
of
core nations.
As Oliver
C.
Cox
1964)
argued
in
the
classic
Capitalism
s
A
System, although
he social
processes
of
the
capitalist
ystem
may encourage
mitation f the
practices
of the
leading
core]
ocieties,
the
system
itself
cannot
accommodate
ndiscriminatedvancement f
peoples.
p.
171)
Notwithstanding
he
constrainingorcesagainstperipheraleoplesinthe narrow nterestsof core nations,he
status
of a
given periphery
r
semiperiphery
ation
s
not
immutable.
hus,
all nations
have
agency, though
it is
more
developed
and mobilized
in
some relative
to
others.
Transnationalism
s
one
agentic
strategy
of
advancing
nation's tatus
from he
periphery
(Patterson 005b).
Development hrough
trategic
ransnationalisms bidirectional.
irst,
Southern-based
racial-ethnic
roups
n
the United tates hatareof the
honorary
hite
status endto
possess
greater
human,
ocial and
economic
capital,
which
means
they may
have
a
greater
means
of
assisting
he homeland.
econd,
approaching
he
transnational
ommunity
romSouthern
nations hatare
in
the
semiperiphery,hey
are
in
a better
position
o assist members
of their
ethnic kin n the United
States,
either
through apital
and connectionsor
simply hrough
status
capital.
n
other
words,
American
mmigrants
re bothassimilated nto heir
racial-
ethnic
group
andareaccorded
he
general
tatusof the
group.
States are
central o the
processes
of racial
ormation
nd
hierarchy
Winant
000),
both
intranationally
nd
internationally.
owever,
n
the
postmodern,
Knowledge-Age
f
the 21st
century,
tates
and
regimes
use
race-neutral
anguage
and
policies
hat
recreate
acial nd
national ierarchies
hroughout
he
global
politicoeconomicystem.
Doane
2003)
oncludes
that 'color-blind'
deology
plays
an
important
ole
n
he maintenance
f
white
hegemony.
As
an
organized
et
of
claimsabout
race,
colorblindnessrests
on the
seemingly
unassailable
moral oundations
f
equality,
hich s
the basis
for ts
politicaltrength.
What s
overlooked
-
or
deliberately
masked
is
the
persistence
of racial
tratification
nd the
ongoing
role
of
social nstitutionsn
reproducing
ocial
nequality...
p.
13)
With olor-blind
olicies
nAmerica
today,
school
and residential
egregation
and white-blackwealth
gap
are as
great
as
they
were
during
he
days
when
raw
Jim Crow
aws and
policies
were
conspicuously
ormulated
and
expressly
mplemented. parallel
xists at the internationalevel.Wealth nd
echnology
inequality
etween the West and
the
Southare
greater
oday
than
in
the
early
1960s,
the
period
when
oppressive,
acist olonialism
as
coming
o an
end.
While
being
race-neutral,
international
inancial nd
trade
regimes
that determine
he
globaleconomy
-
such
as the
International
onetary
und,
he World
Bank
nd he World
Trade
Organization
have
erved
to
reproduce
national
hierarchy
or the
global
system.
Due
primarily
o this
parallel,
he
hierarchicaltatus
of
racial-ethnic
roups
n
Americaends
to
correspond
o the hierarchical
statusof nationsnthe global ystem.Onemaynotethe elevated tatusinpastdecadesof
SouthKorea-Korean
mericans
nd
in morerecent
years
the
status elevation f India-Asian
Indian mericans. s Wallerstein
1991)
argues,peoplehood
s
not a
primordial
table
reality,
buta
complex,
lay-like
istorical
roduct
f the
capitalistworld-economy
hrough
which he
antagonistic
orces
struggle
witheach
other.
p.
85)
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Transnationalism:
iaspora-Homeland evelopment
*
1895
History
hows thatthe
Western
ountries' ffective
political
trategy
of
avoiding
ace in
the
principal
nternational
egimes hey
dominatehas
resulted
n
gains
or hese nations.Left
to
their
own
devices,
transnational
ace-neutral conomic
agendas
recreate Western
dominance.
As
critical ace
heory
maysuggest,
non-white
non-Western
t the international
level)peopleswould have to mobilizeheiragencyin partbyavoiding ace-neutralitynd
pursuing gendas
that allow
for
more
equitable
disbursement
f
socially
valuedrewards.
Strategic
ransnationalism
f brain
irculation n
the
part
of
Chinese,Koreans,
ndians nd
more
recently
Mexicans s
a
form
of
politicoeconomicgency
to
stem
the
predominance
f
the West.Theirndividualransnational-level
gency
has been
sufficiently
owerful
nough
o
overcome he
impetus
of
global
conomic
regimesagainst
hem.
African
eoples
are
arguably
t
the bottom
of the
global
hierarchy
notwithstanding
ome
historical
nd
ongoing
agentic
fforts
due to
greater
onstraints
nd
nsufficient
gency
hus
far.
Having
blacks
on the bottom of
the
hierarchy
s not a
product
of
historical ccident.
Instead,
s Joe
Feagin
2000)
argues,
t is the
product
f a
long-running
istoricalndeavor
y
whitesto maintain acismmost intenselyrained gainstblacks.HoraceCampbell1994) s
one of
many
who
havestudied fforts
by
the West o defeat
pan-Africanism,
romU.S.
efforts
in
breaking
he backof the
Garvey
Movement
o
France nd
England's
elentless
work n
derailing
mass-centered
postcolonial
truggles
in
Africa.
After he
African
iaspora
n
the
UnitedStates establishes
a
levelof
strategic
ransnational
rain
irculationommensurate
with
the
constraining
orces of
reigning
Western-dominatedace-neutral
egimes,
African
peoples
oo
will
ikely
ave
upwardmobility
n
the world
ystem
(Patterson 005a).
Method
A
mixed
system
of most
similar
and dissimilar
trategy
s utilized
n
the
study,
which is
regarded
as a
much more
powerfulanalytic
ool
than either
of
the two
independently
(DeFelice
986;
Frendreis
983).
Countries nd ransnational
roups
with
similar utcomesof
homeland ocioeconomic
and
technological
evelopment,
nd
with
comparable
alues of
operative
actors
helping
o
generate
hose
outcomes
(i.e.,
diasporic
nfluence
n
U.S.
public
policy,
both
foreign
and
domestic;
technology
transfer;
and financial
ontributions),
re
compared
conceptually
o cases with
categorically
different outcomes
of
homeland
socioeconomic and
technological
development,
and with
equallycategorically
ifferent
values
of the
same
operative
actors.
The
dea
was to
study
a set of
countries ndassociated
transnationals ith one
levelof
outcome
on a
given
variable
i.e.,
homeland
evelopment)-
those withmere
gradational
ifferences and
compare
hem withanother et of countries
and
associated
transnationals
ith
categorically
ifferent evels
of
outcomes
on the same
dependent
variable,
iven
varyingnputs
o the same
independent
ariables
i.e.,
diaspora-
homeland ollaborative
evelopment).
This
paper
posits,
based
on the
study
of
similar
nd dissimilarrendsover
our
decades,
that
African ationswill
experience
more
rapid
nd
consequential
evelopment
f
therewere
more
uch
strategic
ransnational
rain
irculation.
ominal
omparisons
re
made o inform
us
of what
explanatory
ariables
oughly
matchoutcomes
Mahoney
000).
Additional
tudies
can
move
beyond
the
mere
detection
of
operative
variables
n
relation o outcomes
by
observing
and
measuring
quantitative
ariations f
the
operative
variables
n
relation o
varying utcomes(Lijphart971).While hisstudyhasconducted ome patternmatching
and
process tracing,
learly
detailed
case studies
of
each of the transnational
roups
and
countries,
nd
sub-regions
in
he
case of Sub-Saharan
frica)
overedwill
provide
dditional
insights
ntothe
specific
mechanismsbetween the
operative
actors and outcomes. And
when
enough
of
these
detailed
ase
studies
and
small-N
omparative nalytic
tudies have
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*
Social
ForcesVolume
84,
Number
*
June
2006
been conducted
with
concentrated ttention n these
variables,
nferential
tatistical
nalysis
will
provide
dditionallarification.
The
irstmeasure
of
strategic
diaspora-homeland
ollaborations
the levelof influencehe
diasporic
ommunity
as with
the
host state on
behalf
of the
homeland.Leaders
f
some
diasporicommunitiesworkcollaborativelyith he homeland tateinattempts o affect he
host state's domestic
publicpolicy e.g., immigration)
nd
its
foreign public
policy
e.g.,
foreign
aid)
n
a
manner
erceived
o
be
advantageous
o
the
homeland.Anothermeasure f
this
strategic
collaboration
s
technology
ransfer.The
type
of
technology
ransfer
here
involves
diasporic echnologists
in
rich,
technologically-advanced
ountries
nvesting
n
technology
nterprises,
ontributing
o
research nd
development,
nd
eaching
cienceand
engineering
courses
in
universities,
ll
in
the
homeland.Some homeland
states work
strategically
with their
technologically-talented
ationals
n
rich
counties to facilitate his
technology
ransferwhile other
states
do not. Thefinal
strategic
collaboration
measure
s
financial
contribution.
Aggregate
financial
contributions
an be
of
two
types, namely,
remittances nd nvestment.Remittances refinancial ontributionsromworkersnforeign
countries o relatives
nd
friends;
uch funds
are
mostly
always
romrich o
poor
countries.
Seventypercent
f
the world's
216
billion fficial
nternationalemittances
n
2004were
from
rich o
poor
countries
Ratha 005).
Investments
y diasporans
nto
heirhomelands an be
critical. uch nvestments
elp
o accelerate
rowth
and
upgrade
he homeland
conomy.
Diasporas
Diaspora
n
his
study-
building
nwork
by
Safran
1991)-
refers o a
peopledispersed
rom
heir
originalomeland, peoplepossessing
a collective
memory
nd
mythaboutandsentimental
and/or
material
inks o
that
homeland,
hich
ostersa sense of
sympathy
nd
solidarity
ithco-
ethnic
iasporans
ndwith
putative
rethren
n
he
ancestral
omeland. s
thisdefinition
mplies,
diasporic
ommunitiesan be
as concrete
s
individuals
ispersed
rom,
yet
with
angible,
n-
going
connections
o,
a
given
clan n
a
given illage
na
homeland
r,
onversely,
s
ideological
s
a
construct
r
myth
bouta
homeland
n
which
pecific
ndividuals
r
eventheir
parents
rtheir
grandparents
avenever
isited,
much ess
resided.
he
point
s that
a
member
f
a transnational
community
ho
has
never
ived n
the homeland an havean even
greater
ense
of
obligation
to
support
he
homeland s
another
memberwho
was born here.
Diaspora-homeland
ollaborative
evelopment
s
founded
on
sentimental
nd
material
arguments
or
a
boundedethnic
group,
both within
he
diaspora
and between
it
and its
homeland.The sentimentalbonds
among
co-ethnicsare
supposed
to be a
given
and
emotionally
oercive.
Ineffable
eelings
of
affinity
oward ellow ethnic
group
membersare
frequentlystrong
because
personal
and
collective
identities
are often conflated
in
complicatedways.
Personal
dentity
s also
undoubtedly
inkedwith
other
dentities,
uch as
class,
businessassociations
nd
professional
tanding,
ut
such
linkages
re ess
organically
unified
relative
o the
personal/collective
dentity-conflation.
ersonal
dentity
s,
after
all,
socially
constructed
and
socially
reinforced.Socialization
round
he indelible
quality
of
racially-basedthnicity
ffects the
core of
one's
identity
more
than
transitory
dentities.
Ethnic
group
members are
socialized
around
emotionally
vocative ssues such as their
commonancestral
heritage,
ictiveextended
family
and
mutual
mythological
xperiences.
Conspicuous ifferencesexist betweenethnicgroups ntermsof maintainingoundaries,
burnishing
utual
mythological
xperiences
nd
reinforcing
olidarity;
hose who
do
moreof
these
tend
to be moreunified han hose who
do
less.
Witheach ethnic
group, personal
and
collective
dentity-conflation
s
wrapped
up
in
a
shared
sense
of vulnerabilities
nd anxieties
concerning
he
political,
ocial and economic
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iaspora-Homeland evelopment
?
1897
landscape.
This
mattersbecause individualsre
udged
n
part
on
their
thnicity.
entimental
pride
and
embarrassment
n
conjunction
ith
material
pportunities
nd constraints re all
affected
by
a
person's
group
membership
s
well
as
by
the
ranking
f that
group
n
society
and
indeed
n
the world.
In
a
worldwhere
ethnicity
matters,
here is a material
nterest
n
having ne's ethnicgroupelevated nthe world'shierarchy.
Development
In,
Through
and
By
the
Diaspora
While
global
orces
are
influencing
he size and
political ynamism
f
multiethnic
roups
n
America,
these
groups
are
simultaneously
nfluencing
American
power,
wealth and
technology
storehouse on behalf
of their ancestralhomelands.Esman
2000)
succinctly
explains
he connectionsbetween
diasporas
nd nternationalelations
elow:
Thecontinuinginksbetween diasporasand homelands can be
politicized,
and this
is
their
major
significance
in
the
study
of
internationalelations.
Diaspora
olidarities
an be
mobilizedand
focused
to influence
political
outcomes
in the
home
country
to
provide
economic,
diplomatic
nd even
military
ssistanceto
the
home
country
r
to
seek
protection
nd
help
from
ts
government.
Likewise,
he
government
of the
home
countrymay
call on the
diaspora ommunity
oreconomic or
political upport,
nd the host
country's
overnmentmay
attempt
o
use
the
diaspora ommunity
o
promote
ts interestsvis-a-vis he
home
country
With
heirvariable
capacities, pportunities
nd
propensities
o exert nfluence n
behalf
of theirdomesticor
external
nterests,
iaspora
ommunities an be
regarded
s interest
roups
and as
political
ctors.
p.
318)
A
threefoldclassification
cheme
is
applicable
when the
linkages
of
diaspora
and
development
re examined
Mohann 000):
*
Development
n
the
diaspora
*
Development
hrough
he
diaspora
*
Development
y
the
diaspora
Development
nthe
diaspora
elates o the
pooling
ffinancial
apital,
ntellectual
apital
nd
political
apitalby
membersof an
ethnic
community
orthe
purpose
of
growing
wealthand
providing
or
a
measureof
security
nd
ndependence
n
America.
n
he ancestralhomeland
in
question,
he state
may
end
support
o
members
of the
diaspora
n
the UnitedStates
for
two
reasons:
irst,
o
help
ts nationals r ethnickin ucceed for
heir
own
good,
and
second,
and
probably
more
important
o
the
state,
to
help
its
nationalsbecome
financially
nd
politicallyowerful
nough
o
contribute
ffectively
nd
significantly
o the
development
nd
security
f the homeland.
An
example
wouldbe
how the
South
Koreantate aided ts ethnic
kin,
primarily
n
California
n
the
1960s
and 1970s.
Today,
outh
Koreas the
world's
1
th
argest
exporter,
xporting
verything
rom
automobileso
seafaring
ankers
nd
container
hips
(i.e.,
it is the world's largest shipbuildingnation) o computerchips and countless other
sophisticated
ndustrial
nd
elecommunications
roducts.
However,
ust
a few
short
decades
ago,
a
principal
outh
Korean
xport
product
was
wigs.
TheKorean
xport
ank
KEB)
elped
wig
manufacturesn
South
Korea
nd SouthKorean
mmigrant ig
wholesalesand
retailers
in
the United
States
with
subsidized oans. The almost immediateresultof
this
strategic
-
8/9/2019 Patterson, SF, 2006, Transnationalism
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1898
*
SocialForcesVolume
84,
Number
4
*
June
2006
diaspora-homeland
ollaboration as a
jump
nthe
South
Korean
market hare
of
wigs
inthe
United
States,
roma
mere5
percent
n 1965to 89
percent
n 1972.KEB ven
opened
a U.S.
branch
n Los
Angeles
in 1967to
further
ssist with business
lending
o Korean
mmigrants
(Chin,
Yoon nd
Smith
1996).
The
mmigrantsained
n
experience
ndconfidence nthe
wig
andotherhair areandbeauty upplybusinesses hatmade hem moreadeptatpenetrating
numerous
ther
markets,
articularly
n
poorminority
ommunities
nd
beyond.
As
Choi
2003)
points
out,
ethnic
Koreans
avecontributedo the
development
f the South
Korean
conomy by transferring
heir
knowledge
and skills
-
which
they
obtainedand
strengthened
n
he moreadvanced ountries
f
their esidence to theirhomeland.
p.25)
The
South
Koreantate
has
long
maintained network f direct
nd
ndirectmeans
of
influencing
the
diaspora.
learly,
theSouthKorean
overnment
as
sponsored
programs
or
professional
emigrants
eeking
o buildbusinesses
abroad,
with he
expectation
f
direct
inancial enefits
to Korea.
Shain
1999:
170)
The
government
lso
provided
ree
language
education or
professionals,
uch as
computer
cientists,
who
were
preparing
o
immigrate
o the
United
States,Japanandotherhighlyndustrializedountries.Forhose planningo starta business
abroad,
he
government
rovided
oans
up
to
$200,000
Weiner
995).
Studies
how
that,
wherever
Koreans
eside
n
he
diaspora,
radebetween hat
country
nd
South
Korea
s
positively
ffected.
In
other
words,
he
larger
he Korean
iaspora
f a
given
country,
n
general,
he
greater
he
trade
between he host
ountry
ndSouth
Korea
ends o
be
(Choi).
Development
hrough
he
diaspora
efers
o
development
s a
result f
networking
ithin
and between
diasporas
of the same ethnic
group
n
different
parts
of the world.
A
classic
example
of
development hrough
he
diaspora
nvolvesoverseas Chinese.
Mainland
nd
overseas
Chinese s an economicblocconstituteshe third
argest conomy
n
the world.
The
Chinese
conomic
bloc
of
PRC,Taiwan,ingapore
nd
HongKong
lone s the world's
argest
exporter. early
0
percent
of
overseas
Chinese ive
n
SoutheastAsia.Their
roportion
f
the
total
population
n
many
of these
Southeast
Asian
nations,however,
s low.
For
xample,
he
Chinese
share of
the
populations
f
Indonesia,
he
Philippines
nd Thailand
anges
rom3
percent
o 10
percent;
owever,
verseasChinese
ontrolmore han80
percent
f
the business
equity
nthese
countries
Cheong
003).
As for
Singapore
nd
Taiwan,
ome
80
percent
f the
populations
reethnic
Chinese,
nd
hey
also
controlhe
lion's
hareof
the business
equity
n
these two countries.As
for
overseas Chinese
n
the United
States,
they
have
particularly
distinguished
hemselves
in
high-technology
ields,
and
they
have
helped
o
transfer uch
technology
o PRC
nd
Taiwan.
y
1998,
20
percent
f
startup
high-tech
ompanies
n
Silicon
Valley
were
by
ethnicChinese.
The
egion's
Chinese
ngineers
onstructed vibrant
wo-way
bridge
onnecting
he
technology
ommunitiesnSilicon
Valley
ndTaiwan...
Saxenian
999:
53)
Thedialectical
nterplay
n
Chinese ransnationalommunitiess
conspicuously
uccessful.
Since
Deng Xioping
pened up
the
country
n
1978,
overseas Chinese
have been
the
principal
nvestors
n
the
PRC.
Presently,
China
anks econd
behind
he
UnitedStates
in
recipients
f
foreign
direct nvestment.
n
2003,
totalFDI
nto
China
was
$57
billion
UNCTAD
2004).
Thus,
n
1991,
Lee
Kuan
Yew,
he
founding
resident
f
Singapore,
nd
Dengcollectively
presided
ver he first
World
Chinese
Entrepreneurs'
onvention
WCEC)
Cheong). y
he sixth
WCEC,
thnicChinesewere
descending
n
Nanjing,
he location
f
the
gathering,
rom ome
77
diasporic
Chinese ommunities roundhe
world.
Atthat
meeting,
where
Beijing
nvested
more han
$1
billiono
strengthen iaspora-homeland
ollaboration,
t was
resolved hat he
mainland ill ead heglobal conomicblocof overseasChineseCheong).
There
re
mportant
essons
for
Africans
ndothers o
glean
rom hese
diaspora-homeland
collaborative
evelopment
xperiences.
Whereas he mainland s
encouraging
uccessful
overseas
Chinese o
invest,
f
not
repatriate,
or
purposes
f ancestral omeland
evelopment
and
he
pursuit
f
personal
ortune,4
any
African
overnments
ften ook
uspiciously
t their
-
8/9/2019 Patterson, SF, 2006, Transnationalism
10/18
Transnationalism:
iaspora-Homeland
evelopment
?
1899
fellow nationals
who have
gone away
and
returned uccessful.
Take,
or
example,
the
Zimbabwean
ational,
trive
Masiyiwa,
hugely
successful
telecommunications
ioneer.
Masiyiwa
s
the
founder
f Econet
Wireless
Communicationsut of
Zimbabwe.
Econetwas
Zimbabwe'sirst
privately
un
elecom
concern
n
the
country,
which
became
an
overnight
success (Patterson001).Despite he fact thatEconetwas on course o provide eliable nd
affordable
elecom ervice o
millions
f citizens
something
he
government
as unable
o do
-
as well as
attractnew
investment nd
technology
nto he
country
nd
provide
dditional
employment,
he
government
ept
he
company
rom
persuing
ts
businessand
servicing
he
population
or
more hanfive
years.
Masiyiwa,
whose wealth s
estimated o exceed
$100
million,
uns
telecommunications
mpire
hat
ncludes ixcellular
usinessesand wo
satellite
companies
hat
pan
a number f
countries
ncluding
reat
Britain,
Morocco,
Nigeria,
otswana
and New Zealand.
Whereas
overseasChinesewho
amass fortunes n
the
diaspora
nd are
encouraged
nd
assisted
in
investing
n
the
future
of
the
homeland,
Masiyiwa,
ho
fearsfor
his
life,
ives
n
self-imposed
xile
n
he
Johannesburg
etroarea
Itano
004).
Development y the diaspora efers o the diasporaworking hiefly f notexclusivelyn
helping
he
homeland
evelop.
srael
rovides
n
instructive
xample
of
this class
of
diaspora
and
development.
For
manyyears
now,
Israelhas
been the annual
ecipient
f more
han
$3
billion f
foreign
conomicand
military
id rom he
US
government's
gency
or
International
Development
USAID).
stensibly,
USAID'smission
s to workwith
and
through
Third
World
governments
nd
nongovernmental
rganizations
o
help
raise he
living
tandards f
some of
the
poorestpeople
on the
planet.
srael, owever,
anks s the world's
6thrichest ation
utof
approximately
00.
The
$3
billion
nnual
isbursemento Israelmakes
he
country
he
number
1
recipient
f
U.S.
oreign
id.The
population
f Israel
oday
s
approximately
ix million.
ince
1962,
Israel
as
receivedmore
oreign
id rom he
United tates han
all
of
Latin
merica,
he
Caribbeannd
Sub-Saharanfrica
ombined
USAID002);
he
combined
population
f
these
threeareas s well
overone billion.
he
complex
rganizational
tructure
f
private onprofit
nd
advocacy
nstitutions
orking
n
behalfof Israel nd
Jewish
Americanss
verysophisticated
and
extremely
ell-run,
otto
mention
xceedingly
ffective.There re
numerous
oteworthy
institutions,
ut
only
wo
of
the
most effective
will
be referencedhere.One
is known
as the
Presidents'
onference,
omprised
f
presidents
f
many
arge
Jewish
organizations
uch
as
the World
ewish
Congress,
B'nai
Brith nd the
World ewish
Committee.The
Presidents'
Conference
ends o workmore
closely
with he
executive ranch f the U.S.
government,
hile
the
second
organization,
he
America-Israelublic
AffairsCommittee
AIPAC),
orks more
closely
with
Congress
(Smith2000).
The
Presidents'Conferenceand AIPAC
ave been
exceptionally
eft at
working
with
he Israeliso
articulatehe needs
of Israel o
Washington,
raising
nd
contributing
unds oelect
Congressional
emberswho
support
srael,nd
helping
defeat those
who do not. While
African
iasporans
will never
nfluenceU.S.
public
policy,
transfer
utting-edgeechnology
r
make inancial
ontributionso their
homelands n
the scale
of Jewish
Americans,
he
point
s
thatmore
progress
an occur
n
these areas.
Latecomers of
Development
In,
Through
and
By
the
Diaspora
India
Indians,
y
far,
havebeen the
largest ecipient
f H-1B
visas,
which
are
a
device used
by
the
federal
government
n
the
interest f
assuring
he
maintenance f a
workforce t the
global
competitive
orefront. he
H-1B
visa
program
llows
oreigners
o
move o the United
States
for
employment
n
designated
ritical reasof the
economy.
The
cap
was
set at
65,000
by
the
-
8/9/2019 Patterson, SF, 2006, Transnationalism
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1900
*
Social
ForcesVolume84, Number
4
*
June
2006
1990
Immigration
ct;
it was raised
o
115,000
n
fiscal
year
1999 and to
195,000
between
fiscal
years
2000
and
2002,
whereupon
he
cap
would
revertback o
65,000,
which t did.
Unions,
he U.S.
branch f
the Institute
f
Electrical
nd Electronic
ngineers
IEEE-U.S.)
nd
others
ought
he increase
while
many ndustry
xecutives
andtrade
associations,
uch as
the BusinessSoftwareAllianceBSA),nformationechnology ssociation fAmericaITAA)
and he Electronic
ssociation f America
EAA)
which
represent
ompanies
ncluding
isco
Systems,
Intel,
Motorola,
exas nstruments
nd
Oracle,
irms hat
employ
H-1
Bs
-
wanted
still
higher
umbers
f
H-1
Bs. Here
we havea domestic
public
policy
ight
hat
s
fraught
with
serious
oreign
mplications,
ome that
oom
particularlyarge
or he homelands
f
engaged
U.S.-based
diasporas.
Countries hat
send
large
numbers
of theirnationals
o the United
States on
H-1B visas
have
their
development
agendas
bound
up
in
this debate.
Organized
diasporas
n collaboration
ith
heir
respective
homeland tates
enter nto he
political
ray
n
support
of
EAA,
ITAA,
BSA
and
their member firms.
Key
to the
diaspora-homeland
collaborativeuccesses
of these ethnonationals
s to
align
heir
project
with other
domestic
forces(e.g.,votingblocsand/orobbyingampaign f icons suchas the bluechip echfirms
cited
above)
and/or
ommonly xpressed
Americannterests
and deals.
Once
more,
he
Indian
overnment
like hatof the
South
Korean,
Chinese,Taiwanese,
Singaporean
nd
other
countries
has taken a
proactive,
omprehensive
and
strategic
approach
o its
diaspora-homeland
ollaborative
evelopment
ffort,
hence brain
irculation.
Notethe observations
f
Myron
Weiner
1990):
The
Indian
overnment
has
made a
major
ffort
o reachout to the
Indian
ommunity
n
the
UnitedStates or
support.
thas
sought
to
inducenonresidentndians
NRIs...)
o
deposit
heir
avings
n
Indian
banks,
nvest
n
Indian
ompanies,
andstart heir
own businesses n
India.
The ndian
inance
minister as met with
the New York-based
NRI
Club
f NorthAmerica
o discuss
creating
n
India und o
help
members
nvest
n
India,
nd
there
havebeen
discussions f
pressing
the
IRS to
permit
tax-sheltered
RA accounts to be used for
investments
n
India.The
Indian
Embassy
has
also
encouraged
he
Indian
Community
n the UnitedStates to
actively upport
ndian
foreign
olicyobjectives
n
Washington.
p.
202)
The
Ministry
f
External ffairs f the
Indian
overnment
as establisheda
SpecialHigh
LevelCommittee n
the Indian
Diaspora.
he
committee
was created o
study
he
problems,
aspirations
nd attitudesof the Indian
Diaspora,
ndto
study
the roles that Nonresident
Indians
NRIs)
nd
people
of Indian
rigin
ould
play
nthe
economic,
ocialand
echnological
development
f India
The
Hindu
001).
To his
end,
the Indian
overnment
as
recently
aken
two
concrete,
proactive
teps:
(1)
ruled
o allowdual
citizenship
or
NRIs nd
(2)
established
a
new
ministry
or he
singular urpose
of
serving
he needs
and
eliciting
he
support
f
NRIs.
These two demonstrable
cts show how
India
has
fully
embraced he
strategic
homeland-
diaspora evelopment
model.
Mexico
Sharp
ontrastscan
be drawnbetween
the aboveAsiannations
and
othernations
eeking
to
develop.
Mexico
s one of those nations
hat,
until
ecently,
ailed o
aggressively
ursue
strategic
diaspora-homeland
ollaborative
development agenda.
State
officials,
non-
government
stablishment
igures
andthe
Mexican
iasporic
lite
nthe
United
States ailed
-
8/9/2019 Patterson, SF, 2006, Transnationalism
12/18
Transnationalism:
iaspora-Homeland
evelopment
*
1901
to collaborate
ntil he
late 1970s. Prioro
that,
Mexicans
n
the
homeland,
rom
government
officials n down
to
the common
person
n the
street,
regularly
iewed recentmembers
of
the
diaspora
n
the
United
States
essentially
as sellouts.
Matching
hat
castigating
iew,
manydiaspora
members
ooked
despairingly
nd
embarrassingly
t Mexico or ts continued
impoverishmentJones-Correa995-96).Mutually isdainful iews on both sides had the
effect
of
preventing
diaspora-homeland
ollaborative
evelopment
genda.
The
rapprochement
inally
ccurred
n
the late 1970s.
The
government egan
to rethink
Mexico's
elationship
ith
ts
diaspora,
ver98
percent
of
whom reside
n the
United
States
(Gutierrez
999).
The
emigration
f Mexicans o
join
he ranks
f the
U.S.
diaspora
was
being
viewed
by strategic
hinkers
s a resource
ain
rather
hana
resource
drain. n
2002,
at
$9.9
billion,
Mexicowas
the second
largest
recipient
of
remittances
n
the
developing
world
(Solimano 003).
By
2004,
Mexican
emittances,
tanding
at
$13.2
billion,
laced
Mexico
n
the numberone
spot
ahead of India
Thouez2005).
Turning
he
braindrain nto a brain
circulationeflected
both
he
growing
political
loutof Chicanos
ndthe successfuleffort
of
MexicoCityo breatheife nto he transnationalommunity.
PresidentCarlos
alinas
de
Gortari,
Harvard
h.D.
n
political
conomy
and
government,
was
predisposed
well
beforehis election
n 1988 to advance
he collaborative
evelopment
agenda
much
urther
ndfaster.President alinas
hadthe
built-in
ultural
ffinity
or such
an
agenda,
but
even more
mportant
as
his focus on the
political
tility
f the
diaspora
o
the
north s wellas the
indispensable
conomic ontributions
or he
southern
art
f the
country's
efforts o
develop.By
he time he first
Bush
presidency
as
winding
own,
he Mexican tate
and
eading
Mexican
stablishment
hinkers
ere as
eager
or he
swift
passage
of
NAFTAs
U.S.
corporate
dvocates:
During
he NAFTA
ebate,
the Mexican
overnment
lew
entire
delegations
f Mexican-American
eaders o Mexico
City
or
briefings,
reparing
hemfor
heir
roleas advocates orNAFTA.Jones-Correa:9)
As statedearlier
n
the
paper,
U.S.
diasporas
seeking
o
successfully
nfluence
oreign
olicy
o benefit heir
espective
omelands
avorably
attempt
to unite
in common
cause
through,
at the
very
least,
temporarymarriages
f
convenience
with
domestic
politically
ell-established
roups,
and/or
align
he homeland-
interested
ublicpolicy
genda
with
manifestly owerful
merican
nterests nd deals.
TheSalinas
government
was as
strategic
as it
was determined
n
eliciting
he
support
of
the
Mexican
diaspora
orthe
successful
passage
of
fast-track
uthority
or NAFTA.
eading
diasporicigures
were
continually
troked.For
xample,
In
1991,
Antonia
Hernandez f the
human
ights
protection roup
MALDEF
Mexican-American
egal
Defense
and Educational
Fund)
was awarded he
Order f the Aztec
Eagle,
Mexico's
highest
honor
given
o a
foreign
citizen
orhis or hercontribution
o the advancement
f Mexico r
o the better
understanding
of Mexicoabroad. n
1993,
an Aztec
Eagle
medalwent to Raul
Yaguirre, resident
of the
NationalCouncil f
La
Raza.
Shain1999:189)
While hese
recognitions
o not
necessarily
imply
a
quid-pro-quo
or
supporting
he fast-track
eal,
they
do
illustrate ow a
homeland
state can
reachout to
its
diaspora
n the UnitedStates as
part
of a
strategic
collaborative
development genda.
Moreover,
Mexico
City's
nfluence,
ombined
with
leading
Mexican-
American
rganizations
n
conjunction
with
major
U.S.
manufacturing,rucking,
extile
and
other
ndustries,
ressured
he
Congressional
ispanic
Caucus
o
effectively
hat
allbutone
of the Caucus
members
votedfor
NAFTA
Shain
1999-2000).
TheAfrican Diaspora
The schism between the
two
groups
of the
African
diaspora
n the United States
-
descendantsof enslaved
Africans nd
newer,
voluntary
mmigrants
is
knotty
nd hitherto
largely
politically
ebilitating,
relationship
xperiencedby
no
other
U.S.-based
diaspora.
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*
June
2006
Stereotypes
often
prevent
African
mmigrants
nd
descendants
from
pursuing
ommon
ancestral
homeland
developmentagendas. Many
African
mmigrants
ften see African
Americans
s too fixated
on
race,
unwilling
o
accept
their
hortcomings
egarding
acrifice
and
hard
work,
and
having
quandered
remendous
pportunities
or
success
in
the United
States.Conversely,manyAfrican escendents requentlyee Africanmmigrantss socially
and
culturally
ackwards,
aughty,
nd
unappreciative
f the benefits
hey
enjoy
as a result f
theirancestors' acrifices
n
this
country
Authur
002).
Three
black
nstitutions
urported
o
have ome
political
lout
are
the
Congressional
lack
Caucus,
he NAACPndthe Urban
League.5
ecause he lives
of
large
ections of the
black
community
re
encumbered
by
issues of institutional
acism,
poorly
performing
chools,
inadequate
ffordable
ousing,
urban iolenceand other
domestic
social
lls,
he lion's hare
of the attention nd
these institutions'oncerted
campaigns
have
focused on issues within
the UnitedStates.
Conversely,
ew
African
mmigrants
end
to
be
organized
n
mutual
id
societies,
which
span
from
acilitating
cculturation
nto he
American
ociety
o
contributing
to capitalormationorentrepreneurialctivitiesnthe UnitedStatesand/orback nspecific
African ountries.Political
rganizations
un
by
and
chiefly
concernedwith descendants'
domestic
ssues
regularly
ngage
the leversof state
power
whereas
new
immigrant
fricans,
while
significantly
oncerned about
problems
and
prospects
back
in
their
respective
homelands,
refar
ess
likely
o
engage
the state or be
party
o
elite
mobilization
n
America
aboutmatters
oncerning
hem.
Episodically,
here
have been issues aroundwhich the two black
communities f the
African
iaspora
n
the United
States
unite.The
Congressional
lack
Caucus
merged
n
1971
to
provide platform
or blacks o
engage
the state
on the issue
of
putting
ts
might
behind
ending
white
minority
dictatorship
n
Southern
Africa.
Representatives
Charles
Diggs,
cofounder
f
the
Congressional
lack
Caucus,
nd
Randall
obinson,
ounder f
TransAfrica,
used the
forceof
their nstitutions
o
help
support
evolutions
n
SouthernAfrica.Ron
Walters
(1987)
renchantly ritiqued
he
politically-loaded
hetorical
uestion
posed
by
MartinWeil
back
n 1974:
Canhe
BlacksDofor
Africa
What he Jews Did orIsrael?
owever,
Weilwas
correct
by
noting
hat,
To id the revolution
broad,
blacksmust irst
oin
he
establishment
at
home.
(p.86)
This
paper
argues
that some
other U.S.-based
diasporic
groups
have
successfully
pplied
Weil'sdictum
o
provide
heir
homelandswitha
comparative
dvantage
in
development gendas.
Beyond
he
descendant-immigrant
chism,
a
major mpediment
or an
African-American
diaspora-homeland
ollaborative
evelopment
roject,
unlike uccessful
diaspora-homeland
projects,
s that he
African
iaspora
as lacked
trategicbacking
f a
major
tate or
states
in
Africa o
generate
enthusiasm,
focus and resourcebases for some
specific
homeland
development
whichhad
been the case withSouthKorea nd
China
or
ourdecadesand or
two decades with India nd
Mexico.
These
may
simply
be manifestations f the newest
historical orms of more
intense efforts
to
keep
blacks at the bottom of
the
hierarchy
discussed
by
Golberg
2002),
Feagin
2000)
and
Campbell
1994),
among
others.
History,
f
course,
s not
fate; herefore,
t is indeed
possible
orAfrican
eoples
o
mobilizeheir
gency
in
the formof
strategic
ransnational
rain
irculationike
other ransnational
roups, hough
in
theirown
syncretistic
mannerand
at the
commensurate
evel
to
overcome he race-
neutral
oliticoeconomic
orces
presently
onstraining
hem.
Sub-Saharan
Africa
In
no
way
does this
paper
mply
hat
Africas
completely
evoidof
progress
on
the frontsof
strategic
vision,
specific programs
nd concrete
practices
o enhance
country-specific
r
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iaspora-Homeland evelopment
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1903
continent-general
iasporic-homeland
ollaborative
evelopment gendas.
There
are clear
examples
nAfricao
whichone can
point
or llustration.n
his
study,Apraku
1991),
orone
example,
has
foundevidence
of African
overnments'
fforts o lure heir
espective
echnical
nationals
nto
repatriation
ith
subsidies or
homes,
cars,
and
professional quipment
n
the
homelandcountry.Nevertheless, here is a chasm between state officialsand strategic
thinking
stablishment
igures
nAfricanocieties
in
comparison
ithother
countries
rofiled
in
this
study
when
it comes
to
mobilizing
ts U.S.-based
iasporas.
One of the most
significant
ecent U.S.
foreignpolicy
debates toward
Africawas the
proposed
AfricanGrowth nd
Opportunity
ct
(AGOA).
GOA
ffectively plit
members
of
the
Congressional
lack
Caucus,
4
ultimately
oted
n
support
nd
12
against
Walters
004).
The
assenting
ide saw it as a
feeble
yet
important
tartof new
investment nto
Africa nd new
market
pportunities
n
AmericaorAfrican
xporters eyond
primaryroducts.
hus,
hey
saw
AGOA s a belatedemulation
f U.S. nvestment
nd
market
penings
decades
earlier hat
contributedo EastAsia's
tarting
ut
in
owlyapparel
nd extile
production
nd
subsequently
going through apidndustrialization.onversely,he dissenterssaw it as destructive or a
continent
already
broken
economically.
n
short,
the dissenters
largely agreed
with
Representative
essie
Jackson,
Jr.'s
haracterizationf
it when he saidthat he
initiative as
so
inimicalo Africannterestsuntil t
may
as well be
labeled s the
Africaecolonizationct.
Some have
thought
of
AGOA s the African AFTA.
owever,
here was
inadequate
coordinationetweenAfrican
apitals
r
with
he former
Organization
orAfrican
Unity
OAU)
and black
political
nd
Africa-focusedeaders
n
the United
States.
Walters
2004)
notes
that,
althoughgroups
like
the
Constituency
or Africa
and the African
Diplomatic
Corps
in
Washington
id worksome
with
AfricanAmerican
eaders,
heircollective
effortsat issue
framing
nd collaborative
genda
etting
appear
not
to havebeen on the levelof
the Mexican
NAFTA
ffort. The Mexican
governmentregularly rought arge delegationsof Mexican
Americaneaders o
Mexico
City
or consultation nd coordinationo both
help
shape
the
drafting
nd
passage
of NAFTA.
uch issue
framing
nd collaborative
evelopment
genda
setting
were not emulated
by diasporic
eaders
and
leadersof African
tates,
commercial
enterprises
nd civil
ociety
organizations.
Conclusion
Using
he
approach
f
comparative nalysis,
his
paper
has
investigated
he
importance
f
transnationalisms a
means of
advancingpeoples,
which
comes
in
the form
of homeland
states
working ollaboratively
ith heir
respective
diasporas
nthe UnitedStates to benefit
the homeland.
The
significant
inding
s thatwhen
science and
echnology
alentednationals
froma Southern
ountry
migrate
o the United
States,
such
emigration
an be
identified s
either
a braindrain an
adverse
mpact
on the
homeland or a case of brain
irculation
a
socioeconomic
and
technologygain
orthe
homeland.The actor hat most
determines he
outcome s the nature f
collaborationetweenthe
homeland ndthe
U.S.-based
iaspora.
At
one end of the
spectrum
there is no
substantivecoordination etween
sanctioned
government
fficesor
quasi-government
nstitutions
nd eadersof
organizationsomprised
chiefly
f their
diasporans.
or hat
matter,
here
may
even be a hostile
relationship
etween
the
two. At
the
otherend
of the
spectrum
s
institutionalized
trategic
ollaborationetween
the two sides, resultingroma combination f a heightened ense of sympathy, olidarity,
obligation
nd
profit
o be
made.
This
tudy
ookedat
homeland
evelopment
s the
outcome
with
strategic
ollaborative
development
etween
diasporic
eadersand he
homeland
s the
operative
actor.Homeland
development
as
conceptualized
s
technological
nd
socioeconomic
evelopmentincluding
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2006
life
expectancy,
ducationalttainment
nd
average
ncome).
trategic
ollaborationetween
the
diaspora
nd he homeland
was takenas a measureof a
diasporic ommunity's
avorable
affect
on the U.S.
state;
technology
ransfer;
and financial
ontributions,
ncluding
oth
remittances
nd nvestments.
UnlikeIsrael,China,Indiaand South Korea,Mexico had to overcome the mutually
disparaging
entimentsbetween
the two sides. Sincethe
rapprochement
n
the late
1970s,
progress
tarted
lowly,
hen
picked
up
steam
during
he
period
f the
NAFTA
ebate,
and
s
now
gaining
more
ground
round
ssues of
permanent esidency,
mnesty
and
guest-worker
programs.
African nations are
further behind
in
institutionalizing iaspora-homeland
collaborative
evelopment
agendas.
In
the
past
few
decades,
African
diasporas
and
homelands
have
worked
onlyepisodically
o
promotedevelopment
n
the
latter, ut,
again,
such
collaborative
development agendas
in Sub-SaharanAfrica have never
been
institutionalized
s
in
other nations.
The
challenge
o
institutionalizing
iaspora-homeland
collaborative
evelopment
s
exponentially
more difficultbecause
of the
multiple
tates
involved and the fact that Sub-SaharanAfricancountrieswould be attempting his
institutionalization
n
the
early
1st
entury
atherhan
n
he mid- o late-20th
entury
when
the
single-case
states launched heir
collaborative
ampaigns
and a
historicalmoment
perhaps
moreamenable o such
development trategies
xisted.
Notes
1. Fordiscussionson
transnationalism,
ee Schiller nd Basch
1995);
Schiller,
asch
and
Blanc-Szanton
992;
Portes
1999;
Kivisto 001.
2.
Homing
n
on the nature of
Africancoordination f its
diasporized
and domestic
homeland-based
eoples
around
echnologicaldevelopment
s not to
ignore
he
AIDS
pandemic, ripplinglliteracy,rinding
overty,
ampant orruption
nd othersocial
ills
across
the
continent.At the
same
time,
solving
those ills
without
promoting
and
strengthening
he collaboration
f
technically-orientediasporized
nd homeland-based
Africans
will
also
likely
onfound
ocialand economic
development.
n
other
words,
his
paper
n
no
way
privileges
he
diaspora-homeland
ollaboration
ver other
challenges.
Instead,
his
papermerely
eeks
to drawattention o and
conceptually larify
ne
huge
challenge
as well as
opportunity
hat s
typically
gnored
r
glossed
over
n
development
scholarship.
China, Israel,
South
Korea and India have
witnessed considerable
development
n the
past
few decades; eliminate he U.S.-based
diaspora-homeland
collaborative
development
agenda
and their socioeconomic
and
technological
development
would
have
been
stymied
or worse.
3.
Diaspora-homelandevelopment
n
the case
of
Israelhas
been
and continues o be
uniquely
crucial o its
security
and sheer
survival,
not
just
to socioeconomic and
technological evelopment.
Without
U.S.directand ndirect
upport
f
economic,
military
and
intelligence
ssistance
to Israel
ver ts
54-year
history,
he
nationwouldhave
ong
ceased
to exist. Without he
diasporic ommunity's
mobilization
ffortsand economic
successes,
U.S. tate
support
nd
American ealthwouldnot
havebeen
forthcoming
o
Israel.Moreover,o otherdiasporic ommunitynthe UnitedStatesis likelyo emulate
this
success due in
part
o
Jewish
Americans'
nrivaled readth
nd
depth
of influence
in
positions
of
power
n
American
ociety,
relativeo ThirdWorld
iasporas.
Nonetheless,
the
non-emulativeewishmodel
providesnsight egarding
ossible
collaborative
rojects
for
other
ransnational
roups.
-
8/9/2019 Patterson, SF, 2006, Transnationalism
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iaspora-Homeland
evelopment
*
1905
4.
China,
of
course,
also
regularly
urveils and
in
some cases detains
some ethnic
Chinese,
especially
those from the United
States,
for fear of seditious
activity.
Nevertheless,
such
fear
may
be more
prevalent
with African
governments.
5. Thereare real imits o this so-calledpolitical loutbyblackpolitical rganizationsnthe United
States.
One evident illustration f this limitation s President
Bush's refusal o
meet with the
Congressional
BlackCaucus
and
to address the annual
meeting
of the
NAACP
n
the
past
five
years.
A
president's
failure o
provide
such an audience and address
Jewish
political
and
advocacy
leaders
is
almost unthinkable.While
meetings
can be
construed as
merely
symbolic,
these
meetings
are
nonetheless
reflectionsof the
gravity
of
the seriousness with
which
issues
and
concerns of ethno-national
roups
are taken
by
the
government.
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iaspora-Homeland evelopment ?
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