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" Paul, Imperial Situation, and Visualization in the Epistle to the Colossians Harry O. Maier 1. Paul and Empire Throughout the past decade scholars of Christian origins have turned their attention increasingly to the relationship of emergent Christianity to imperial society. 1 Richard Horsley has observed that the “turn to Empire” amongst contemporary exegetes has enjoyed renewed attention as a consequence of the two Gulf Wars of 1991 and 2003. 2 The present geo-political order often forms the backdrop to debates concerning to what degree Paul opposed, supported, or ignored Caesar and his imperial reign. It is sometimes argued, for example, that Paul was as stridently opposed to the Pax Romana as his American interpreters are opposed to what they label US foreign policy as a Pax Americana. 3 The themes taken up in fact echo ideas presented by New Testament exegetes over a hundred years ago, in the full flush of exciting new discoveries regarding the imperial cult by German archaeologists in Asia Minor. Adolf Deissmann, Adolf von Harnack, Ernst Lohmeyer, Karl Bornhäuser, to name only a few, were united in their view that the presence of so much imperial sounding language in the New Testament was on account of opposition of early Christians to persecuting emperors; they used imperial language to throw their persecutors to the cosmic lions. 4 The contemporary consensus from exegetes has been largely to rehearse these assertions: Paul was opposed to the Roman Empire; his attention was all but solely dedicated to resistance to Roman imperial ideas; his letters are peppered with recognizably political language whose purpose is to trump imperial political claims with Christian ones (allowing for the moment a straightforward and transparent notion of what “Christian” means in this period, an all but straightforward concept). What exactly constitutes Roman imperial ideas is often taken for granted: violence, pacification, subjugation, reception of tribute, etc. Paul has been championed in one popular formulation for opposing Rome’s empire reign with God’s " ###$%&'(%)*+$,-./01&')23*),4%/3-*)2'+$3%0563-*)2'+789:;; <322+%%+8 => ?1'@ =A":B$ = C1''D =A"AD =E:(EF$ : G,- -+H)+#D C1''D =A"AD =E=(>=$ F I+)%%J344D "K""L M3-432ND "KA>L C,OJ+@+-D "K"KL P,-4OQ1%+-D "K:;$

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Page 1: Paul, Imperial Situation, and Visualization in the Epistle to ... Seminar...1. Paul and Empire Throughout the past decade scholars of Christian origins have turned their attention

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Paul, Imperial Situation, and Visualization in the Epistle to the Colossians

Harry O. Maier

1. Paul and Empire

Throughout the past decade scholars of Christian origins have turned their

attention increasingly to the relationship of emergent Christianity to imperial society.1

Richard Horsley has observed that the “turn to Empire” amongst contemporary exegetes

has enjoyed renewed attention as a consequence of the two Gulf Wars of 1991 and 2003.2

The present geo-political order often forms the backdrop to debates concerning to what

degree Paul opposed, supported, or ignored Caesar and his imperial reign. It is sometimes

argued, for example, that Paul was as stridently opposed to the Pax Romana as his

American interpreters are opposed to what they label US foreign policy as a Pax

Americana. 3 The themes taken up in fact echo ideas presented by New Testament

exegetes over a hundred years ago, in the full flush of exciting new discoveries regarding

the imperial cult by German archaeologists in Asia Minor. Adolf Deissmann, Adolf von

Harnack, Ernst Lohmeyer, Karl Bornhäuser, to name only a few, were united in their

view that the presence of so much imperial sounding language in the New Testament was

on account of opposition of early Christians to persecuting emperors; they used imperial

language to throw their persecutors to the cosmic lions.4 The contemporary consensus

from exegetes has been largely to rehearse these assertions: Paul was opposed to the

Roman Empire; his attention was all but solely dedicated to resistance to Roman imperial

ideas; his letters are peppered with recognizably political language whose purpose is to

trump imperial political claims with Christian ones (allowing for the moment a

straightforward and transparent notion of what “Christian” means in this period, an all but

straightforward concept). What exactly constitutes Roman imperial ideas is often taken

for granted: violence, pacification, subjugation, reception of tribute, etc. Paul has been

championed in one popular formulation for opposing Rome’s empire reign with God’s

!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!"!###$%&'(%)*+$,-./01&')23*),4%/3-*)2'+$3%0563-*)2'+789:;;!<322+%%+8!=>!?1'@!=A":B$!=!C1''D!=A"AD!=E:(EF$!:!G,-!-+H)+#D!C1''D!=A"AD!=E=(>=$!F!I+)%%J344D!"K""L!M3-432ND!"KA>L!C,OJ+@+-D!"K"KL!P,-4OQ1%+-D!"K:;$!

Page 2: Paul, Imperial Situation, and Visualization in the Epistle to ... Seminar...1. Paul and Empire Throughout the past decade scholars of Christian origins have turned their attention

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kingdom.5 Central in this understanding is the role of the imperial cult in Asia Minor in

forming popular expectations and dedication to imperial rule, orchestrated either from

above by the emperor, or below by local aristocratic elites. Karl Galinsky has described

the discovery of the imperial cult by New Testament scholars as a Columbus-like

discovery of the new world.6 New Testament scholars have found evidence of Paul’s

alleged opposition to the imperial cult in virtually every line of his letters, in every

metaphor used to champion dedication to Christ’s rule and his achievements, and in every

polemical situation he addressed. N.T. Wright has argued that the imperial cult was the

glue that held the Empire together; thus, it could hardly have been possible for Paul to

have written his letters without opposing emperor worship.7 This he argues despite the

fact that the imperial cult spread unevenly and with differing motivations in the period

under consideration.8 Even where it appears to be a very remote possibility on account of

the entire absence of any direct imperial reference in most of Paul’s letters, that Paul was

thinking to any degree about either Roman rule or the imperial cult, scholars have

appealed to a notion of “hidden transcripts” (borrowing from the ethnology of James C.

Scott who uses the phrase an analytical framework for investigating forms of social

dissent by peasants under the thumb of landlords and other totalizing political regimes),

to account for what seems at least agnostic about Roman claims.9 That is, Paul was so

frightened by Roman rule and its attendant terrors that he resorted to writing highly

veiled letters in which he meant Roman rule even where he used language entirely devoid

of imperial content to oppose those who promoted the circumcision of Gentiles as

necessary for incorporation into God’s Israel.

This paper is not a polemic but seeks an alternative, more nuanced account of

“Paul and Empire.” As Roman historians have noted for some time, “the Roman Empire”

represents a conceptual abstraction to allow Classicists a means of periodization of data

to develop models and historical studies to negotiate empirical evidence that would

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Page 3: Paul, Imperial Situation, and Visualization in the Epistle to ... Seminar...1. Paul and Empire Throughout the past decade scholars of Christian origins have turned their attention

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otherwise be overwhelming and make analysis and understanding impossible.10 The

imperial cult, for example, did not constitute a kind of glue to keep the Empire together;

the emperor did not impose it unilaterally on far-flung subjects; it did not form a basis to

assure the slavery of the millions of inhabitants of the Roman Empire. Rather it must be

interpreted within a complex social dynamic of a shared honorific culture in which local

elites exercised the prerogatives of giving acclaim as a paradoxical exercise of a degree

of independence of Roman imperial control by taking initiatives in establishing local

cults as a means of self-promotion. This formed the syntax of what Clifford Ando has

called the communicative action of the periphery and the centre, of civic elites and

central authorities.11 This is not to deny the brutal realities of Roman power and

dominion, but to assert that as in any every situation of domination, the power from

below is as critical as the power from above in the exercise of authority. I hope to show

that Paul represents another means of this complex negotiation of power. Paul showed

himself to be a member of the Empire through his uses of political language and

metaphor to convince his listeners of the benefits of Christ’s rule. Inflecting slightly

Lloyd Bitzer’s concept of “rhetorical situation” I will describe Paul’s uses of imperial

imagery and vocabulary as a the creation of an “imperial situation.” I will then turn to the

importance of visualization in the task of rhetorical performance and Paul’s appropriation

of visual imperial and local civic honorific culture to create in his listeners’ minds

striking images of ideas to persuade audiences of his teachings. I will outline a model for

using ancient visual culture in the interpretation of Paul’s vivid speech. I will conclude

with an application of the theory to the letter to the Colossians (which I treat as

pseudonymous although authorship questions will not affect the outcome of the specific

case argued here). Finally I will return to the question of Paul and Empire at the

conclusion and make a case for the interpretation of Paul’s relationship to the Roman

Empire as manifesting cultural hybridity rather than a straight forward capitulation or

resistance to Caesar’s reign.

Lloyd Bitzer coined the phrase “rhetorical situation” in an essay written in 1968

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As a rhetorician, Paul deployed vivid language drawn from the imperial world around

him to create pictures of the benefits of Christ’s reign and the obligations of Christ

followers to honour Christ by placing their trust in him and honouring God through him.

As he was communicating with audiences constituted by members whose literacy was

probably marginal at best, Paul’s letters were crafted in a way that assured immediate

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recognition of their claims and teachings. The recent turn by scholars to ideals of vivid

speech or ekphrasis represents a new field for exegetical exploration and understanding

of Paul’s cultural world. Ekphrasis was central in the Paul’s configuring of his audiences

in an imperial situation.

Vernon Robbins, Gregory Bloomquist as well as colleagues working in the study

of the role of visualisaton and imagination in the task of persuasion have drawn attention

to the importance of considerations of ekphrasis in understanding the persuasive

strategies of early Christian writers.!"; A chief aim of ancient rhetors was to make visible

before their listeners ideas declaimed upon. Ekphrasis describes the use of vivid speech in

persuasion. Ancient rhetorical manuals, the Progymnasmata, furnish discussions of

ekphrasis.19 Their value is not only in their definition but that they are elementary: that is

they represent a level of rhetorical training more or less consistent with what we find in

most of the New Testament (save the Letter to the Hebrews), a low-grade entry level kind

of ability. f32O!,[!*O+!2,J0,%+-%!,[!*O+%+!O348&,,N%!`!Z+')1%!cO+,4D!M+-J,.+4+%D!

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Paul’s letters cast their listeners in imperial situations not just through the

deployment of political language and imagery, but also by using words and metaphors

with a view to eliciting passion and emotion of a kind ancient theoreticians thought

central to the act of persuasion. It is here that imperial iconography becomes particularly

instructive for seeing along with Paul’s listeners the kinds of things the apostle’s letters

intended to evoke. As chief challenge of the uses of visual data in the interpretation of

Paul’s letters has been the lack of theorization of the missing cultural link to draw image

and text together. The typical juxtaposition of texts and images that one finds, for

example, in New Testament introductory textbooks serves little more than to offer an

interesting accompaniment to otherwise strictly text-based introduction to the tools of

biblical exegesis. More recent studies of the ideological aspects of imperial art and their

relation to Pauline theology, while valuable in alerting readers to the ideological aspects

of Paul’s letters and the reminder of their political dimensions with respect to issues of

imperial violence and ideological constructions of gender, risk a too crude and

anachronistic account of imperial imagery and its importance in interpreting Paul’s letters.

It is critical in drawing links between the visual world of the Roman Empire and its

influences on Paul’s theology to take account of the cultures of vision of the Roman

Empire, both amongst its elites and its everyday viewers. Further, it is important to

remember that the interpretation of what is seen is often an unconscious cultural act, and

while demonstrably laden with political meanings obvious from a later vantage point,

may not have been so visible to audiences inhabiting the social worlds in which

interpretation was formed. Too often in political assessments of Paul’s relationship to the

Roman Empire it is assumed that Paul’s use of political language and imagery signaled a

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confrontation with imperial realities. It is important to recognize that they also reflected

his cultural location and the social world that formed his imagination and

conceptualization of the environment around him.

A theoretician useful for the anthropological study of visual culture is Marcus

Banks. Banks is important because he has studied the role of artefacts in the contruction

of visual culture and the social creation of seeing. He distinguishes between external and

internal narratives in visual culture. External narrative denotes the larger organization of

visual reality shared by communities of viewers: the things they see when they look at an

object like a religious object, an item of daily use, a monument, or a picture. This forms

the larger cultural template that passes by usually unnoticed and which is reinscribed by

regular usage as well as meanings promoted by tradition and by cultural elites like

religious functionaries, political powers, and artists who produce images. The age of

Augustus, the Julio-Claudians, as well as of the Flavians, Trajan, Hadrian and the

Antonines is a period when enormous attention was given to the construction of a

standardized external narrative of the sort Banks describes. The revival of classicism by

Augustus and his dynastic successors intended its viewers to see the restoration of lost

past of civic harmony brought about by the divine blessing of Augustus’ reign. Under the

Flavians imperial images were so standardized that they became iconic short hands of the

blessings of their rule. These underwent further standardization through the second

century. This external narrative was imported to far flung cities of the Empire through

coinage, placards, games, processions, statues, reliefs and so on and filled cities with the

same motifs and iconographical forms. It was further reinforced by local elites who took

initiative in recreating such iconography as a means of honouring the emperor or his

family.

Banks’ understanding of the interior narrative of visual culture is that local and

precise instantiation of the external narrative in a concrete form. The visual tokens of

everyday life here take on their meaning by reference to the larger external narratives.

For example a photograph of a birthday party only has meaning once it is related to larger

customs and then take on particular meanings once one considers the particular

composition of the birthday in question. Again, such representations are usually

unconscious and invisible to the those making the images. This understanding of interior

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narrative is especially useful in the interpretation of vivid speech in Paul’s letters and the

visualization it engendered because it offers a finer instrument for interpreting political

language in the apostle’s writings as simply for or against the Roman Empire, or as

oppositional to ideological distortions of Empire. Rather one looks closely at the precise

narrative (re)configurations of visual culture and then notes the ways in which Paul’s

vivid representations at once echo but also displace larger visual meanings. One might

say that the interior imperial situation finds its meaning by reference to a larger external

one, and that the interior one poaches upon and makes use of the external one for ends

that are in complex ways at one with and a departure from larger meanings.

There is an important hermeneutical insight in Banks’ account of external and

internal narratives of visual artefacts. Recently Roman historians of imperial iconography

have turned their attention to non-elite ways of viewing the world around them. While the

focus of classical studies on art has often been on production of art for elites and by elites,

this recent investigation has rather asked about the effect of elite art on non-elite

populations. It seems that Paul’s letters offer an excellent means of addressing this

question precisely because they are so filled with imperial language and images but

deployed with a view to persuading non-elites of certain religious truths and benefits. The

fact that Paul describes Christ and his followers with the help of imperial narrative and

metaphor offers great insight for how non-elites were taking up the visual world of elite

culture around them and revising it for their own ends.

In what follows I take up a reading of Colossians with a view to appropriation by

a non-elite follower of Paul of a the visual dimensions of his imperial world. I explore

how thep letter to the Colossians creates an imperial situation through polemic and inserts

its readers and opponents in an overarching imperial narrative. Colossians is filled with

vivid imagery and political language and metaphor. It offers a test case for recognizing

the uses of imperial military ideology and its reconfiguration for specific non-imperial

religious ends. Further it invites observations concerning how best to assess the political

location of Colossians a document of the Roman Empire. I am assuming in what follows

that Colossians was written by a disciple of Paul, perhaps when the apostle was still alive,

in the early 60s, to churches in the Lycus Valley (near modern Denizli, Turkey), at

Colossae, Laodicea, and Hierapolis. Important, though not ultimately determinative for

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the case that follows, is the visual evidence of the imperial temple to Augustus and the

Julio-Claudians, the sebasteion at Aphrodisias, for which more follows directly.

Colossians is polemical. It presents a description of communities of Christ followers who

have either replaced or supplemented devotion to Christ with forms of rituals, prayers,

and ascetical practices to those the writer names as “elemental powers.”

It falls outside the limits of this discussion to identify either the precise nature of

these practices or their object, topics to which have been dedicated thousands of pages of

New Testament study.34 My interest is rather in the ways the letter takes up imperial

narratives of subjugation, defeat, victory, and triumph to describe its audience as the

beneficiaries of Christ’s rule. “Paul” casts his audience in an imperial situation of triumph

and victory to persuade them to leave off devotion to other deities. He describes his

audience as ideally entrusting themselves to the universal geo-political claims of his

Gospel, that through the death and resurrection of Christ the hostile forces that had kept

humankind in bondage had been vanquished and in its place has come a message of

reconciliation to all, both Jews and Gentiles, in anticipation of the end of the age, when

the powers of Sin and Death will be triumphed over once and for all. Now not only is

there no longer Jew or Greek, there are no longer barbarians or Scythians, the latter being

a vivid term that connoted in the Greek imagination a wild and exotic world of

transgression and lack of civilization. Paul turned to political language and imagery

because it was there that he could find a universal language to make persuasive the

dramatic claims of his Gospel. His audiences had been well primed by his formulations

through their experiences first of Hellenistic and Roman rule, each of which publicized

universal claims in a variety of media extending from still surviving forms likes coinage,

monuments, and inscriptions, through to those that no longer survive such as games,

processions, placards, spectacles in the arena, and so on. cO+!S,J34!2)*)+%!#O+-+!

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2. Victory in the Heavens

In order more fully to recognize the imperial situation in which Colossians places

it audience it is necessary briefly to outline its representation of its opponents. It falls

outside the limits of this study to identify the opponents Colossians describes. The main

interest here is the way the letter locates them in an imperial narrative of victory and

subjugation, in order to persuade its audiences to resist the beliefs and practices the

author considers to be “empty deceit” (2.8). Col. 2.8-13 describes a series of beliefs and

practices that might tempt Christ followers to submit by way of ritual and ascetical

practices to what the author describes as cosmic “principalities and powers” (v. 15).

Colossians’ general strategy is to remind its audience that the principalities and powers

were created through and for the pre-incarnate Son (2.16) and then spatially to invite

them to imagine a “vertical” cosmic order in which the raised and enthroned Jesus reigns

above all creation. Colossians represents Jesus’ death as a victory over these same

principalities and powers (2.15). Resonant with uncontested Paul’s understanding of

baptism as a ritual by means of which estranged Gentiles die the death of Christ and

enjoy even now the fruits of his resurrection (for example, Rom. 6.3-5), Colossians

presents baptism as a ritual of transfer out of the kingdom of the principalities and powers

– the “dominion of darkness” -- to that of God’s “beloved Son” (Col. 2.13).37

The present tense dominates Colossians. In the uncontested corpus resurrection is

oriented to the future, but in Colossians the emphasis is on an action already complete.38

“Since then you have been raised with Christ, seek the things that are above, where Christ

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is, seated at the right hand of God” (3.1).39 The shift in emphasis is to convince hearers

that because in baptism they have already been raised with Christ, it is inappropriate to

serve those principalities and powers vanquished by Christ on the cross. They are thus

not below the principalities and powers, but as beneficiaries of Christ’s resurrection, they

reign with Christ as co-regents above them. Even as Colossians’ Christology is thus

cosmic, so is its ecclesiology. Again a visual metaphor dominates: Christ is the head of

the resurrected body, which is the body of Christ, the church (1.18, 24). As he is “the

head of all rule and authority (2.10), his body, the church, reigns alongside him. To put

on the body of Christ thus indicates a ritualistic ascent in resurrection and the embrace of

a new set of relationships steeped in a new ethos of love (3.12-17), and to put off the old

self means to leave behind a life of the lower regions (2.20-22; 3.9-10). This secures for

the hearers of Colossians a pronounced verticality: they are to set their minds on things

above (3.2), the elemental spirits of the universe and their associated vices belong to what

is below and left behind. And perhaps most important of all, the Household Code (3.18—

4.1) establishes as the organizing principle of this new life of co-rulership with the raised

Christ the right performance of duties arranged vertically: Husbands, wives, children,

slaves, masters. “Wives be subject to your husbands” (Col. 3.18). However much the

Colossian Household Rule encourages mutual relationships (husbands for example are to

love their wives – 3.19), the hierarchical metaphor of above and below dominates and

echoes that of the language of head and body that dominates Colossians.

The linchpin of Paul’s argument is the victory that Christ brings his followers and

the set of social relations and ethics that go along with it. At the heart of his letter is a

theology that makes the death of Jesus a military victory over cosmic powers, through

which they have been pacified and reconciled. “He disarmed the principalities and

powers and made a public example of them, triumphing [qriambeu&saj] over them in it

[i.e. the cross]” (Col. 2.14). Triumph is the major key in which Paul composes his letter

and the benefits of Christ’s triumphal rule are the spoils the apostle promises his audience.

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Scholars have of course noticed that this is an imperial metaphor.40 Few, however, have

observed the ways in which such a highly charged image of Roman rule belongs with the

other imperial vocabulary and imagery of the letter as a whole, and especially how this

language evokes a whole series of visual associations.41 Colossians describes the death of

Christ as a triumph over “principalities and powers” (ta_j a)rxa_j kai\ ta_j e0cousi/aj)

and in doing so it recalls the Son’s creation of all things in heaven and earth: “visible and

invisible, whether thrones or dominions or principalities or authorities” (ta_ o(rata_

kai\ ta_ a)o&rata, ei1te qro&noi ei1te kurio&thtej ei1te a)rxai\ ei1te e0cousi/ai). These then

comprise “the elemental spirits of the universe” (ta_ stoixei=a tou~ ko&smou– 2.8,20) to

which Colossians urges its audience not to submit.42

The image of triumph in Col. 2.15 develops the political language introduced

earlier in the letter, in the so-called Christ Hymn of Col. 1.15-20. Here again the political

language has been largely passed over in traditional exegetical treatments of the

!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!FA!g-+(+J)4+4*'@!R3--!"K;"D!FK(E=D!E;(>>!348!o3*+%!"KK"D!EU:(K"L!3'%,!g,N,-4@!"KK"D!"F"L!P-+@*+4&32O!=A"AD!";U(=AEL!e-+)*^+-!"KK>D!"=:(FFL!c344+-!"K;AD!:UU(;=L!o3*+%!"KK"D!EU:(K"$!!F"!G,-!3!4,*3&'+!+52+0*),4D!V3'%O!348!e++%J33*!!=AAFD!FK(>F$!F=!P,*O!R3--!"K;"D!>"(>!348!o3*+%!"KK"D!EUK(;AD!&3%)4.!*O+)-!)4*+-0-+*3*),4!,[!*O+!8+%2-)0*),4!,[!*O+!S,J34!c-)1J0O!&@!k+-%4+'!"KUAD!O3H+!3-.1+8!*O3*!*O+!0-)42)03')*)+%!348!0,#+-%!,[!R,'$!"$"E!348!=$"E!%O,1'8!4,*!&+!2,4['3*+8!#)*O!*O+!+'+J+4*3'!%0)-)*%!,[!=$;D=AD!%)42+D!*O+@!3-.1+D!*O+!H)2*,-@!-+[+-+42+!,[!=$"E!8,+%!4,*!8+%2-)&+!3!*-)1J0O!,H+-!*O+!0-)42)03')*)+%D!&1*!-3*O+-!*O+)-!0-+%+42+!)4!3!\,@,1%!H)2*,-@!0-,2+%%),4!*,!322'3)J!RO-)%*_%!H)2*,-@$!R,'$!=$=A!O,#+H+-!')4N%!?+%1%_!-+2,42)')4.!8+3*O!#)*O!*O+!0-+2+8)4.!H+-%+%D!348!%0+2)[)23''@!*O+!Y0-)42)03')*)+%!348!0,#+-%]!#)*O!Y3''!*O)4.%!)4!O+3H+4$]!cO+-+!)%!4,*!*O+4!%1[[)2)+4*!#3--34*!*,!03-%+!*O+!Y+'+J+4*3'!%0)-)*%]![-,J!,*O+-!2,%J)2!0,#+-%$!7*!)%!)48++8!*O+!23%+!*O3*!*O+!2,4a1+-+8!0-+2+8+8!*O+!H)2*,-!)4!*O+!)J0+-)3'!c-)1J0OD!&1*!*O+!J+*30O,-!%O,1'8!4,*!&+!0-+%%+8!*,!')*+-3''@!<P+3-8!=AAUD!"=F(=;L!$!cO+!2,4*+5*!%0+3N%!4,*!,[!3!\,@,1%!0-,2+%%),4!&1*!*O+!2342+'')4.!,[!3!%'3H+(8+&*!<=$"FB!348!*O+!,H+-2,J)4.!,[!+4J)*@!348!O,%*)')*@$!cO1%!H%$!"F!348!"E!%O,1'8!&+!-+38!3%!03-3''+'!4,*!2O-,4,',.)23''@!%122+%%)H+!)J0+-)3'!8+%2-)0*),4%$!G1-*O+-D!P-+@*+4&32O_%!=A"AD!=A"(=A=!348!M3[+J344_%!"K;>D!::(:K!0-,0,%3'!#)*O!-+[+-+42+!*,!=!R,-$!=$"F(">3D!#O+-+!%)J)'3-!+5+.+*)23'!8+&3*+%!O3H+!3-)%+4D!)%!1%+[1'!O+-+b!43J+'@!*O3*!*O+!*-)1J0O!)%!4,*!3*!*O+!%3J+!*)J+!3%!*O+!8+[+3*D!&1*!-3*O+-![,'',#%!)*!3%!3!2+'+&-3*),4$!M+42+!*O+!H+-%+!J+34%!*O3*!RO-)%*!2+'+&-3*+8!3!*-)1J0O!3[*+-!8+[+3*)4.!*O+!0-)42)03')*)+%!348!0,#+-%!&@!J+34%!,[/!#)*O!*O+!2-,%%!<*3N)4.!*O+!83*)H+!0-+0,%)*),43'!0O-3%+!e0n au0tw| as instrumental (BDB §195).

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passage.43 After describing creation of the thrones, lords, principalities, and authorities by

Christ (1.16), the hymn states that he has “reconciled” (a)pokatalla&cai) all things

(1.20,22) and “made peace” (ei0rhnopoih&saj – 1.20) by his crucifixion. The verbs

a)pokatalla&ssein (“to reconcile”) and ei0rhnopoiei=n (“to make peace”), and their

cognates, have a strong imperial political valence. The former term with the prefix a)po-

appears only once in Greek – here in Colossians -- but its cognates dialla/lassein /

katala/ssein are at home in Greco-Roman literature in ancient diplomatic and political

contexts to describe the end of hostility and the start of diplomatic relations.44 This is the

meaning it has elsewhere in the Pauline corpus, specifically with reference to Rom. 5.10

and 2 Cor. 5.17-20, the latter passage where Paul also presents describes himself

specifically as an ambassador.45 Col. 1.20,22 invokes the language of political diplomacy

but shifts the earlier Pauline usage toward the metaphor of imperial victory over once

hostile enemies. The reconciliation Colossians describes comes about through

subjugation. Their pacification concludes with an image of the triumph of Christ (2.15).

In using this vivid metaphor, Paul invited his listeners to imagine a victory procession in

which the principalities and powers were led as bound captives.

This interpretation is confirmed by the presence of the second term directly

associated with victory, ei0rhnopoih&sajD!1%+8!)4!"$=A!*,!8+%2-)&+!*O+!J+34%!,[!

-+2,42)')3*),4. The Roman theology of imperial victory was one of the pacification (or

threat of pacification) of enemies and conquered peoples.46 Ei0rhnopoiei=n (“to make

peace”), expresses this notion of imperial pacification, both on a civic level, but more

importantly with reference to Colossians, on a cosmic level as well. It was so widely used

to describe Roman rule that by the time of the emperor Commodus it had become an

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imperial title.47 In the theology of victory developed during the Julio-Claudian period, the

peace Rome (pax Romana) brings mirrors the peace of the gods (pax deum). 48 The

dependence of earthly on heavenly concord is a commonplace in Greco-Roman, as well

as Near Eastern religion.49 In the Lycus and upper Menander Valley of Colossae,

Laodicea, and Hierapolis in the second half of the first century, Colossians deployed it to

show how the pacification of principalities and powers by the incarnate Son, Jesus,

brought about a whole new order of peace and concord in his body the church. The

difference between Roman pacification and the one envisioned by Col. 1.20 is that, in the

latter instance, peace comes about through the death of Jesus, not the slaying of enemies.

This same idea occurs in the vivid metaphor of Jesus as Triumphator in 2.15, where the

cross is the site where Jesus has boldly displayed the principalities and powers, and,

having subjugated them, now leads them at Triumphator.

When Paul used these metaphors to persuade his listeners to leave off

participation in devotion to lower cosmic powers, the vivid language of pacification and

reconciliation through subjugation would have prompted mental images of imperial

victory, formed from daily visual experiences of the listeners’ urban world. Following the

visual anthropological methods of Marcus Banks, we can see how the inner narrative of

Colossian’s vivid imagery echoes larger socio-cultural visual narratives. Exegetical

treatments of Colossians pass over the imperial and cosmic aspects of imperial rule, but

once seen they cast into relief a host of other imperial echoes and associations. The

imperial visual language of Roman Phrygia is particularly instructive for an

understanding of Colossians strategies of persuasion. To explore this more fully we take

up first the iconography associated with victory in heaven and the harmony of the gods.

Then we will turn to a discussion of Roman imperial picture language that signals the

benefits of heaven on earth, first, with the help of images of fertility and abundance and,

second, in with depictions of worldwide concord and civic order. This will then set the

!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!FU!X++!V)48)%2O!"K=ED!=FA(>A![,-!#O3*!-+J3)4%!3!*O,-,1.O!8)%21%%),4$!F;!G,-!*O+)-!-+'3*),4%O)0!)4!)J0+-)3'!)8+,',.@!%++!q34N+-!"K;;D!"A"(:EL!T3')4%N@!"KK>D!=;;(:"=L!G12O%!"K>ED!";>(=AFL!V+)4%*,2N!"K>AD!FF(E;L!J,-+!-+2+4*'@D!Sr0N+!=AAUD!>E(;E!348!Z48,!=AA;D!"=A(F;!,1*')4+!*O+!J,-+!.+4+-3'!-+').),1%!,1*',,N!348!)*%!#,-N)4.!3%%1J0*),4D!*O+!'3**+-!#)*O!8)-+2*!2,J03-)%,4!*,!*O+!21'*!,[!7%-3+'$!!FK!G,-!34!+52+''+4*!,H+-H)+#D!P-+@*+4&32O!=A"AD!=KK(:AK$!

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stage for a consideration of imperial iconography closer to Paul’s audience at Colossae,

Laodicea, and Hierapolis, at the Sebasteion of Aphrodisias.

3. Cosmic Harmony

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7J0+-)3'!J,41J+4*%!-+0-+%+4*+8!*O+!2,%J)2!8)J+4%),4%!,[!*O)%!*O+,',.@!,[!

J)')*3-@!H)2*,-@$!G,-!+53J0'+D!3*!c1-&)+D!4+3-!W,432,D!)4!>!PRf!*O+!S,J34!%+43*+!

)431.1-3*+8!3!J,41J+4*!*,!O,4,1-!Z1.1%*1%_!%1&\1.3*),4!,[!F>!*-)&+%!)4!*O+!Z'0%$!!

cO+!%,(23''+8!tropaeum Alpium, the “Victory of the Alps,” was built as a rotunda divided

by 24 columns on its upper level. According to Medieval and sixteenth century

descriptions, a

statue of Augustus,

no longer extant,

possibly

represented as

Jupiter, with bound

figures at his feet,

surmounted the

rotunda.64 The form

of the monument in

the round, as well

as the twelve bound

figures placed

around its

circumference, are

suggestive of the

celestial sphere and

the zodiac.

Augustus

surmounted on the

top likens Augustus’

reign on earth to Jupiter’s rule of the cosmos. Later, Nero likened his rule to the cosmic

!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!>F!G,-J).u!"KFKD!UF(UED!#)*O!%,1-2+%$!!

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governance of both Jupiter and Helios.65 Lucan offers a

probably ironic account of Nero’s association with Helios when

he depicts Nero’s inevitable apotheosis as the sun under whose

bright sky all earthly conflict comes to an end (Civil War 1.57-

63). Seneca satirizes Claudius with a similar representation in

Apocolocyntosis 4.66 The emperor’s self-stylized cosmic

associations with Helios were reflected in a wide iconographic

repertoire, including, perhaps, numismatic images of him with a

radiate crown (an image usually reserved for emperor’s

posthumously deified; BMC 1.56).67 !The throneroom of Nero’s famous Golden Palace,

(Suetonius, T$#1':"BD!O3%!&++4!)4*+-0-+*+8!3%!3!H)%13'!+50-+%%),4!,[!*O+!+J0+-,-_%!

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Part – 4.

It was through such imagery that viewers were to be persuaded that they were

living as the beneficiaries of a concordat between the gods and their earthly vicar. It

communicated to diverse peoples that they belonged to a greater trans-ethnic, global

order, and that this order was established thanks to a divinely elected nation and its

emperor, Jupiter’s vice-regent or in some cases embodiment to meld otherwise competing

nations into a harmonious order.69 Upon an emperor’s accession, one of his first acts was

to disseminate his images across the Empire. Amongst these were images of his military

victories, and specifically victory in the company of the gods. These included of course

monuments, such as the one at Aphrodisias, which we will discuss directly. But they also

included military standards, trophies, and panels depicting decisive victories.70 Trophies

in the provinces presented emperors as gods or their regents. Emperors celebrated

triumphs in Rome, but they also advertised their achievement by posting images of their

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successes at the circus, hippodrome, and theatre. In the arena, gladiatorial combat

advertised imperial victories by pitting barbarian captives against wild animals. Under

Nero, the Senate voted that feriae, or festival days, be held to commemorate the day

decisive military victories were achieved or announced. There is good evidence that these

were observed outside Rome, especially by the army, of course, whose official calendar

is exemplified by the third-century Feriale Duranum, and that they were also celebrated

in the provinces by the local populace who enjoyed them in the arena.71 Bakers’ moulds

from the Danube survive for flat cakes with the legend VICTORIA AUGUSTI for the

celebration of these days, as well as board games replaying on conquests over barbarian

nations.72 In Pompeii, a mosaic from the Macellum or meat market, perhaps from the end

of Nero’s reign, portrays a prince alongside a trophy, seated on military arms and

crowned by victory.73

There are no surviving examples of the type just listed from the cities Colossians

names, but the evidence that does survive is consistent with this general pattern. Less

than 100 kms away from Colossae, at Aphrodisias, at the imperial temple dedicated to the

Julio-Claudian emperors and their families, the statues and reliefs of the Sebasteion or

imperial temple translated into stone the cosmic rule of the emperors and its benefits for

the world’s inhabitants. The site of Aphrodisias for a temple dedicated to the worship of

the Julio-Claudians was important because they traced their ancestry to Venus/Aphrodite.

R,J0'+*+8!3*!0-+2)%+'@!*O+!*)J+!R,',%%)34%!#3%!2,J0,%+8D!*O+!X+&3%*+),4!,[!

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&1)'*!,4!*,0!,[!3![').O*!,[!%*3)-%$!The first impression one gains when beholding the site

is its vertical programme. The three stories draw the eye upward even as the long and

narrow temenos draws it eastward, where prayers and sacrifices were made to the

emperor and his family. Thus the vertical and the horizontal merge; the architecture

brings ritual and the gods together with their focal point set on the celebration of Julio-

Claudian rule. As a whole the iconographical programme was designed to demonstrate

that the inhabitants of the Roman Empire owed whatever benefits of peace and prosperity

they enjoyed to the Julio-Claudian dynasty, which the gods had appointed to pacify the

nations and bring order to the world. Our interest falls first on the third tier of the north

side and the second and third tiers of the south side. Here we see the emperors associated

with earthly and cosmic power, and with heavenly concord.

cO+!j,-*O!348!X,1*O!%)8+!,[!2,1-*@3-8!,4!*O+!*O)-8!348!%+2,48!*)+-%!

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0+-%,4)[)+8!43*1-+!348!2,%J)2!0,#+-%D![+J3'+!-+0-+%+4*3*),4%!,[!2,4a1+-+8!43*),4%D!

348!%21'0*1-3'!-+')+[%!8+8)23*+8!*,!%2+4+%![-,J!T-++N!J@*O,',.@!348!*O+!%*,-@!,[!!

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On the north-facing side of the courtyard, on the second tier, were reliefs

clustering around episodes from Greek myths. The third tier reliefs depicted Roman

emperors and their victories. Interspersed among them were panels given over to

Olympian gods represented as individual figures. Surviving reliefs depict the emperors in

the company of the gods, with divine qualities, or in association with Greco-Roman

myths. One (left) depicts Augustus with a Victory, a

bound captive, and a tropaeum. To his right,

symbolizing Jovian power, is a large eagle; the

spear or scepter Augustus holds similarly evokes

themes associated with Jupiter/Zeus. This is

reinforced by the tropaeum to Augustus’ immediate

left, behind the head of the bound captive below.

Beside the tropaeum stands a Victory. Thus even as

the relief invokes military victory on earth, it recalls

mythology associated with heavenly rule.

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Another relief (below left) invokes both mythic and cosmic elements together.

Here a nude Augustus in forward stride is flanked by personifications of earth and sea. A

cornucopia at his right symbolizes the abundance of harvest. A prow in his left hand

designates his power over the sea. Here, Augustus is a divine figure that has his place

alongside the gods who govern the cosmos, to rule

land and sea, as well as usher forth their abundance.

Other reliefs signify association with divinity in more

subtle but equally instructive ways. They represent

the emperors in heroic nudity in order to assimilate

them to heroes, as in the case of Germanicus (lower

left) who stands in a classical pose beside the

trophaeum and bound barbarian child at his right. Or

(lower right) their achievements are represented as

the deeds of heroes, such as in the case of Claudius,

again a classical nude, crowned by a personified

Senate or Roman people to his left, and a bound

female captive below a trophy to his right.

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Aphrodisias was not, of course, in the Lycus Valley, and, though, relatively

proximate to Colossae, Laodicea, and Hierapolis, it is impossible know whether the

author of Colossians ever saw the Sebasteion or was directly influenced by it. The

argument here is not one of cause and effect, but to help locate Colossian imagery and

metaphor in its contemporary visual world. Evidence from the cities Colossians names as

well as other cities of Roman Phrygia is fragmentary but complementary with imperial

cult imagery from the Sebasteion.78 A cult of Roma was present in Laodicea at least from

the late second century BCE, and there is reason to believe another was present in

Hierapolis.79 The most common coin issues from Laodicea associate Nero with Zeus

Laodiceus, perhaps on account of his reconstruction of the temple to Zeus destroyed in an

earthquake in 60 CE.80 Direct association of Nero with Olympian deity has Nero obverse

with the inscription NERWN S[EBAS]TOS QEOS and Zeus Laodiceus reverse.81

Hierapolis issues present Nero, obverse, with Apollo on horseback, reverse, or again with

Zeus, with eagle and sceptre.82 Nero’s mother, Agrippina Minor appears on the obverse

of a coin from Eumenia, near Hierapolis, with, on the reverse, Cybele enthroned holding

patera and cornucopia, symbols of agricultural plenty. The association of empresses

iconographically with divinities signifying fertility and agriculture was commonplace in

provincial issues.83 The association of emperors with local deities represents evidence of

the assimilation of traditional religious devotion to imperial culture. Again near

Hierapolis – at Siblia – images of Augustus and Tiberius, obverse, with, on reverse, the

Phrygian deity, Men, have been discovered.84 Similar issues have been found further

!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!U;!G,-!34!,H+-H)+#!,[!*O+!41J)%J3*)2!+H)8+42+![-,J!gO-@.)3D!!Z-J%*-,4.!"KK;D!"EE(U;L!W)*2O+''!"KK:D!"$;A(""U!0-+%+4*%!34!,H+-H)+#!,[!*O+!%*+38@!S,J34!1-&34)^3*),4!348!.-,#*O!,[!*O+!)J0+-)3'!21'*!)4!Z43*,')3!J,-+!.+4+-3''@$!UK!W+'',-!"KUED!UE(U>$!;A!SgR!"$"D!=K"U(=K"KD!=K=>D!=K=;$!;"!SgR!"$"$=K=:$!;=!SgR!"$"D!Z0,'',%b!=KUE(U>L!q+1%b!"KU;$!;:!S,%+!"KKUD!UE(U>$!Parallel, though earlier, is a coin published under Gaius (37-41 CE) from nearby Apameia. On the obverse are Drusus and Nero; reverse are the emperors’s sisters Agrippina, Drusilla, each with cornucopia (www.asiaminorcoins.com ID # 1644, access 29 June 2013).!;F!H,4!Z1',2N!"K;AD!"E=(E:D!4,%$!;U>(;;>L![,-!j+-,!348!W+4D!""=D!4,%$!:=A(="$!

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afield, at Julia, where coins representing Agrippina with an enthroned deity (perhaps

Zeus) were discovered. Elsewhere, at Julia, issues associating Nero with the Phrygian

deity, Men, have been discovered, as well as Agrippina with an enthroned divinity

(perhaps Zeus).85 Perhaps most instructive, though as yet still unpublished, is a report

from the excavations at Laodicea of the discovery of a statue of the deified Augustus, in

the prima porta manner, with Aphrodite.86 This is consistent with Laodicea’s

(unsuccessful) bid in 29 CE, alongside eleven other cities, to build a temple dedicated to

worship of Tiberius.87

These examples offer us a repertoire of imagery to help understand the ways in

which Colossians, through vivid language, invited its first-century listeners to imagine

and “see” Christ’s cosmic power and his victory over the principalities and powers, and

the reconciliation that has come about through his pacification of them. This is not to

deny other influences on this imagery, specifically Hebrew Bible ones, but it is

instructive to consider the way Colossians draws from the visual culture and beliefs

embedded in the social world of its audience, in order to persuade listeners of Christ’s

supreme authority and the benefits that have come from his victory.

4. Hybridity, Paul, and Empire

The foregoing shows how difficult it is to compose simplistic formulation of

emergent Christianity, and Pauline Christ-followers, as for or against the Roman Empire.

What we discover in the appropriation of vivid imagery consistent with iconography

celebrating the benefits of and achievements of imperial rule is a complex negotiation of

political commonplaces. Post-colonial study offers some insights for the interpretation of

emergent cultural and religious identity in a new movement that was expanding through

the Roman Empire. At one level it is hardly surprising that a ubiquitous picture language

should have been appropriated to make universal claims for an eschatologically oriented

religious movement that had drawn on Jewish apocalyptic motifs to conceive of a !!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!;E!H,4!Z1',2N!"K;AD!"$""KD!4,%$!FA"(F"FL!Z.-)00)43D!4,%$!:KE(FAA$!;>!X)J%+N!=A"AD!:F(:EL!###$#,-'8(3-2O3+,',.@$2,J/[+3*1-+%/'3,8)2+3/!<322+%%+8!=K!?14+!=A":B$!;U!G-)+%+4!"KK:D!"U(";$!

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universal end to history. Indeed, prophetic and apocalyptic writers of the Hebrew Bible

did the same when they drew upon Ancient Near Eastern motifs and images to represent

Israel’s/Judah’s national hopes and beliefs about its ultimate destiny.88 What is more

surprising is the way in which the imperial motifs of victory has been ascribed to

crucifixion, and that triumph over enemies, the parade of the Triumphator, is pictured as

coming about through a tragic death God has used to create an over turning of all

expectations. Hybridity describes a productive liminal space, not quite one thing and not

quite the other, but both together, in the formulation of identity, practices, and ideals.89

According to Homi Bhabha, central to hybridity is the notion of mimicry, the imitation of

a dominant cultural script so as to make it one’s own, but in a highly inflected manner.

Hybridity, he argues, describes a process of self-identification whereby “`denied’

knowledges enter upon the dominant discourse and estrange the basis of its authority – its

rule of recognition.”90 Y74!J)J)2-@D!*O+!-+0-+%+4*3*),4!,[!)8+4*)*@!348!J+34)4.!)%!

-+3-*)21'3*+8!3',4.!*O+!35)%!,[!J+*,4@J@]!#-)*+%!PO3&O3$K"!cO+!Y8+4)+8!N4,#'+8.+]!

*O3*!*O+!2-12)[)+8!032)[)+%D!-+2,42)'+%D!)4*+.-3*+%!)%!%1..+%*)H+!,[!3!J+*,4@J,1%!

J)J2-@!#O)2O!+4*+-%!10,4!3!8,J)434*!8)%2,1-%+!348!+%*-34.+%!*O+!H+-@![,1483*),4!

,[!)*%!31*O,-)*@$!G,-!O+-+!*O+!#3@!,[!2-12)[)5),4D!,[!',H+![,-!,*O+-%D!8)%-10*%!+H+4!3%!)*!

&,--,#%![-,J!3!8,J)434*!8)%2,1-%+$!V+!2344,*!348!%O,1'8!4,*!3-.1+!*O3*!*O+!

0,')*)23'!%)*13*),4!,[!*O+!C@21%!k3''+@!148+-!S,J34!S1'+!#3%!,4+!3N)4!*,!*O+!

2,',4)^3*),4!,[!J,8+-4!)J0+-)3'!0,#+-%$!X*)''D!300-,0-)3*),4!,[!34,*O+-_%!43--3*)H+!

2,4[).1-3*),4%!,[!#O3*!2,4%*)*1*+%!%122+%%D!H)2*,-@D!8)H)4+!32O)+H+J+4*D!

%1&,-8)43*),4D!032)[)23*),4!348!%,!,4!8,+%!+50-+%%!3!0,*+4*![,-J!,[!0-+2)%+'@!*O+!

J+*,4@J,1%![,-J!,[!-+3-*)21'3*),4!PO3&O3_%!a1,*3*),4!%1..+%*%$!M+1-)%*)23''@D!

O@&-)8)*@!,[[+-%!3!.,,8!*,,'![,-!*O+!343'@%)%!,[!34!+J+-.+4*!RO-)%*)34!-+').),1%!

)8+4*)*@!)4!*O+!1-&34!2,4*+5*%!,[!*O+!S,J34!fJ0)-+$!R-)*)23'!O+-+!)%!*O+!*+4%),4!,[!

4,*!a1)*+!,4+!*O)4.!,-!*O+!,*O+-$ To resolve this liminal identity to either one thing

(opposition) or the other (accomodation) is to misrepresent the dynamic social reality of

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Paulinism as represented both in the earlier and the later New Testament letters. Nor,

with Ja! Elsner, should we locate the imperialisation of Christianity in a later

Constantinian period when Christian Triumph and Imperial Triumph were equated with

one another.92 If the preceding argument shows anything, it is that from as early as a

decade after the death of Jesus the paradoxical equation of Jesus’ death as a form of

imperial triumph was already well established. Were there space, we could show that this

was indeed formulated before the earliest Pauline letters, in the productive Synoptic

tradition, where the Passion narratives represent Jesus’ death as the crucifixion of a king,

a configuration that just possibly had its origins in a kind of gallows humour, for which

Philo offers us a striking account.93 If then we wish to speak of processes of

individualization in this early period of emergent religious formulation, we should

imagine them as including unique reconfigurations of a larger visual political culture, by

way of imagination, toward self-recognition as part of a movement centred on beliefs

about what God has done with a tragic death to bring about a new reality that is breaking

through in the hearing of Christ-followers. Paul in Colossians speaks of his Gospel

growing and spreading throughout the whole world, a Gospel that is like its companion

imperial one, removing distinctions in a geographical embrace, whose ending has been

divinely appointed (Col. 1.6). The visual and the imperial conspired to create a unique

imperializing religious formulation, which, once canonized, would spill over the texts

that hallowed it, into a culture where it can still be found today, if anonymously, in our

day-to-day familiarities.

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