paul, imperial situation, and visualization in the epistle to ... seminar...1. paul and empire...
TRANSCRIPT
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Paul, Imperial Situation, and Visualization in the Epistle to the Colossians
Harry O. Maier
1. Paul and Empire
Throughout the past decade scholars of Christian origins have turned their
attention increasingly to the relationship of emergent Christianity to imperial society.1
Richard Horsley has observed that the “turn to Empire” amongst contemporary exegetes
has enjoyed renewed attention as a consequence of the two Gulf Wars of 1991 and 2003.2
The present geo-political order often forms the backdrop to debates concerning to what
degree Paul opposed, supported, or ignored Caesar and his imperial reign. It is sometimes
argued, for example, that Paul was as stridently opposed to the Pax Romana as his
American interpreters are opposed to what they label US foreign policy as a Pax
Americana. 3 The themes taken up in fact echo ideas presented by New Testament
exegetes over a hundred years ago, in the full flush of exciting new discoveries regarding
the imperial cult by German archaeologists in Asia Minor. Adolf Deissmann, Adolf von
Harnack, Ernst Lohmeyer, Karl Bornhäuser, to name only a few, were united in their
view that the presence of so much imperial sounding language in the New Testament was
on account of opposition of early Christians to persecuting emperors; they used imperial
language to throw their persecutors to the cosmic lions.4 The contemporary consensus
from exegetes has been largely to rehearse these assertions: Paul was opposed to the
Roman Empire; his attention was all but solely dedicated to resistance to Roman imperial
ideas; his letters are peppered with recognizably political language whose purpose is to
trump imperial political claims with Christian ones (allowing for the moment a
straightforward and transparent notion of what “Christian” means in this period, an all but
straightforward concept). What exactly constitutes Roman imperial ideas is often taken
for granted: violence, pacification, subjugation, reception of tribute, etc. Paul has been
championed in one popular formulation for opposing Rome’s empire reign with God’s
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kingdom.5 Central in this understanding is the role of the imperial cult in Asia Minor in
forming popular expectations and dedication to imperial rule, orchestrated either from
above by the emperor, or below by local aristocratic elites. Karl Galinsky has described
the discovery of the imperial cult by New Testament scholars as a Columbus-like
discovery of the new world.6 New Testament scholars have found evidence of Paul’s
alleged opposition to the imperial cult in virtually every line of his letters, in every
metaphor used to champion dedication to Christ’s rule and his achievements, and in every
polemical situation he addressed. N.T. Wright has argued that the imperial cult was the
glue that held the Empire together; thus, it could hardly have been possible for Paul to
have written his letters without opposing emperor worship.7 This he argues despite the
fact that the imperial cult spread unevenly and with differing motivations in the period
under consideration.8 Even where it appears to be a very remote possibility on account of
the entire absence of any direct imperial reference in most of Paul’s letters, that Paul was
thinking to any degree about either Roman rule or the imperial cult, scholars have
appealed to a notion of “hidden transcripts” (borrowing from the ethnology of James C.
Scott who uses the phrase an analytical framework for investigating forms of social
dissent by peasants under the thumb of landlords and other totalizing political regimes),
to account for what seems at least agnostic about Roman claims.9 That is, Paul was so
frightened by Roman rule and its attendant terrors that he resorted to writing highly
veiled letters in which he meant Roman rule even where he used language entirely devoid
of imperial content to oppose those who promoted the circumcision of Gentiles as
necessary for incorporation into God’s Israel.
This paper is not a polemic but seeks an alternative, more nuanced account of
“Paul and Empire.” As Roman historians have noted for some time, “the Roman Empire”
represents a conceptual abstraction to allow Classicists a means of periodization of data
to develop models and historical studies to negotiate empirical evidence that would
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otherwise be overwhelming and make analysis and understanding impossible.10 The
imperial cult, for example, did not constitute a kind of glue to keep the Empire together;
the emperor did not impose it unilaterally on far-flung subjects; it did not form a basis to
assure the slavery of the millions of inhabitants of the Roman Empire. Rather it must be
interpreted within a complex social dynamic of a shared honorific culture in which local
elites exercised the prerogatives of giving acclaim as a paradoxical exercise of a degree
of independence of Roman imperial control by taking initiatives in establishing local
cults as a means of self-promotion. This formed the syntax of what Clifford Ando has
called the communicative action of the periphery and the centre, of civic elites and
central authorities.11 This is not to deny the brutal realities of Roman power and
dominion, but to assert that as in any every situation of domination, the power from
below is as critical as the power from above in the exercise of authority. I hope to show
that Paul represents another means of this complex negotiation of power. Paul showed
himself to be a member of the Empire through his uses of political language and
metaphor to convince his listeners of the benefits of Christ’s rule. Inflecting slightly
Lloyd Bitzer’s concept of “rhetorical situation” I will describe Paul’s uses of imperial
imagery and vocabulary as a the creation of an “imperial situation.” I will then turn to the
importance of visualization in the task of rhetorical performance and Paul’s appropriation
of visual imperial and local civic honorific culture to create in his listeners’ minds
striking images of ideas to persuade audiences of his teachings. I will outline a model for
using ancient visual culture in the interpretation of Paul’s vivid speech. I will conclude
with an application of the theory to the letter to the Colossians (which I treat as
pseudonymous although authorship questions will not affect the outcome of the specific
case argued here). Finally I will return to the question of Paul and Empire at the
conclusion and make a case for the interpretation of Paul’s relationship to the Roman
Empire as manifesting cultural hybridity rather than a straight forward capitulation or
resistance to Caesar’s reign.
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As a rhetorician, Paul deployed vivid language drawn from the imperial world around
him to create pictures of the benefits of Christ’s reign and the obligations of Christ
followers to honour Christ by placing their trust in him and honouring God through him.
As he was communicating with audiences constituted by members whose literacy was
probably marginal at best, Paul’s letters were crafted in a way that assured immediate
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recognition of their claims and teachings. The recent turn by scholars to ideals of vivid
speech or ekphrasis represents a new field for exegetical exploration and understanding
of Paul’s cultural world. Ekphrasis was central in the Paul’s configuring of his audiences
in an imperial situation.
Vernon Robbins, Gregory Bloomquist as well as colleagues working in the study
of the role of visualisaton and imagination in the task of persuasion have drawn attention
to the importance of considerations of ekphrasis in understanding the persuasive
strategies of early Christian writers.!"; A chief aim of ancient rhetors was to make visible
before their listeners ideas declaimed upon. Ekphrasis describes the use of vivid speech in
persuasion. Ancient rhetorical manuals, the Progymnasmata, furnish discussions of
ekphrasis.19 Their value is not only in their definition but that they are elementary: that is
they represent a level of rhetorical training more or less consistent with what we find in
most of the New Testament (save the Letter to the Hebrews), a low-grade entry level kind
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Paul’s letters cast their listeners in imperial situations not just through the
deployment of political language and imagery, but also by using words and metaphors
with a view to eliciting passion and emotion of a kind ancient theoreticians thought
central to the act of persuasion. It is here that imperial iconography becomes particularly
instructive for seeing along with Paul’s listeners the kinds of things the apostle’s letters
intended to evoke. As chief challenge of the uses of visual data in the interpretation of
Paul’s letters has been the lack of theorization of the missing cultural link to draw image
and text together. The typical juxtaposition of texts and images that one finds, for
example, in New Testament introductory textbooks serves little more than to offer an
interesting accompaniment to otherwise strictly text-based introduction to the tools of
biblical exegesis. More recent studies of the ideological aspects of imperial art and their
relation to Pauline theology, while valuable in alerting readers to the ideological aspects
of Paul’s letters and the reminder of their political dimensions with respect to issues of
imperial violence and ideological constructions of gender, risk a too crude and
anachronistic account of imperial imagery and its importance in interpreting Paul’s letters.
It is critical in drawing links between the visual world of the Roman Empire and its
influences on Paul’s theology to take account of the cultures of vision of the Roman
Empire, both amongst its elites and its everyday viewers. Further, it is important to
remember that the interpretation of what is seen is often an unconscious cultural act, and
while demonstrably laden with political meanings obvious from a later vantage point,
may not have been so visible to audiences inhabiting the social worlds in which
interpretation was formed. Too often in political assessments of Paul’s relationship to the
Roman Empire it is assumed that Paul’s use of political language and imagery signaled a
!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!:=!V+&&!=AAKD!"":$!::!C,4.)41%D!J/'%;$'REH67>$!"E$"!
! "=!
confrontation with imperial realities. It is important to recognize that they also reflected
his cultural location and the social world that formed his imagination and
conceptualization of the environment around him.
A theoretician useful for the anthropological study of visual culture is Marcus
Banks. Banks is important because he has studied the role of artefacts in the contruction
of visual culture and the social creation of seeing. He distinguishes between external and
internal narratives in visual culture. External narrative denotes the larger organization of
visual reality shared by communities of viewers: the things they see when they look at an
object like a religious object, an item of daily use, a monument, or a picture. This forms
the larger cultural template that passes by usually unnoticed and which is reinscribed by
regular usage as well as meanings promoted by tradition and by cultural elites like
religious functionaries, political powers, and artists who produce images. The age of
Augustus, the Julio-Claudians, as well as of the Flavians, Trajan, Hadrian and the
Antonines is a period when enormous attention was given to the construction of a
standardized external narrative of the sort Banks describes. The revival of classicism by
Augustus and his dynastic successors intended its viewers to see the restoration of lost
past of civic harmony brought about by the divine blessing of Augustus’ reign. Under the
Flavians imperial images were so standardized that they became iconic short hands of the
blessings of their rule. These underwent further standardization through the second
century. This external narrative was imported to far flung cities of the Empire through
coinage, placards, games, processions, statues, reliefs and so on and filled cities with the
same motifs and iconographical forms. It was further reinforced by local elites who took
initiative in recreating such iconography as a means of honouring the emperor or his
family.
Banks’ understanding of the interior narrative of visual culture is that local and
precise instantiation of the external narrative in a concrete form. The visual tokens of
everyday life here take on their meaning by reference to the larger external narratives.
For example a photograph of a birthday party only has meaning once it is related to larger
customs and then take on particular meanings once one considers the particular
composition of the birthday in question. Again, such representations are usually
unconscious and invisible to the those making the images. This understanding of interior
! ":!
narrative is especially useful in the interpretation of vivid speech in Paul’s letters and the
visualization it engendered because it offers a finer instrument for interpreting political
language in the apostle’s writings as simply for or against the Roman Empire, or as
oppositional to ideological distortions of Empire. Rather one looks closely at the precise
narrative (re)configurations of visual culture and then notes the ways in which Paul’s
vivid representations at once echo but also displace larger visual meanings. One might
say that the interior imperial situation finds its meaning by reference to a larger external
one, and that the interior one poaches upon and makes use of the external one for ends
that are in complex ways at one with and a departure from larger meanings.
There is an important hermeneutical insight in Banks’ account of external and
internal narratives of visual artefacts. Recently Roman historians of imperial iconography
have turned their attention to non-elite ways of viewing the world around them. While the
focus of classical studies on art has often been on production of art for elites and by elites,
this recent investigation has rather asked about the effect of elite art on non-elite
populations. It seems that Paul’s letters offer an excellent means of addressing this
question precisely because they are so filled with imperial language and images but
deployed with a view to persuading non-elites of certain religious truths and benefits. The
fact that Paul describes Christ and his followers with the help of imperial narrative and
metaphor offers great insight for how non-elites were taking up the visual world of elite
culture around them and revising it for their own ends.
In what follows I take up a reading of Colossians with a view to appropriation by
a non-elite follower of Paul of a the visual dimensions of his imperial world. I explore
how thep letter to the Colossians creates an imperial situation through polemic and inserts
its readers and opponents in an overarching imperial narrative. Colossians is filled with
vivid imagery and political language and metaphor. It offers a test case for recognizing
the uses of imperial military ideology and its reconfiguration for specific non-imperial
religious ends. Further it invites observations concerning how best to assess the political
location of Colossians a document of the Roman Empire. I am assuming in what follows
that Colossians was written by a disciple of Paul, perhaps when the apostle was still alive,
in the early 60s, to churches in the Lycus Valley (near modern Denizli, Turkey), at
Colossae, Laodicea, and Hierapolis. Important, though not ultimately determinative for
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the case that follows, is the visual evidence of the imperial temple to Augustus and the
Julio-Claudians, the sebasteion at Aphrodisias, for which more follows directly.
Colossians is polemical. It presents a description of communities of Christ followers who
have either replaced or supplemented devotion to Christ with forms of rituals, prayers,
and ascetical practices to those the writer names as “elemental powers.”
It falls outside the limits of this discussion to identify either the precise nature of
these practices or their object, topics to which have been dedicated thousands of pages of
New Testament study.34 My interest is rather in the ways the letter takes up imperial
narratives of subjugation, defeat, victory, and triumph to describe its audience as the
beneficiaries of Christ’s rule. “Paul” casts his audience in an imperial situation of triumph
and victory to persuade them to leave off devotion to other deities. He describes his
audience as ideally entrusting themselves to the universal geo-political claims of his
Gospel, that through the death and resurrection of Christ the hostile forces that had kept
humankind in bondage had been vanquished and in its place has come a message of
reconciliation to all, both Jews and Gentiles, in anticipation of the end of the age, when
the powers of Sin and Death will be triumphed over once and for all. Now not only is
there no longer Jew or Greek, there are no longer barbarians or Scythians, the latter being
a vivid term that connoted in the Greek imagination a wild and exotic world of
transgression and lack of civilization. Paul turned to political language and imagery
because it was there that he could find a universal language to make persuasive the
dramatic claims of his Gospel. His audiences had been well primed by his formulations
through their experiences first of Hellenistic and Roman rule, each of which publicized
universal claims in a variety of media extending from still surviving forms likes coinage,
monuments, and inscriptions, through to those that no longer survive such as games,
processions, placards, spectacles in the arena, and so on. cO+!S,J34!2)*)+%!#O+-+!
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2. Victory in the Heavens
In order more fully to recognize the imperial situation in which Colossians places
it audience it is necessary briefly to outline its representation of its opponents. It falls
outside the limits of this study to identify the opponents Colossians describes. The main
interest here is the way the letter locates them in an imperial narrative of victory and
subjugation, in order to persuade its audiences to resist the beliefs and practices the
author considers to be “empty deceit” (2.8). Col. 2.8-13 describes a series of beliefs and
practices that might tempt Christ followers to submit by way of ritual and ascetical
practices to what the author describes as cosmic “principalities and powers” (v. 15).
Colossians’ general strategy is to remind its audience that the principalities and powers
were created through and for the pre-incarnate Son (2.16) and then spatially to invite
them to imagine a “vertical” cosmic order in which the raised and enthroned Jesus reigns
above all creation. Colossians represents Jesus’ death as a victory over these same
principalities and powers (2.15). Resonant with uncontested Paul’s understanding of
baptism as a ritual by means of which estranged Gentiles die the death of Christ and
enjoy even now the fruits of his resurrection (for example, Rom. 6.3-5), Colossians
presents baptism as a ritual of transfer out of the kingdom of the principalities and powers
– the “dominion of darkness” -- to that of God’s “beloved Son” (Col. 2.13).37
The present tense dominates Colossians. In the uncontested corpus resurrection is
oriented to the future, but in Colossians the emphasis is on an action already complete.38
“Since then you have been raised with Christ, seek the things that are above, where Christ
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is, seated at the right hand of God” (3.1).39 The shift in emphasis is to convince hearers
that because in baptism they have already been raised with Christ, it is inappropriate to
serve those principalities and powers vanquished by Christ on the cross. They are thus
not below the principalities and powers, but as beneficiaries of Christ’s resurrection, they
reign with Christ as co-regents above them. Even as Colossians’ Christology is thus
cosmic, so is its ecclesiology. Again a visual metaphor dominates: Christ is the head of
the resurrected body, which is the body of Christ, the church (1.18, 24). As he is “the
head of all rule and authority (2.10), his body, the church, reigns alongside him. To put
on the body of Christ thus indicates a ritualistic ascent in resurrection and the embrace of
a new set of relationships steeped in a new ethos of love (3.12-17), and to put off the old
self means to leave behind a life of the lower regions (2.20-22; 3.9-10). This secures for
the hearers of Colossians a pronounced verticality: they are to set their minds on things
above (3.2), the elemental spirits of the universe and their associated vices belong to what
is below and left behind. And perhaps most important of all, the Household Code (3.18—
4.1) establishes as the organizing principle of this new life of co-rulership with the raised
Christ the right performance of duties arranged vertically: Husbands, wives, children,
slaves, masters. “Wives be subject to your husbands” (Col. 3.18). However much the
Colossian Household Rule encourages mutual relationships (husbands for example are to
love their wives – 3.19), the hierarchical metaphor of above and below dominates and
echoes that of the language of head and body that dominates Colossians.
The linchpin of Paul’s argument is the victory that Christ brings his followers and
the set of social relations and ethics that go along with it. At the heart of his letter is a
theology that makes the death of Jesus a military victory over cosmic powers, through
which they have been pacified and reconciled. “He disarmed the principalities and
powers and made a public example of them, triumphing [qriambeu&saj] over them in it
[i.e. the cross]” (Col. 2.14). Triumph is the major key in which Paul composes his letter
and the benefits of Christ’s triumphal rule are the spoils the apostle promises his audience.
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Scholars have of course noticed that this is an imperial metaphor.40 Few, however, have
observed the ways in which such a highly charged image of Roman rule belongs with the
other imperial vocabulary and imagery of the letter as a whole, and especially how this
language evokes a whole series of visual associations.41 Colossians describes the death of
Christ as a triumph over “principalities and powers” (ta_j a)rxa_j kai\ ta_j e0cousi/aj)
and in doing so it recalls the Son’s creation of all things in heaven and earth: “visible and
invisible, whether thrones or dominions or principalities or authorities” (ta_ o(rata_
kai\ ta_ a)o&rata, ei1te qro&noi ei1te kurio&thtej ei1te a)rxai\ ei1te e0cousi/ai). These then
comprise “the elemental spirits of the universe” (ta_ stoixei=a tou~ ko&smou– 2.8,20) to
which Colossians urges its audience not to submit.42
The image of triumph in Col. 2.15 develops the political language introduced
earlier in the letter, in the so-called Christ Hymn of Col. 1.15-20. Here again the political
language has been largely passed over in traditional exegetical treatments of the
!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!FA!g-+(+J)4+4*'@!R3--!"K;"D!FK(E=D!E;(>>!348!o3*+%!"KK"D!EU:(K"L!3'%,!g,N,-4@!"KK"D!"F"L!P-+@*+4&32O!=A"AD!";U(=AEL!e-+)*^+-!"KK>D!"=:(FFL!c344+-!"K;AD!:UU(;=L!o3*+%!"KK"D!EU:(K"$!!F"!G,-!3!4,*3&'+!+52+0*),4D!V3'%O!348!e++%J33*!!=AAFD!FK(>F$!F=!P,*O!R3--!"K;"D!>"(>!348!o3*+%!"KK"D!EUK(;AD!&3%)4.!*O+)-!)4*+-0-+*3*),4!,[!*O+!8+%2-)0*),4!,[!*O+!S,J34!c-)1J0O!&@!k+-%4+'!"KUAD!O3H+!3-.1+8!*O3*!*O+!0-)42)03')*)+%!348!0,#+-%!,[!R,'$!"$"E!348!=$"E!%O,1'8!4,*!&+!2,4['3*+8!#)*O!*O+!+'+J+4*3'!%0)-)*%!,[!=$;D=AD!%)42+D!*O+@!3-.1+D!*O+!H)2*,-@!-+[+-+42+!,[!=$"E!8,+%!4,*!8+%2-)&+!3!*-)1J0O!,H+-!*O+!0-)42)03')*)+%D!&1*!-3*O+-!*O+)-!0-+%+42+!)4!3!\,@,1%!H)2*,-@!0-,2+%%),4!*,!322'3)J!RO-)%*_%!H)2*,-@$!R,'$!=$=A!O,#+H+-!')4N%!?+%1%_!-+2,42)')4.!8+3*O!#)*O!*O+!0-+2+8)4.!H+-%+%D!348!%0+2)[)23''@!*O+!Y0-)42)03')*)+%!348!0,#+-%]!#)*O!Y3''!*O)4.%!)4!O+3H+4$]!cO+-+!)%!4,*!*O+4!%1[[)2)+4*!#3--34*!*,!03-%+!*O+!Y+'+J+4*3'!%0)-)*%]![-,J!,*O+-!2,%J)2!0,#+-%$!7*!)%!)48++8!*O+!23%+!*O3*!*O+!2,4a1+-+8!0-+2+8+8!*O+!H)2*,-!)4!*O+!)J0+-)3'!c-)1J0OD!&1*!*O+!J+*30O,-!%O,1'8!4,*!&+!0-+%%+8!*,!')*+-3''@!<P+3-8!=AAUD!"=F(=;L!$!cO+!2,4*+5*!%0+3N%!4,*!,[!3!\,@,1%!0-,2+%%),4!&1*!*O+!2342+'')4.!,[!3!%'3H+(8+&*!<=$"FB!348!*O+!,H+-2,J)4.!,[!+4J)*@!348!O,%*)')*@$!cO1%!H%$!"F!348!"E!%O,1'8!&+!-+38!3%!03-3''+'!4,*!2O-,4,',.)23''@!%122+%%)H+!)J0+-)3'!8+%2-)0*),4%$!G1-*O+-D!P-+@*+4&32O_%!=A"AD!=A"(=A=!348!M3[+J344_%!"K;>D!::(:K!0-,0,%3'!#)*O!-+[+-+42+!*,!=!R,-$!=$"F(">3D!#O+-+!%)J)'3-!+5+.+*)23'!8+&3*+%!O3H+!3-)%+4D!)%!1%+[1'!O+-+b!43J+'@!*O3*!*O+!*-)1J0O!)%!4,*!3*!*O+!%3J+!*)J+!3%!*O+!8+[+3*D!&1*!-3*O+-![,'',#%!)*!3%!3!2+'+&-3*),4$!M+42+!*O+!H+-%+!J+34%!*O3*!RO-)%*!2+'+&-3*+8!3!*-)1J0O!3[*+-!8+[+3*)4.!*O+!0-)42)03')*)+%!348!0,#+-%!&@!J+34%!,[/!#)*O!*O+!2-,%%!<*3N)4.!*O+!83*)H+!0-+0,%)*),43'!0O-3%+!e0n au0tw| as instrumental (BDB §195).
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passage.43 After describing creation of the thrones, lords, principalities, and authorities by
Christ (1.16), the hymn states that he has “reconciled” (a)pokatalla&cai) all things
(1.20,22) and “made peace” (ei0rhnopoih&saj – 1.20) by his crucifixion. The verbs
a)pokatalla&ssein (“to reconcile”) and ei0rhnopoiei=n (“to make peace”), and their
cognates, have a strong imperial political valence. The former term with the prefix a)po-
appears only once in Greek – here in Colossians -- but its cognates dialla/lassein /
katala/ssein are at home in Greco-Roman literature in ancient diplomatic and political
contexts to describe the end of hostility and the start of diplomatic relations.44 This is the
meaning it has elsewhere in the Pauline corpus, specifically with reference to Rom. 5.10
and 2 Cor. 5.17-20, the latter passage where Paul also presents describes himself
specifically as an ambassador.45 Col. 1.20,22 invokes the language of political diplomacy
but shifts the earlier Pauline usage toward the metaphor of imperial victory over once
hostile enemies. The reconciliation Colossians describes comes about through
subjugation. Their pacification concludes with an image of the triumph of Christ (2.15).
In using this vivid metaphor, Paul invited his listeners to imagine a victory procession in
which the principalities and powers were led as bound captives.
This interpretation is confirmed by the presence of the second term directly
associated with victory, ei0rhnopoih&sajD!1%+8!)4!"$=A!*,!8+%2-)&+!*O+!J+34%!,[!
-+2,42)')3*),4. The Roman theology of imperial victory was one of the pacification (or
threat of pacification) of enemies and conquered peoples.46 Ei0rhnopoiei=n (“to make
peace”), expresses this notion of imperial pacification, both on a civic level, but more
importantly with reference to Colossians, on a cosmic level as well. It was so widely used
to describe Roman rule that by the time of the emperor Commodus it had become an
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imperial title.47 In the theology of victory developed during the Julio-Claudian period, the
peace Rome (pax Romana) brings mirrors the peace of the gods (pax deum). 48 The
dependence of earthly on heavenly concord is a commonplace in Greco-Roman, as well
as Near Eastern religion.49 In the Lycus and upper Menander Valley of Colossae,
Laodicea, and Hierapolis in the second half of the first century, Colossians deployed it to
show how the pacification of principalities and powers by the incarnate Son, Jesus,
brought about a whole new order of peace and concord in his body the church. The
difference between Roman pacification and the one envisioned by Col. 1.20 is that, in the
latter instance, peace comes about through the death of Jesus, not the slaying of enemies.
This same idea occurs in the vivid metaphor of Jesus as Triumphator in 2.15, where the
cross is the site where Jesus has boldly displayed the principalities and powers, and,
having subjugated them, now leads them at Triumphator.
When Paul used these metaphors to persuade his listeners to leave off
participation in devotion to lower cosmic powers, the vivid language of pacification and
reconciliation through subjugation would have prompted mental images of imperial
victory, formed from daily visual experiences of the listeners’ urban world. Following the
visual anthropological methods of Marcus Banks, we can see how the inner narrative of
Colossian’s vivid imagery echoes larger socio-cultural visual narratives. Exegetical
treatments of Colossians pass over the imperial and cosmic aspects of imperial rule, but
once seen they cast into relief a host of other imperial echoes and associations. The
imperial visual language of Roman Phrygia is particularly instructive for an
understanding of Colossians strategies of persuasion. To explore this more fully we take
up first the iconography associated with victory in heaven and the harmony of the gods.
Then we will turn to a discussion of Roman imperial picture language that signals the
benefits of heaven on earth, first, with the help of images of fertility and abundance and,
second, in with depictions of worldwide concord and civic order. This will then set the
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stage for a consideration of imperial iconography closer to Paul’s audience at Colossae,
Laodicea, and Hierapolis, at the Sebasteion of Aphrodisias.
3. Cosmic Harmony
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cO+!%,(23''+8!tropaeum Alpium, the “Victory of the Alps,” was built as a rotunda divided
by 24 columns on its upper level. According to Medieval and sixteenth century
descriptions, a
statue of Augustus,
no longer extant,
possibly
represented as
Jupiter, with bound
figures at his feet,
surmounted the
rotunda.64 The form
of the monument in
the round, as well
as the twelve bound
figures placed
around its
circumference, are
suggestive of the
celestial sphere and
the zodiac.
Augustus
surmounted on the
top likens Augustus’
reign on earth to Jupiter’s rule of the cosmos. Later, Nero likened his rule to the cosmic
!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!>F!G,-J).u!"KFKD!UF(UED!#)*O!%,1-2+%$!!
! =>!
governance of both Jupiter and Helios.65 Lucan offers a
probably ironic account of Nero’s association with Helios when
he depicts Nero’s inevitable apotheosis as the sun under whose
bright sky all earthly conflict comes to an end (Civil War 1.57-
63). Seneca satirizes Claudius with a similar representation in
Apocolocyntosis 4.66 The emperor’s self-stylized cosmic
associations with Helios were reflected in a wide iconographic
repertoire, including, perhaps, numismatic images of him with a
radiate crown (an image usually reserved for emperor’s
posthumously deified; BMC 1.56).67 !The throneroom of Nero’s famous Golden Palace,
(Suetonius, T$#1':"BD!O3%!&++4!)4*+-0-+*+8!3%!3!H)%13'!+50-+%%),4!,[!*O+!+J0+-,-_%!
2,%J)2/0,')*)23'!0,#+-!3%!)423-43*+!M+'),%!.,H+-4)4.!*O+!O+3H+4%!348!*O+!+3-*O$>;!!
Part – 4.
It was through such imagery that viewers were to be persuaded that they were
living as the beneficiaries of a concordat between the gods and their earthly vicar. It
communicated to diverse peoples that they belonged to a greater trans-ethnic, global
order, and that this order was established thanks to a divinely elected nation and its
emperor, Jupiter’s vice-regent or in some cases embodiment to meld otherwise competing
nations into a harmonious order.69 Upon an emperor’s accession, one of his first acts was
to disseminate his images across the Empire. Amongst these were images of his military
victories, and specifically victory in the company of the gods. These included of course
monuments, such as the one at Aphrodisias, which we will discuss directly. But they also
included military standards, trophies, and panels depicting decisive victories.70 Trophies
in the provinces presented emperors as gods or their regents. Emperors celebrated
triumphs in Rome, but they also advertised their achievement by posting images of their
!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!>E!G,-!3!-+43)%%342+!)4!?,H)34!)J3.+-@!148+-!j+-,D!G+3-%!"KUED!F;>(K>L!"K;"D!>K(UF$!>>!T-)J3'!"KU"D!=AE("UL!Z-4318!"K;UD!">U(K:L!C_l-34.+!"K;=D!EU(>:$!!>U!G+3-%!"KUUD!=:E(:U$!>;!C_l-34.+!"KE:D!=;(:F$!>K!Z48,!=AAAD!=A>(U:!,[[+-%!34!+52+''+4*!322,14*!,[!+J0+-,-%_!1%+%!,[!)2,4,.-30O@!3%!3!J+34%!,[!0+-%13%),4D!3%!#+''!3%!*O+!H3-),1%!1-&34!',23*),4%!)J3.+%!,[!*O+!+J0+-,-!348!O)%!32O)+H+J+4*%!#+-+!8)%0'3@+8$!!UA!g)23-8!"KEUD!=;E(:F=$!
! =U!
successes at the circus, hippodrome, and theatre. In the arena, gladiatorial combat
advertised imperial victories by pitting barbarian captives against wild animals. Under
Nero, the Senate voted that feriae, or festival days, be held to commemorate the day
decisive military victories were achieved or announced. There is good evidence that these
were observed outside Rome, especially by the army, of course, whose official calendar
is exemplified by the third-century Feriale Duranum, and that they were also celebrated
in the provinces by the local populace who enjoyed them in the arena.71 Bakers’ moulds
from the Danube survive for flat cakes with the legend VICTORIA AUGUSTI for the
celebration of these days, as well as board games replaying on conquests over barbarian
nations.72 In Pompeii, a mosaic from the Macellum or meat market, perhaps from the end
of Nero’s reign, portrays a prince alongside a trophy, seated on military arms and
crowned by victory.73
There are no surviving examples of the type just listed from the cities Colossians
names, but the evidence that does survive is consistent with this general pattern. Less
than 100 kms away from Colossae, at Aphrodisias, at the imperial temple dedicated to the
Julio-Claudian emperors and their families, the statues and reliefs of the Sebasteion or
imperial temple translated into stone the cosmic rule of the emperors and its benefits for
the world’s inhabitants. The site of Aphrodisias for a temple dedicated to the worship of
the Julio-Claudians was important because they traced their ancestry to Venus/Aphrodite.
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is its vertical programme. The three stories draw the eye upward even as the long and
narrow temenos draws it eastward, where prayers and sacrifices were made to the
emperor and his family. Thus the vertical and the horizontal merge; the architecture
brings ritual and the gods together with their focal point set on the celebration of Julio-
Claudian rule. As a whole the iconographical programme was designed to demonstrate
that the inhabitants of the Roman Empire owed whatever benefits of peace and prosperity
they enjoyed to the Julio-Claudian dynasty, which the gods had appointed to pacify the
nations and bring order to the world. Our interest falls first on the third tier of the north
side and the second and third tiers of the south side. Here we see the emperors associated
with earthly and cosmic power, and with heavenly concord.
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On the north-facing side of the courtyard, on the second tier, were reliefs
clustering around episodes from Greek myths. The third tier reliefs depicted Roman
emperors and their victories. Interspersed among them were panels given over to
Olympian gods represented as individual figures. Surviving reliefs depict the emperors in
the company of the gods, with divine qualities, or in association with Greco-Roman
myths. One (left) depicts Augustus with a Victory, a
bound captive, and a tropaeum. To his right,
symbolizing Jovian power, is a large eagle; the
spear or scepter Augustus holds similarly evokes
themes associated with Jupiter/Zeus. This is
reinforced by the tropaeum to Augustus’ immediate
left, behind the head of the bound captive below.
Beside the tropaeum stands a Victory. Thus even as
the relief invokes military victory on earth, it recalls
mythology associated with heavenly rule.
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Another relief (below left) invokes both mythic and cosmic elements together.
Here a nude Augustus in forward stride is flanked by personifications of earth and sea. A
cornucopia at his right symbolizes the abundance of harvest. A prow in his left hand
designates his power over the sea. Here, Augustus is a divine figure that has his place
alongside the gods who govern the cosmos, to rule
land and sea, as well as usher forth their abundance.
Other reliefs signify association with divinity in more
subtle but equally instructive ways. They represent
the emperors in heroic nudity in order to assimilate
them to heroes, as in the case of Germanicus (lower
left) who stands in a classical pose beside the
trophaeum and bound barbarian child at his right. Or
(lower right) their achievements are represented as
the deeds of heroes, such as in the case of Claudius,
again a classical nude, crowned by a personified
Senate or Roman people to his left, and a bound
female captive below a trophy to his right.
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Aphrodisias was not, of course, in the Lycus Valley, and, though, relatively
proximate to Colossae, Laodicea, and Hierapolis, it is impossible know whether the
author of Colossians ever saw the Sebasteion or was directly influenced by it. The
argument here is not one of cause and effect, but to help locate Colossian imagery and
metaphor in its contemporary visual world. Evidence from the cities Colossians names as
well as other cities of Roman Phrygia is fragmentary but complementary with imperial
cult imagery from the Sebasteion.78 A cult of Roma was present in Laodicea at least from
the late second century BCE, and there is reason to believe another was present in
Hierapolis.79 The most common coin issues from Laodicea associate Nero with Zeus
Laodiceus, perhaps on account of his reconstruction of the temple to Zeus destroyed in an
earthquake in 60 CE.80 Direct association of Nero with Olympian deity has Nero obverse
with the inscription NERWN S[EBAS]TOS QEOS and Zeus Laodiceus reverse.81
Hierapolis issues present Nero, obverse, with Apollo on horseback, reverse, or again with
Zeus, with eagle and sceptre.82 Nero’s mother, Agrippina Minor appears on the obverse
of a coin from Eumenia, near Hierapolis, with, on the reverse, Cybele enthroned holding
patera and cornucopia, symbols of agricultural plenty. The association of empresses
iconographically with divinities signifying fertility and agriculture was commonplace in
provincial issues.83 The association of emperors with local deities represents evidence of
the assimilation of traditional religious devotion to imperial culture. Again near
Hierapolis – at Siblia – images of Augustus and Tiberius, obverse, with, on reverse, the
Phrygian deity, Men, have been discovered.84 Similar issues have been found further
!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!U;!G,-!34!,H+-H)+#!,[!*O+!41J)%J3*)2!+H)8+42+![-,J!gO-@.)3D!!Z-J%*-,4.!"KK;D!"EE(U;L!W)*2O+''!"KK:D!"$;A(""U!0-+%+4*%!34!,H+-H)+#!,[!*O+!%*+38@!S,J34!1-&34)^3*),4!348!.-,#*O!,[!*O+!)J0+-)3'!21'*!)4!Z43*,')3!J,-+!.+4+-3''@$!UK!W+'',-!"KUED!UE(U>$!;A!SgR!"$"D!=K"U(=K"KD!=K=>D!=K=;$!;"!SgR!"$"$=K=:$!;=!SgR!"$"D!Z0,'',%b!=KUE(U>L!q+1%b!"KU;$!;:!S,%+!"KKUD!UE(U>$!Parallel, though earlier, is a coin published under Gaius (37-41 CE) from nearby Apameia. On the obverse are Drusus and Nero; reverse are the emperors’s sisters Agrippina, Drusilla, each with cornucopia (www.asiaminorcoins.com ID # 1644, access 29 June 2013).!;F!H,4!Z1',2N!"K;AD!"E=(E:D!4,%$!;U>(;;>L![,-!j+-,!348!W+4D!""=D!4,%$!:=A(="$!
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afield, at Julia, where coins representing Agrippina with an enthroned deity (perhaps
Zeus) were discovered. Elsewhere, at Julia, issues associating Nero with the Phrygian
deity, Men, have been discovered, as well as Agrippina with an enthroned divinity
(perhaps Zeus).85 Perhaps most instructive, though as yet still unpublished, is a report
from the excavations at Laodicea of the discovery of a statue of the deified Augustus, in
the prima porta manner, with Aphrodite.86 This is consistent with Laodicea’s
(unsuccessful) bid in 29 CE, alongside eleven other cities, to build a temple dedicated to
worship of Tiberius.87
These examples offer us a repertoire of imagery to help understand the ways in
which Colossians, through vivid language, invited its first-century listeners to imagine
and “see” Christ’s cosmic power and his victory over the principalities and powers, and
the reconciliation that has come about through his pacification of them. This is not to
deny other influences on this imagery, specifically Hebrew Bible ones, but it is
instructive to consider the way Colossians draws from the visual culture and beliefs
embedded in the social world of its audience, in order to persuade listeners of Christ’s
supreme authority and the benefits that have come from his victory.
4. Hybridity, Paul, and Empire
The foregoing shows how difficult it is to compose simplistic formulation of
emergent Christianity, and Pauline Christ-followers, as for or against the Roman Empire.
What we discover in the appropriation of vivid imagery consistent with iconography
celebrating the benefits of and achievements of imperial rule is a complex negotiation of
political commonplaces. Post-colonial study offers some insights for the interpretation of
emergent cultural and religious identity in a new movement that was expanding through
the Roman Empire. At one level it is hardly surprising that a ubiquitous picture language
should have been appropriated to make universal claims for an eschatologically oriented
religious movement that had drawn on Jewish apocalyptic motifs to conceive of a !!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!;E!H,4!Z1',2N!"K;AD!"$""KD!4,%$!FA"(F"FL!Z.-)00)43D!4,%$!:KE(FAA$!;>!X)J%+N!=A"AD!:F(:EL!###$#,-'8(3-2O3+,',.@$2,J/[+3*1-+%/'3,8)2+3/!<322+%%+8!=K!?14+!=A":B$!;U!G-)+%+4!"KK:D!"U(";$!
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universal end to history. Indeed, prophetic and apocalyptic writers of the Hebrew Bible
did the same when they drew upon Ancient Near Eastern motifs and images to represent
Israel’s/Judah’s national hopes and beliefs about its ultimate destiny.88 What is more
surprising is the way in which the imperial motifs of victory has been ascribed to
crucifixion, and that triumph over enemies, the parade of the Triumphator, is pictured as
coming about through a tragic death God has used to create an over turning of all
expectations. Hybridity describes a productive liminal space, not quite one thing and not
quite the other, but both together, in the formulation of identity, practices, and ideals.89
According to Homi Bhabha, central to hybridity is the notion of mimicry, the imitation of
a dominant cultural script so as to make it one’s own, but in a highly inflected manner.
Hybridity, he argues, describes a process of self-identification whereby “`denied’
knowledges enter upon the dominant discourse and estrange the basis of its authority – its
rule of recognition.”90 Y74!J)J)2-@D!*O+!-+0-+%+4*3*),4!,[!)8+4*)*@!348!J+34)4.!)%!
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4,*!a1)*+!,4+!*O)4.!,-!*O+!,*O+-$ To resolve this liminal identity to either one thing
(opposition) or the other (accomodation) is to misrepresent the dynamic social reality of
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Paulinism as represented both in the earlier and the later New Testament letters. Nor,
with Ja! Elsner, should we locate the imperialisation of Christianity in a later
Constantinian period when Christian Triumph and Imperial Triumph were equated with
one another.92 If the preceding argument shows anything, it is that from as early as a
decade after the death of Jesus the paradoxical equation of Jesus’ death as a form of
imperial triumph was already well established. Were there space, we could show that this
was indeed formulated before the earliest Pauline letters, in the productive Synoptic
tradition, where the Passion narratives represent Jesus’ death as the crucifixion of a king,
a configuration that just possibly had its origins in a kind of gallows humour, for which
Philo offers us a striking account.93 If then we wish to speak of processes of
individualization in this early period of emergent religious formulation, we should
imagine them as including unique reconfigurations of a larger visual political culture, by
way of imagination, toward self-recognition as part of a movement centred on beliefs
about what God has done with a tragic death to bring about a new reality that is breaking
through in the hearing of Christ-followers. Paul in Colossians speaks of his Gospel
growing and spreading throughout the whole world, a Gospel that is like its companion
imperial one, removing distinctions in a geographical embrace, whose ending has been
divinely appointed (Col. 1.6). The visual and the imperial conspired to create a unique
imperializing religious formulation, which, once canonized, would spill over the texts
that hallowed it, into a culture where it can still be found today, if anonymously, in our
day-to-day familiarities.
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