FOREWORD

Most efforts in the field of journalism education and training lie in thedevelopment of skills in news gathering and reporting, or in other as-pects of newspaper publishing and news program production. Theydeal with the how-to of the craft or trade. Universities and collegesprovide courses in these areas. With rapid changes in technology aswell as with the growing complexity of problems and issues, many ar-eas of coverage require continuing review and adjustment.

What is clear now is that there are a great many areas of concern ornews subjects that can no longer be reported simply in storyform or inthe brief breaking news account. What is not so obvious is the need forjournalists to keep up with the changing context of the news. Journal-ists need to acquire the necessary knowledge about the backgroundof the events they cover, so that they can understand more fully whyevents have come to pass and the issues involved in socio-politicaland economic developments.

This need is easily ignored in the daily news grind. Journalists are toobusy just trying to get stories out quickly, hopefully, with accuracy.Thepace of news gathering and delivery can sideline the need for con-text and interpretation. Everghing is reduced to the elements of theevent-the first of the W's with little attention to Why and How.

News analysis is left only to a selected few. But it is our belief that everynews account should involve the journalists in thinking out the storyand its meaning.

When the Center for Media Freedom and Responsibility (CMFR) wasestablished in 1989, it carved out a special area of journalism train-ing that would focus on the news media's need for more analysis inthe process so they can provide the kind of accounts and commentarythat will introduce the reader to the issues and help those who wishfor it more understanding of these issues.

pEAcE JoURNALTsMTRAINING MoDute . 7

The years following 1986-a period of political ferment in which therecovery of democratic institutions was taking place-showed howjournalists needed assistance to ground themselves quickly in thebackground of issues that figured in the events ofthe day.

I ts funding mandate al lowed the Center to organize backgroundbriefings for journalists in the following areas: the report of the Da-vide Commission on the coup attempt of 1987, the report of theCouncil for Conversion of the Military Bases, the RP-US negotiationson military bases and electoral reform and the first national elec-t ions in 1992, among others. Without cal l ing these training modulesin policy news, CMFR was in fact addressing the need for media toreport more closely on policy-making as a critical aspect of goodgovernance.

It also began to examine the peace process launched by the Fidel Ra-mos administration following on the initiatives of Corazon Aquino'sPeace Commission, tracking the developments of policy and actionon the part of government. lt initiated policy dialogue with media andthe government agencies involved in the peace process.

ln 1994, CMFR joined the efforts of a group which called itself Alliancefor Peace Communicators (APC), an informal collaboration with me-dia-oriented NGOs and news organizations, including Radio Veritas,Jesuits in Communication, Inc. and the Philippine Center for Investiga-t ive Journal ism.

As journalists and communicators, members of the group agreed thatthe media had a role to play in the peace process. At the time, thegovernment had launched a comprehensive program for national rec-onciliation, a development that urged the group to explore the pos-sibilities of developing "peace reporting" as a way of covering conflictand adversarial negotiations.

Whi le APC remained only a name, the work i t started projected theimportance of the nat ional program for peace as wel l as the signi f i -cance of the media coverage in promoting an environment foster-ing and favoring peace. In over a year, funding from governmentagencies enabled the APC to organize f ive seminar workshops toupdate journal ists on the peace program of the government, aswell as NGO peace efforts and the difficulties in covering the peaceprocess.

8 . pEAcEJoURNALTSMTRATNTNGMoDULE

In these sessions, journalists found the voice to express their own feltaspirations for peace and their willingness to do their part to coverthose aspects of the peace process that were being ignored in main-stream media. These included the work of civilian groups to build up"peace zones."

"Peace-reporting" was a strange ground for most of the working jour-nalists. First of all, there was no such beat to cover; and it would taketime to search out sources who can provide the perspective of the dif-ferent communities searching for peace. But significantly, journalistsas publishers, editors, and reporters were ready to hear out the prob-lem, to listen and to learn.

Other incidents or events forced CMFR to also review the journalisticresponse in other areas of conflict. The reporting of acts of terrorism,negotiations or events in the field of combat has also raised conten-tious debate within the journalistic community. Terrorist attacks werereported as ordinary events, coup attacks usually took on the colorand hype given to sports tournaments.

I t can be argued that the news media independence gives themthe freedom to simply seek out the facts. And yet, journal ists wi l lbe the f i rst to admit that report ing can be colored by pol i t ical bi-ases or group host i l i t ies that wi l l in turn fan the f lames of histor icfeuds. Worse, media can submit to contending sides so that thesecan conduct their war of words, the force of which can st i l l resultin hardening the wi l l against agreements to lay the ground forpeace.

The character of news also drives journalists to limit news space tostories that are not about conflict or calamities. Given a peace pro-cess or effort, media attention will perk up at the hint of adversarialconfrontation, dwell on the collapse of negotiations, and report thebreakdown on talks while ignoring the breakthroughs made towardagreement and consensus.

Journalism training designed to connect reporting and commentaryto larger peace-building efforts in society should be seen as a signifi-cant stream of effort in peace advocacy. CMFR's program acts on thereadiness of the media to improve their own understanding of the is-sues of peace and the complex questions raised in the course of nego-tiations or in inter-faith or inter-cultural discourse.

pEAcEJouRNALrsMTRAININGMoDure . 9

The traditional classical modelfor journalism prescribes a dis-interestedmedia, a so-called objective observer and interpreter of public eventsand public issues. More current views look at the news media in a morepro-active role, a means to communicate news and information thatforms public opinion for or against certain outcomes, such as environ-mental protection, volunteerism, and the resolution of conflict throughpeaceful means. This last theme is profoundly connected to the recog-nition of pluralism as a positive development in modern society.

Newspapers and news programs on radio and television must remainanchored on the values and principles of press practice. This programis based on the central idea that good journalism that follows all therules and principles of the practice can be oriented toward and servethe general objectives of peace-building. First, journalism providesthe safeguard of good governance or effective peace programs. Sec-ond, news can alert the rest of society to the "potential outbreaks ofconflicti 'Additionally, the press monitors the state of human rights,another way of reminding those in power of their duty to protect andpromote these rights, especially on behalf of those who are vulnerableto exploitation.

CMFR's peace journalism training program therefore provided con-tent information to update as well as to ground reporting on a sharedframework of understanding the issues, not only in the government-initiated peace process, but also in the origins and roots of insurgencyand dissidence. The agenda included sessions with inputs from re-source persons who have worked on the thematic issues as well asthe actual peace-building efforts, including negotiations, as well asacademics and advocates who are keeping a record of developmentsfor purposes of policy reference as well as history. The experience ofthe media in various parts of the South and Southeast Asian regionwill also be included.

On the practical side, the training was designed to help the press re-view how it has been doing its work, providing guidelines, describingapproaches to news writing as well as strategies for news coveragethat will reflect more constantly the problems and issues that havesparked conflict through the country's history.

This volume presents the different sessions of the CMFR training pro-gram in separate cluster themes. lt includes also the points made dur-ing the discussions that followed the presentations. The papers in the

1 0 . pEAcE JoURNALTSM TRAIN|NG MoDULE

second part of the publication presented by resource persons providethe necessary background and context on the issues of insurgencyand the development of the government's peace process. The thirdpart collects the sharing by four journalists around the region (lndo-nesia, Nepal, Philippines, and Thailand) of their experiences, and asthey discussed their views about the problems of reporting both con-flict and peace in these countries.

Altogether, the three parts form the CMFR template for peace report-ing. This is a work in progress and we hope to revisit the issues and thetraining needs of the press community in the Philippines.

The program, which was conducted on November 22 to 26,2007 atthe Meralco Management and Leadership Development Center in An-tipolo City, was made possible with a grant from the Royal Ministryof Foreign Affairs of the Government of Norway. The same supportedthis publication.

MELINDA QUINTOS DE JESUSExecutive DirectorCenter for Media Freedom and Responsibility

pEAcE JoURNALtsM TRAINING MoDule . 1 1

Section 1

Operational Frameworkfor Media and Peace-building

Melinda Quintos de Jesus

(This poper was written for the Nationol Centenniol Commission. lt hos been pub-lished in the bookMedia and Peace Reporting with minor revisions.)

Introduction

Like the proverbial bad penny, the subject of the media keeps crop-ping up in discussions about other concerns. In the summit-confer-ences or roundtable meetings organized to discuss various nationalproblems the talk inevitably touches on the role of the media. Publicperception sees media as a major factor in the course of public events,whether as a help or hindrance, an ally or an enemy.

Unfortunately, there is usually scant understanding of the character ofthe media, especially the news media. There is little knowledge abouthow the public reacts to news. There is also little appreciation for thesensitivity of a free press about having a role to play-unless it is theservice of simply delivering the news.

But whether the media like it or not, their presence is a pervasive one,their reach extensive, if not universal. Clearly, there is a basis for pre-suming their influence and impact.

In examining the role of the media in the formation of a culture ofpeace, this paper limits its scope to the news media, which is my areaof experience and concern.The discussion will include some basic con-cepts about how the media work; and, since government has under-taken a comprehensive peace program, how policy is made. By newsmedia, we refer to newspapers and magazines, to radio and televisionnews programs.

pEAcEJoURNALtsMTRAINING mooulr . 15

Models of newsmaking

Academics provide us with normative concepts for news. Discussed in

the book, Media & Pubtic Policy, edited by Robert J. Spitzer, journalistic

practice validates these models, although journalists at work may notbe conscious of the norm. All references in this section are cited fromthe same book.

The most accepted is the mirror model which regards"news"as merely areflection of the reality out there.The media simply"tell it l ike it isi' Whilethere are standards or criteria which determine what gets into the news,this concept projects journalists as neutral and disinterested observers.

Related to this model are those which see the media as'tonduits" ofinformation, as channels of news material (Graber, 1989). The mediasimply provide the means of disseminating the news. Other termssuch as "neutral transmitter" indicate how merely media conduct theflow of events, programs, and ideas generated by others (Linsky, 1986)'Similarly, the media act as a "funnel regulating the flow of communi-cation between policymakers and others in political system" (Schatt-

sneider, 1975).

But the idea is the same.The media make up a neutral factor, not anactivist element in the course of events.

These models retain a truth about how the media work. Reportersdepend on other sources or the news. They rely on "leads" provided

by others. By and large, and in principle, the media do not invent thenews. In this context, the media cannot promote or make peace, with-out other actors leading them toward those goals.

Media as policy actor

In contrast, more recent theory projects the media as an actor in thepolicymaking process, as playing a role in agenda setting (lyengar &Kinder, 1987; Kingdom, 1984).

The media may wield different kinds of effect. They educate the pub-

lic. They facilitate the exchange of ideas among policy actors in or outgovernment. The media also organize the issues and project scenariosto prime the ground the public acceptance of certain policy options(Hawthorne, 1994) .

I 6 . pEAcE JoURNAL|SM TRA|NING MoDULE

The media are not governed by just one framework. While reports andaccounts may be merely reactive to what is happening out there, theresulting publicity and resonance of journalism exert influence overthe policy agenda.

The criteria for news

Whateverthe model, news selection takes place.The selection involvesstandards of newsworthiness.These determine what is included in themirror reflection, in the funnel transmission, in the material that mediachannels carry out to the public.

Sean MacBride in his Mony Voices, One World (1980) cited the criteriafor news most commonly mentioned: "timeliness;" "wide interes!"'but-of-the-ordinary" or'but-of-the-norm;" and fi nally the element of"conflict." News coverage is also cued by events and tied to specificand isolated occurrences, rather than long-term processes.

Driven by events, journalism often misses out on the signs of crisis or thecontext of controversy.Thus, the famine gets reported, but not the causes,at least until the famine actually occurs. The floods are reported, but notthe deforestation and erosion which create the conditions for flooding.The simmering ferment leading to war may escape notice, precludingthe declaration of war. Inevitably, the possibilities of peace fall out of thenews. Peacemaking is a process that is difficult to track as events.

It is in the character of the news that the media choose stories of con-fl ict, of confrontation, of col lapse in peace tal ks, of ca la m ity. As someoneput it, the bias is for bad news. Such an orientation does not favor peace.This is the reality that we have to come to terms with in asking the mediato play a role. To play a positive role in building a culture of peace, themedia would need to re-orient their approach to news, and journalistsneed to re-invent a framework for journalism so that news about con-sensus, about compromise, about conflict avoidance and alternatives towar and violence become as newsworthy in the eyes of the press as thenews from battlefield. A media sensitive to the issues of peace providea new public consciousness which may make people more alert to theopportunities for peaceful settlement of conflict.

Of course, media make up only one aspect of culture. Other institu-tions should be just as active in promoting the values that uphold aculture of peace.

pEAcE JoURNALtsMTRATNTNG MoDutt . 17

Information policy for peace

It might also help at this point to review some of the concepts aboutpolicymaking and the relation between media and policy formation.

We can learn about policy by looking for textbook cases of an orderlyactivity which proceeds according to chronological sequence, fromidentifying the problem, formulating a solution, adopting a policy, im-plementing it, and then evaluating the policy (Borquez, 1993; Linsky,1986). These activities depend on the availability of necessary informa-tion and the establishment of common references for all policy actors.

In open and democratic systems, policymaking is often less orderly.The'garbage-can model" projects the fluidity of the process, withvarious constituencies and advocacy groups exerting influence in astruggle of ideas and interests (Borquez, 1993).

Relationship between the press,political actors, and policymakers

The prevailing view among journalistic communities in democraticsystems sees the press, on the one hand, and the political actors/policymakers, on the other, as having no relationship other than theadversarial interaction.The news media in the Philippines have beenquick to interpret any effort to engage them in a partnership as anencroachment on the independence and autonomy of the press. Inthese cases, the media are sensitive about being asked to serve as themouthpiece for official messages. Thus, the usual media reaction tothe call for role-playing is to say "You do your thing, we do oursj'

A contrasting theory perceives a symbiotic relationship governing theinteraction between the press and political actors. And in reality, themost independent-minded media enters in a relationship as reporterdealing with source. Despite the autonomy of the media, journalists andpublic officials are mutually dependent on one another in the perfor-mance of their tasks. Government officials need the media so the publiccan know about sources. Quite often, these sources are in government.

What the news hold

The news holds symbols and stereotypes, ideas and images projectedin the publ ic forum and in the publ ic mind. These indicate the cl imate

1 8 . pEAcE JoURNAL|SM TRA|N|NG MoDULE

of opinion which sums up widely accepted views about issues andevents. The news also presents enduring values shared within a soci-ety. There are prevailing perceptions about how things are, about theworks and what doesn't work in the current socio-political environ-ment.

Context analysis of the news reveals a lode of indicators for policymak-ers. They can review the news and find out how little people knowabout the Social Reform Agenda, a major peace initiative of govern-ment. The review of the media can become an effective tool for poli-cymaking, using information as an instrument with which to shapepolicy or implement programs.

A significant portion of the news emanates from government. In away, therefore, government plays a dominant role in setting the agen-da through the news.

The coverage of the peace process

The coverage of the peace process presents an aspect of the gover-nance that has a continuing reality apart from the visible events. Asframed by government, the promotion of peace is a comprehensive,complex, and multi-faceted process. But the media track the processonly through events. The emphasis on events explains the predomi-nance of "war" and "battle" news, of bombings and ambush attacks,of failed negotiations. One reason lies in the journalistic bias for badnews and the 'but-of-norm." War, despite its increasing experienceall over the world, remains a condition that is considered abnormal.Peace, however, is a presumed condition. There are also few peaceevents, apart from the signing of peace accords that can be capturedeasily in the news.

Can the media exert its influence in the creation of an environmentmore conducive to peacemaking? Because we presume its influenceon publ ic opinion, the answer must be yes. But i t can only do so much.In a sense, both government and their counterparts of the other sideof the conflict become the major actors.The media need to work with"sources"in these groups to push peace-oriented news. But given theirown roles in the conflict, much of the news flowing from the govern-ment even as it relates to the peace process, are not necessarily peace-oriented, especially when the military become the primary source ofnews or intelligence about peace-and-order in the countryside.

pEACEJoURNALTsMTRATNTNGMoDuU . 19

The content analysis ofthe coverage ofthe peace process done by theCenter for Media Freedom and Responsibility for six months in 1994examined reporting and commentary in 11 newspapers. lt focusedon three themes identified in the Fidel Ramos administration's peaceprogram: Peace and Order; PeaceTalks; and Government Reforms.Thepress files demonstrate that on all the three themes, and this wouldprobably hold for every aspect of the peace process, the media turnto government as their major source of news. In most the "paths topeace" identified by the Ramos administration, government is themajor initiator of activities. This suggests that government needs torefine their orientation toward the news so that they can establish in-formation programs to make more interesting to the media significantbreakthroughs in peacemaking.

Context analysis shows that the military briefings on the region in Ma-nila remain a significant source of news about the terrorist attacks orbombings in Mindanao. But these briefings do not include a civilian per-spective, carrying little news about the rest of the area, about schools orbusiness, with little mention of effort to bring relief to victims of attackor those displaced by war. These briefings are military in focus and donot mirror the more general condition of life in places under siege.

Because the peace program involves several agencies in its implemen-tation, these agencies must coordinate the information componentsas part of implementation.This is necessary for coherence in action aswell as in public statements.

At the same time, coverage of ongoing militant insurgency also workwith other news sources at parity with government as initiators of news.As antagonists however, government, the New People's Army-NationalDemocratic Front-Communist Party of the Philippines, the Moro Nation-al Liberation Front, the Moro lslamic Liberation Front, the Abu SayyafGroup, and the Rebolusyonoryong Alyansang Makobonsa-Young Offi-cers'Union are not likely to provide stimulus for peace news, unless ei-ther side is ready to sign a peace agreement. While the negotiations aregoing on, these also use the media to win public opinion to their side.Such news sources tend to play to the media's nose for conflict.

Less visible peace advocates

But, of course, there are other actors on the scene. In the Philippines, non-governmental organization (NGO) peace advocates and other service

20 . pEAcEJoURNAL|SMTRATNTNGMoDULE

deliverers provide a different perspective to ongoing conflict. Their sto-ries include the creation of "peace zones;'the formation of peace groupsengaged in the active quest for understanding among the communities.The Zamboanga-based "Silsilah"takes the path of inter-religious dialoguein a movement that brings together Muslims and Christians for mutualexchange about their faiths and beliefs. Peace Advocates of Zamboanga(PAZ) is a Catholic organization which is developing a peace program byconsolidating strong Muslim-Christian relations.

In the creation of a "peace culture," such groups need to be able toaccess their news to the media. This is an easy task. Their activities areprocess-oriented and media have difficulty framing such long-termprograms into news. But there are ways of doing this. And it must be-gin with peace advocates building alliance-networks with media.

It is typical of media's "blind spot" that citizen and NGO peace effortsreceive so little attention as news. Such activities are news, especiallyin the context of the strife that has afflicted the communities of Zam-boanga for so long. Peace efforts in these places exude the "out-of-norm" condition, and as such deserve to be reported. Indeed, thefailure of the media to publicize these activities indicates how deeplyimbedded the news culture is in the culture of conflict.

The Alliance for Peace Communicators:A media experiment for peace

The Alliance for Peace Communicators (APC) has remained only aname. But it stands for an effort on the part of some journalists to ex-plore the possibilities for"peace newsi'

In over a year, since late 1994, the APC, a group of journalists and gov-ernment information officers, had organized, with support from somegovernment agencies involved in the peace program, five seminarworkshops to update journalists on the peace program of govern-ment, on NGO peace efforts, as well as to discuss their difficulties incovering the peace process.

A concern echoing through the workshops touches on the lack ofca-pable and credible spokespersons on the "peace process" especiallywhen it involves the military and other peace-and-order situations.Journalists also noted the dilemma of mixing advocacy for peace andthe business of news.

pEAcEJoURNALTSMTRATNTNG MoDule . 21

In these sessions, journalists acknowledged their own aspirations forpeace and their willingness to help in the peacemaking process. But"peace reporting" was a strange ground for most of them. However,they were ready to hear out the problem, to listen, and to learn. Thesepeace seminars generally gain ready attendance from journalists, pre-sumably because of the high news value of peace-and-order issuesand peace negotiations.

It is clear, however, that the media can do a lot to improve their ownunderstanding of the issues of peace and of the complex questionsraised in negotiations. The background of the Tripoli agreement, forexample, is lost to a generation of journalists who were too young toremember when it was forged. The issues of peace are complex. Thereis no "peace" beat, as such. Negotiations are conducted behind closedoors. Working against a deadline, it is easier to count the casualtiesand the dead bodies.

Peace training for the media

There is a need then to develop short training courses which can in-struct the media on the issues that are the heart of social and armedconflicts in the country. In learning about these issues, they come intouch with new sources who may give them a perspective apart fromthe military and the insurgents or terrorists about what needs to bedone.There is a need for reading material that will familiarize journal-ists about the different communities of Mindanao and the Cordilleras.There is a need for source books that will help lead journalists to othersources in the academe, in the NGOs, and in less visible governmentagencies, whose experience can help them understand the "process"that lies behind the event, the underlying terms that make conflictmore understandable. At the very least, a level of competence whichwill ensure intelligent and accurate reporting can help reduce the war-mongering sensationalism which colors the reports of conflict in thefield.

Perhaps, a greater exposure will also develop a new sensitivity amongjournalists, a greater interest in the"news"about communities healingthemselves of the wounds of past wars, who rise above the hostilitieswhich have set them apart. lt will be a different kind of journalism; butthe kind, perhaps, that is for peace.

22 . pEAcE JoURNAL|SM TRA|N|NG MoDULE

lf the news media are to play a role, then efforts must be made to helpthem through a learning process. Press and politics interact and theirinteraction shapes both policies and programs for peace.

That process must engage the resources of government who must beready to share information and whose own orientation for peace mustcommunicated its programs through an information component.Thatprocess must include the NGO advocates who must find the time toshare their experience and to demonstrate their belief that there ismuch "peace news"that remains untold.

The people and the media

In conclusion, that process must include the public who must provethat peace news and peace stories can sell newspapers as well as thenews of disaster and of war.

MELINDA QUINTOS DE JESU5, executive director of the Manila-based Centerfor Media Freedom and Responsibil i ty (CMFR), has worked as a journalist inboth print and broadcast media in the Phil ippines. In the 80s, she worked as acolumnist for BulletinTodoy,writing critically of the Marcos regime. Later, sheedited Veritas NewsWeekly, one of the publications in the'hlternative press"that played a role in toppling the dictatorship. She organized CMFR in 1989to protect press freedom and to promote ethics in press practice. CMFR's ac-tivit ies include media monitoring, awards, and training programs. Now thepublisher of CMFR's publications, the Philippine Journalism Review (PJR) andPJR Reports, she has also developed training programs on media and the jus-tice system, peace reporting, media and gender-based reporting, and otheremerging issues in the news agenda.

pEAcEJoURNALTsMTRATNTNG MoDur-e . 23

Section 2

Media and Pluralism

Melinda Quintos de Jesus

(This paper was presented at the Journolism Asia Forum 2005, "Medio Ethicsond Pluralism in Asiai'held on Jonuory 27-30,2005 in Bangkok,Thoiland.)

Understanding Pluralism

Pluralism is an old aspect of the human community. Diversity hasalways been part of human experience. From the beginning of time,differences were evident as a matter of color, race, later language, eth-nicity, and religion. Pluralism has made the world more interesting.lmagine if we were all the same.

Ingrained in human experience, pluralism has also been observed inthe heart of many painful conflicts.

Diversity sharpens the sense of personal and group identification -the "l" and "youi'the "us" and "them." Diversity gives rise to complexityof human exchange and interaction. As travel and migration increases,as globalization marks trade and labor activities, so have cultural di-versity or pluralism become more and more part of how human com-munities live. And yet, there remain huge gaps in our knowledge ofone another and in the acceptance of our differences. The lines thatseparate us can at times lead to alienation, if not outright hostility.There are many reasons for this. But this discussion takes up the roleof the press media or the practice of journalism in media in this devel-opment.

Journalism orthe press originated in simplertimes. lts canons and con-ventions have held through radical and massive changes in communi-cation technology along with paradigm shifts in customs and mores,in attitudes and in thought. But as communication has expanded, theestablished criteria of news hold news accounts to limited scopes.

pEAcEJoURNALISMTRAINING MoDuu . 25

News includes only those stories and images of those who are promi-nent, events that stand out as out-of-norm, of significance and rele-vance. These choices are made by a select community - significanceand relevance decided by those who are engaged in the gatheringand dissemination of news. This community, more often than not, ispart of the establishment.

Some glitch in the growth of newsrooms has somehow prevented thecapacity of journalism to adequately reflect diversity, to mirror thevast differences of our joined human communities to ourselves. As in-stant communication has caused the world to shrink, making physicaldistance irrelevant, as high speed travel, telephony, and Internet havebroken down barriers and borders, people all around the world-gov-ernments and states, associations and corporations, and individuals-engage one another in an unprecedented manner, at a level thatcould not be imagined in the past, including the gathering of differentpeoples in one place, in one society, state, or country.

Yet the news media have lagged behind in the projection and reflection ofthis diversity. Most national media still carry the establishment view thatdominates a society or country to the exclusion of or the marginalizationof others. I would argue that fundamentally this has to do with the use ofmedia and news as instruments of power and aspects of power; owner-ship of resources and the decision-making power of the political class.

It is our position that these differences make societies more interestingand the acceptance of differences as a markof progressive societies. Thefailure of the press to tell as many stories as can be told to reflect differ-ences is to hold back the spread of freedom and democracy, to restrainthe appropriate sharing of power among the peoples of the world'

The failure of the media to mirror this diversity or pluralism is to con-tribute to the discontent of those who are left out. This failure alsobelies or makes false the claim that "news" is a window to the worlcoutside, opening up new landscapes of the mind, new pictures of lifein parts of the world we cannot directly experience.

In a way, pluralism has become a touchstone of the truth of journalismin our times, presenting yet another measure of how well the newsreflect the reality and situation in which readers find themselves.

There are other implications.

26 . pEAcE JoURNALTSM TRA|N|NG MoDULE

Picture yourself as a young Musl im studying in Mani la. Reading themorning papers or watching the news on television in the evenings,you wi l l not f ind much that wi l l te l l you about your community oryourself as a Musl im Fi l ip ino. This invisibi l i ty in the publ ic sphereweighs on your sense of yourself as a Filipino. And the exclusionfrom the mainstream dialogue raises questions about your place inthis society.

The implications are significant. The study of discontent and isolationof communities of minority groups shows up everywhere. In 1981,long before the Gulf War and the attack against the World Trade Cen-ter in NewYork, Edward Said had questioned the ethnocentrism of thedominant Western media which determined how the world sees the"world of lslam, with its more than 800,000,000, its millions of squaremiles of territory principally in Africa and Asia, its dozens of societies,states, histories, geographies, cultures."

That question can be re-phrased to apply to other communities aswell which do not see themselves portrayed in the channels of com-munication that would otherwise consolidate our sense of solidarityin the 21't century. Each participant here can do their own quick auditof what communities or groups are invisible in the press.

Because the underlying issue is power, and because information hasbeen touted to be a source of power to which all must have access, weneed to examine how the press or journalism around the world dis-empowers segments and groups of the same society.

ls pluralism in the media the answer?

As with many of our concerns about what is wrong with the world, theresponse required is not just one answer or one solution. But moreand more, society looks at the press and the media as a critical factor,the role of which begs to be understood.

This section focuses on pluralism in the media, and this means thenews media, as a way of starting up a continuing discussion.

Universal Frameworks of Pluralism

The universal declarations and conventions of the international com-munity represent fundamental principles. The Universal Declaration on

pEAcE JoURNALTsMTRATNTNG MoDutt . 27

Cultural Diversity adopted by the General Conference of the United Na-tions Educational, Scientific and Cultural Organization (UNESCO) at its31'tsession on November 2,2001 recalled one of the purposes assignedto UNESCO - to"recommend such international agreements as may benecessary to promote the free flow of ideas by word and imagel'

Thus the Declaration proclaimed "cultural diversity as the commonheritage of humanity." The document recognized as a policy impera-tive the need for the inclusion and participation of all citizens as guar-anteeing social cohesion, the vitality of civil society and of peace. Assuch, it cannot be separated from a democratic framework.

It makes the protection of cultural diversity as necessary to the humanrace as biodiversity is in the natural realm, and makes its protectiona matter of critical urgency as it is embedded in the universal call forrespect for and preservation of human dignity.

In the US, the Hutchins Commission which studied the role of the pressin American society upheld cultural diversity as a value to which thepress must commit. Among the five tasks it assigns to the press is"(t)ooffer a representative picture of the constituent groups of societyl'

And yet, the coverage of news provides daily evidence that the presscontinues to leave out of coverage various groups who do not belongto the majority population. How many are left invisible because of theblinders applied in the news agenda?

The Structure of Power in Society as in the Newsroom

The application of this framework requires a process of examining orauditing the newsroom for its personnel and the expansion of newsselection to include the stories reflecting minority groups, their needsand concerns.

ln 20O4,7,000 minority journalists met in Washington DC in pursuit ofa long advocacy to make more diverse the staffs of the nation's news-gathering organizations. Their count showed that only one in 10 jour-nalists covering the capital of American politics is a minority person.With the growth of minority populations in the US, the press corpsworking in the country has remained pale in color. With the presspeopled mostly by members of one dominant color group (white),the perspective presented in the news will most likely show up as that

28 . penct rouRNALrsM TRATN|NG MoDULE

of the white population. The issue is no longer limited to the separa-tion of black and white. The movement for cultural diversity in the USnewsrooms was rooted in the under-representation of African-Ameri-cans or blacks, but now pushes for the inclusion of all peoples comingfrom different parts of the world.

News Selection for Diversity

The most fundamental framework has to do of course with a not sosubtle modification of the news criteria which reflect the long-heldconventions in journalism. Prominence is one of the values that weighheavily on the selection. lf the person is important enough, he or shewill get into the news, whatever the race or religion of the subject. Butas minorities are mostly on the fringes of power or prominence, thesenews subjects will be few and will at some point end up as a tokenrather than a totem of diversity.

Prominence results in a rather limited group considered to be "newswor-thy" per se. There are only a few who are known and recognizable to themany. Individuals who do significant things, starting up important move-ments around the world, will find it difficult if not impossible to get newsattention, until or unless they are involved in events or developmentswhich have other news values, such as the out-of-norm or relevance.

To leave cultural diversity where it is, un-noted and un-observed, willcast to invisibility many members of a society to the tribe of the ex-cluded, people who do not see themselves, their experiences or con-cerns represented in the news.

Such gaps have a political effect. The issues of pluralism are a mat-ter of policy concern. The needs of the poor and powerless can wellremain on the back burners of policy making or in the inactive files ofthe bureaucracy.

The media policy link may not be a clear one, but most studies dopoint to cases that show how media and news attention have causedpolicy makers to attend to a problem or need after the press has pub-licized the issue, either in reporting or in commentary.

On another level, the community that does not see its news in themedia gets cut off from the dialogue that serves as society's glue.These groups will not be part of the common reference that joins the

pEAcE JoURNALTsM TRAINtNG rvrooulr . 29

many into one. Such de-linking from the mainstream can lead to deepmisunderstanding or the mutual alienation of different groups. Thepublic outlook will be formed according to uninformed stereotyping.Evaluating the larger picture, the press that does not include minori-ties in the news agenda fails the ethical mandate for truth-telling, ortelling the complete story.

The literature on media and cultural diversity or pluralism often takesup data that shows content analysis of stories, quantifying space andtime given to minority groups as well as examining the themes of dis-course.

Let me note at this point that we cannot take up pluralism withoutsome kind of observation about the coverage of women, which in theearly nineties, became priority issue for advocacy. How were womencovered in the media? What kind of gender bias drove the selectionof stories? Indeed, in countries where women as a group remain voice-less and powerless, the press will need to examine its performanceand study ways by which other news organization have improved thereporting.

The Ethical Mandate for Pluralism

The ethical and editorial requirements for truth require that the newsaccount should be accurate and the story complete. lf the news me-dia hold up mirrors to society, then the news that excludes provide afalse image of who are there or prejudicially decides that some peopledo not matter.

A framework of social responsibility insists on pluralism as a quality ofnews selection. Social responsibility calls for journalism that includesall the constituent members of a society, including those who are mi-norities. Otherwise, the record of current events is a false rendering ofthe reality that is there.

In this way, pluralism is required by ethics of the profession as well asthe need to treat as equals the different members of society.

The Cultural Diversity of Asian Societies

Pluralism in the media presents a challenge to all news organizationsbased anywhere in Asia as the diversity of population runs high in this

30 . pEAcEJoURNALTSMTRA|N|NGM0DULE

Dart of the world. lt has also become clear that internal as well as crossborder conflicts are fueled by ethnic and racial discontents.

Can journal ism media play a role in promoting greater plural ism inAsian societies? lf so, what is the best way of doing this?

True to the character of most journalism, this program does not setout to come up with answers and solutions. Rather, it hopes to raise {questions and encourages the echoing of these questions in other fo- i

rums including the newsrooms of organizations represented here.

Journalists should see the greater diversity of the Philippine popula-

. tion as part of its strength. But it can remain a strength only if the na-tional comunity is able to accept and embrace this through the custom\'' of the country and the application of law. lt is our belief that journalistsplay a critical role in promoting such a development.

pEAcEJoURNALtsMTRAINING MoDuu . 31

Drscusstott lllores:

The discussion focused on concerns in two areas: (1) how themedia reflect diverse or even conflicting views and (2) how themedia report on Mindanao.The points raised were:

o Blogs and online news do not promote the sense of con-nection among different groups. However, it was noted bypeople working for the online news organizations that re-cent innovations in the Internet could address this issue.

lmprovement in the coverage of Mindanao has shown a di-versification of sources and more space and time given tothe communities affected by conflict rather than just thecombatants and the military.

Howevet the reliance on purely military sources seems tobe continuing in those areas where the Communist Partyof the Philippines-New People's Army-National DemocraticFront is engaging the Philippine Armed Forces.

A retooling of journalists'skills to enable them to diversifytheir sources and to shift their focus from battlefield ac-counts to the impact of conflict and war on the communi-ties was suggested.

32 . pEAcE JoURNALTSM TRATNTNG MoDULE

Section 3

Skills and Values

LuisV.Teodoro

War and conflict reporting has become a major journalistic challengein a century that could be"another century of war" (Gabriel Kolko). Themedia as a whole are under pressure from various governments (e.9.,the US) with a stake in the outcome of wars and conflicts to report intheir favor, and against their rivals.

Underlining the power of the media is the fact that reporting has insome cases also influenced events (e.9., taxpayer approval of the USattack on lraq). The term "war journalism" is thus especially appropri-ate in such cases, in that this kind of journalism has promoted war overpeace.

Peace Journalism Values

Peace journalism was proposed by the Norwegian academic and ac-tivist Johan Galtung in the 1970s as an alternative to war journalism.The concept has been further developed by Jake Lynch and AnnabelMcGoldrick (Peace Journalism, 2005).

Galtung believed that journalism had developed a bias for war - i.e.,the media had been overwhelmed by"war journalism."

Peace journalism prefers reporting that encourages peaceful ratherthan violent means of resolving conflicts in human affairs. lt is a formof advocacy journalism based on peace as a desired and desirable hu-man value.

Criticism of peace journalism usually proceeds from the assumptionthat advocacy violates media'bbjectivity." This criticism forgets that

PEACEJOURNALISMTRAINING MODUU . 33

the usual news media emphasis on body counts, winners, and losers,etc., focuses only on certain aspects of conflict and ignores others. ltalso ignores the fact that official and government sources are oftenexclusively used by the news media when covering conflict.

Lack of 'bbjectivity" has been raised as a criticism of peace journalism.Although a conventional newsroom standard, the notion of 'bbjectiv-

ity" is misleading. News is not a mirror of reality but a representationof it. Notions of 'bbjectivity" deny the selective process involved in allwriting, and the subjectivity involved in emphasizing one set of factsover others.

Many media practitioners fancy themselves as'bbjectivei but in mostcases do present one set of facts over others, and from the nationaland class perspectives that shape editorial policy and practitioner val-ues. Galtung argued that Western media emphasize official, govern-ment perspectives, declaring that "(t)here is hardly any discrepancybetween the official policy line and the discourse produced by (West-ern) mediai'

What Galtung referred to as "war journalism" is distinguished by cer-tain characteristics. Among others, it:

o ldentifies "those for us" as the good side and "those against us" asevil;

o lmplies a moral need to choose between"us"and"those against us";o lgnores the complexity and context of conflicts;o ls itself a form of advocacy-but is usually disguised under the mis-

leading claim of 'bbjectivity";

o Paints conflicts as dualistic and in black and white terms-the good(us) vs. the bad (them);

o Emphasizes the event over the process that leads to conflicts andwars;

o Decontextualizes conflict in violation of a major journalistic re-sponsibility; and

o Prioritizes official statements, actions and policies. Despite claimsof media autonomy from governments, war journalism is practi-cally offi cial journalism.

As a form of advocacy, war journalism pretends to be objective, butoften distorts and misrepresents reality (e.9., the coverage of the Viet-nam War) - the very"sins"attributed to advocacy journalism.

34 . pEAcE JoURNALTSM TRAIN|NG MoDULE

Advocacy journalism

Advocacy journalism can distort and misrepresent reality through avariety of means. lt cannot completely represent reality; no craft or artcan. But it can represent reality more meaningfully if committed to thebasic journalistic responsibility of respect for the facts and to lookinginto public issues honestly, systematically, and extensively.

Peace journalism as advocacy does more than relay news of peaceagreements and the cessation of wars. lt presents conflicts in all theircomplexity, and thus paints a complex picture of the world. lt emphasiz-es context as the key to understanding conflicts. lt reports ongoing con-flicts as rooted in history, and reports simmering conflicts before theybecome wars. By examining the conflicting claims of protagonists andthose affected before and during wars, peace journalism subjects theseto analysis without ideological and other biases (such as patriotism).

Peace journalism does not end with the end of war. lt continues to reporton reconciliation and reconstruction efforts, and attempts to find out ifthe root causes of conflict persist and could lead to future conflicts.

Beyond "good" and "evil"

o Peace journalism looks at the parties in conflict beyond conven-t ional good and evi l formulat ions

o Peace journalism assumes that violence "is the ultimate social il l"o Byencouraging mutual appreciation of each other's positions, peace

journalism can help the parties in conflict to prefer peace over war

Non-partisanship

o Peace journalism is non-partisan in that it encourages lookinginto alI parties'claims ("untruths": Galtung)

o Peace journalism strives to identify factors that may convince un-reasonable parties to seek other avenues

o Peace journalism devotes as much attention to the other partyand to peace makers as much as to governments

Good journalism

The emphasis on context conforms with the International Principlesof Professional Ethics in Journalism adopted in a 1983 meeting of

pEAcEJoURNALTsMTRATNTNG MoDuu . 35

the United Nations Educational, Scientific, and Cultural Organization(Facts must be "reported in their proper context" so as to provide "acomprehensive picture of the world in which the origin, nature andessence ofevents, processes and states ofaffairs are understood").

Peace journalism skills are the same as those usually prescribed for alljournalists. But these include avoiding certain pitfalls and emphasizingaspects of conflict that are often ignored. Research and extensive knowl-edge of the nature of contemporary conflicts are also necessary skills.

Professional Standards

Peace journalism explores the multiple aspects of conflict and pro-vides context (truth-tell i ng: accuracy).

o lt consults multiple sources of informationo lt presents both or all sides involved in conflict (justice: fairness

and balance). lt sees the parties involved as human beings rather than as carica-

tures (humaneness: compassion). lt encourages journalistic autonomy from political and economic

interests (freedom)

Peace journalism is thus ethical, competent journalism. The valuesand skills of peace journalism are consistent with the ethical andprofessional standards of journalism. Peace journalism can be morecomplete and more informative than war journalism, which has beenknown to distort reality, misrepresent "the otheri'and encourage warand violence.

LUlS V. TEODORO is the deputy director of the Center for Media Freedom andResponsibil i ty (CMFR) and the editor of its monthly media-monitoring publi-cation, the PJR Reports. He is also the editor of the Ph ilippine )ournalism Review(PJR), the annual refereed journal of the CMFR. Teodoro teaches journalism atthe University of the Phil ippines College of Mass Communication in Dil imanwhere he has served as dean. He chairs the Commission on Higher Education(CHED) Technical Committee on Journalism Education and is also member ofthe CHEDTechnical Panel on Communication and the Social Sciences.Teodorocurrently writes a column for BusinessWorld.

36 . PEACE JoURNALISM TRAINING MODULE

DtscusstonNorcs:

The discussion focused on whether peace journalism was pos-sible given the pressure from various sources on journaliststo produce stories that will either boost ratings or circulation.There was consensus that:

Media owners, publishers, and editors should be more in-volved in the promotion of peace journalism. But someparticipants expressed doubts that owners would committo making peace reporting a matter of policy.

Professional standards demand that an event should becovered professionally, and according to the ethical stan-dards of journalism, which means providing context andlooking into the situation of the communities affected byconflict.

Correspondents-who are usually on the frontlines-lacksupport from their media organizations in terms of ade-quate pay, or even hazard pay, and must often spend theirown money to get to and stay in an area of conflict.

Diversification of sources is now possible through theuse of new communication technologies-such as mobilephones and the Internet-to contact all parties involved ina conflict, rather than journalists'being limited to citing themilitary because they are usually the ones available. Evenrebels now have mobile phones and Internet-capable lap-tops.

Peace journalism actually demands no more than whatjournalism used to be - that is, complete, accurate, fair, rel-evant and contextualized reporting, which among otherrequirements demands that reporters present both sidesinvolved in an issue, or, as in this instance, conflict.

pEAcEJoURNALTSMTRATNING MoDuu . 37

Section 4 a

Some Do's and Don'ts

Melinda Quintos de Jesus

\- A good press helps people to think and engages them in dialogue.Good, well-researched stories help people think and promote mutualunderstanding among various groups.

o ldentify/Understand the peace process initiated by the govern-ment

o Know who the participants are

o Understand, if any, the terms/framework of negotiations

o Establish the landscape, the terrain of conflict

o Search out other actors in the field, innocent victims

o Contextualize conflict in reality of the place, effect on daily life

o Write about the 'dailiness" of life, what stays the same, copingmechanisms during crisis. Military perspective should not be theonly perspective in the press

o Story should be based on facts that you yourself validated

o Provide background and context to any outbreak in hostility

o Avoid sensationalizing violence

o Story should provide a context, not be presented as isolated ran-dom incident

o Clean out text of stereotypes

o Write about peace efforts

o Write about differences as a fact of national social reality

o Provide options for peace, conflict management, and resolution

pEAcEJoURNALTsMTRAININGMoDUU . 39

. Get the children's stories out in the press

o Get the views of all those involved and affected by violence andwar

o Reports empower the public in the endeavor to resolve conflictand bring antagonists to truce that opens up meaningful levels ofpeace-building

40 . PEACEJoURNALISMTRAININGMODULE

Section 4 b

Some Do's and Don'ts

Luis V. Teodoro

The violence that attends conflicts in the modern world is only thetip of the iceberg. But the media often emphasize violence to the ex-clusion of the history, as well as roots of, conflict. Journalists can helpreaders/viewers/listeners better understand conflict by keeping thefollowing in mind.

o Trace the conflict's origins to the past; it did not happen only yes-terday

o Find out whose interests are involved in conflict and what conse-quences there may be for affected populations

o What lessons does the conflict potentially provide? Can these les-sons help prevent future conflict?

o Do not portray a conflict as consisting solely of two parties

o Examine other groups and their goals. Do these add up to an out-come more complex than what is conventionally assumed? (e.g.the Mindanao conflict: are there only two parties and their goalsinvolved?)

o Do not categorize the parties into "us" and "them" - or into "self"and "the other'i which divides the contenders into good (us) andevi l ( them)

o Find out how different or how much the same are the "good" andthe "evil"

o Do not make opinion sound like an established facto Report on remaining issues, if any, even after a peace agreement

has been concluded

pEAcEJouRNALrsMTRAININGMoDule . 41

. Explore and take seriously peace proposals and initiatives wher-ever they come from, not just those from'bur side"

o Contextualize, contextualize. Do not report an act of violence tosuggest that the cause was past violence, and the remedy furtherviolence

o What are the causes of the violence? Have people tried other av-enues and been frustrated or blocked?

o Do not arbitrarily assign blame for violence

o Do not focus on only one party's suffering, fears, and grievances

o Inquire into the parties'goals and grievances: what do they wantand why?

o How will the population be affected by these goals?

o Do not overemphasize divisions.There may be shared values andgoals between or among the protagonists

o Unless you have unimpeachable evidence, do not focus exclu-sively on the human rights abuses of only one side

o Treat all claims of human rights violations seriously and name allwrongdoers if evidence exists

o Do not demonize groups through the use of terms such as "vi-ciousi"'brutali ' and "barbaric"

o Report wrongdoing as completely as possible. When quoting, pro-vide readers/listeners/viewers a sense of the source's reliability

o Do not take sides by using "extremist,""fanatici'and "fundamental-ist" recklessly

o Report on what people have done and can stil l do to address theissues in a conflict

o Do not describe people in disempowering terms (e.g.,"pathetici'"devastatedi"'defenseIess")

o Avoid the imprecise use of emotionally-laden words (genocide,

massacre, terrorism) unless you are certain they apply to the eventyou are reporting

42 . pEAcE JoURNALTSMTRA|N|NG MoDULE

Dtscusstou Nores:

The coverage of conflict has tended to worsen divisions in so-ciety rather than heal them, among other reasons because thetraditional concept of news emphasizes casualties, damage toproperty, and reports on which side is winning or losing. Theparticipants agreed that:

. Body counts desensitize the public and reduce conflict to anumbers game in which readers/viewers/listeners tend tothink that conflict is only all about who is winning. Bodycounts are also unreliable, since each protagonist tends toexaggerate the other side's casualties and minimize theirs.

o Covering conflict should consist of more than reportingthe casualties on both sides, and it is necessary to attributeproperly. lt was pointed out that while editors usually askfor body counts, the reporting should also include peaceefforts.

The commitment to deepen coverage by, among others,including peace efforts, conflict mediation, and resolution,as well as the impact of conflict on the communities shouldbe made at all levels, from the reporters on the ground tothe editors at the desk.

Conflict analysis-what the causes of the conflict are, whateach side wants, etc.-is a necessity in providing the publicthe reports that will enable it to understand conflict.

Reporters should not allow their biases to intrude into theirreporting by reporting opinion as fact, or by commentingon what he or she is reporting - principles basic to the prac-tice of professionaljournalism. Only in the op-ed pages isthe latter permitted, while adherence to the facts is at thevery bottom line of journalistic responsibility. In reporting,it is necessary to present the reader the facts without biasand adornment so as to allow him or her to draw his or herown conclusions.

pEAcEJoURNALISMTRAININGMoDUU . 43

Section 5

Reporting Mindanao:lssues and Problems

Luis V. Teodoro

The Center for Media Freedom and Responsibility (CMFR) conductedstudies of selected Philippine media's coverage of the "Mindanaoproblem" in 2000 and 2003, and of Mindanao in 2006. lmprovementwas evident in 2003 and 2006, but certain problems persisted in thecoverage.

The 2000 Study

Following a government military offensive in Mindanao in March 2000against the Moro lslamic Liberation Front (MILF) and the hostage-taking by the Abu Sayyaf Group (ASG), CMFR looked into the Marchto June coverage by five Manila-based broadsheets (BusinessWorld,the Manila Bulletin,the Philippine Daily lnquirer,The Philippine Star, andToday).The study covered both the news and opinion pages of thesenewspapers.

Findings

Extent of coverage

o 1,633 articles appeared in the five broadsheets during the Marchto June period studied

o There was a steady growth in the number of articles as thefighting intensified: 179 in March;220 in April; 543 in May; and691 in June

o More and more articles found their way into the front pages - from67 in March to 370 in June

o Columns on the cr is is numbered 1 12; edi tor ials 102

pEAcE JoURNALTSM TRATNTNG MoDule . 45

Subject matter

o Jolo hostages- 317o Battlefield reports- 279o Basilan hostages-180o Bombings and other kidnappings-136o Government policies-108o Peace negotiations- 97o National economy- 80o Peace and unity- 66o Soldiers- 9o Mindanao si tuat ion- 48o The MILF- 46o The Abu Sayyaf- 37o Local business- 23o Evacuations- 24o Women and children- 8o Federalism- 23

Sources cited

o Government and militarY- 1,055o The AbuSayyaf-72o The MILF- 67o The business communitY- 18o Civil society- 37o The religious sector- 38

Treatment

o Positive (news)- government and the militaryo Negative (news)- the ASG, the MILF, and Muslims in generalo Mixed (editorials)- Muslims and Muslim personalitieso Negative(editorials)-government

Contextualization

o 22 out of the 1,633 articles were background/historical materialo These were mostly columns and editorialso Only one broadsheet tried to get the MILF's grievances and

intentions from the MILF itself: it interviewed MILF Chair SalamatHashim

46 . pEAcEJoURNALISMTRAINING MoDULE

Coverage issues

o Virtually one-sided sourcing resulting in lack of fairness andbalance

o Lack of backgrounding /contextualization was also evidento There was some evidence of bias/prejudiceo Paucity of articles on policy issues was a major weaknesso Emphasis on battles and other violence obscured the causes of

the conflict and appealed to common prejudices and bloodlust { -,o Exposure of ASG on the same level as the MILF tended to make

these organizations co-equalo Calls for extermination in some articles were especially disturbing

Consequences

\- o lncreased anti-Muslim prejudiceo Narrow appreciation of Mindanao realityo Possibility of continuing misunderstanding and conflict rather

than peace

The 2003 Study

CMFR looked into the three-month coverage (February 3 to May 5) ofthe same broadsheets just before the military offensive against theMILF and after the bombings in Davao.

There were 2,894 articles on the "Mindanao problem," indicatingincreased coverage.

Findings

\, Subject matter

o Police investigations, body counts and ongoing violence- 33reports

o Business and economy- 546o Government policies- 590o Military assault on the MILF stronghold in Pikit- 167o Evacuations- 123o Davao bombings- 310o Balikatan-related stories- 265

PEACE JOURNALISM TRAINING tr,tOOUU . 47

Contextualization

o Background/historical material- 135 (5 percent of total comparedto 1 percent in 2000)

o Included news (1 1 2 or 83 percent)as well as columns and editorials(13)

Sources cited

o Government and military- 2,087 out of 3,550 sources mentioned t o

(there was more multi-sourcing in 2003)o Civif society- 477o The MILF- 324 (Spokesperson was interviewed often)o The religious sector- 252o Foreign-127

Treatment

Negative: Abu Sayyaf- 73 percentMILF and MILF personalities- 80 percentGovernment- 68 Percent

lssues in the 2003 coverage

o Overwhelming use of government sourceso Pronounced presence of stories without sourceso Emphasis on violence continued despite the waning of violent

incidents

Improvements

o Multi-sourcing was evidento The number of background articles increasedo Civil society sources were consulted more ofteno Three fourths of the material was neutral

But despite these improvements, government was stil l the over-whelming source. Backgrounding/contextualization was stil l inad-equate. Emphasis on violence also continued.

The 2006 Study

The coverage of Mindanao during the period March 1 to April 30 of theoriginaf five broadsheets plus ManiloStandardTodoywas studied. Thestudy included but was not limited to conflict, and was meant to find out

48 . PEACE JOURNALISMTRAINING MODULE

how Mindanao as a whole was being reported. There were 996 articlesabout Mindanao in the six broadsheets during the period studied.

Findings

Subject motter

o Business and the economy- 157o Government affairs- 121o Military conflicts- 86o Police- 83o Crimes- 79o Hostaging- 3o Others (tourism, festivals, human interest)- 143

Sources cited

o Government- 421o Mil i tary- 145o Pol ice- 1 19r Civil society- 89o "Man on the street"- 48o Family members of victims of violence and crime- 1 2

Consequences

o Possible improvement of reader appreciation of Mindanao issueo The coverage made possible understanding that not all of

Mindanao is engulfed in violenceo Continued negative bias against Muslims

Coverage problems

o Limited access to "the other side" and availability of governmentsources

o Commercial need to produce stories that sell has led to emphasison firefights and body counts - violence sells

o Majority biases are reflected in some journalists' reports/comments

Proposed solutions to the limitationsof media coverageGiven the findings of these three studies, it would seem that despiteimprovements, contextualization remains a problem, together with

pEAcEJouRNALrsMTRAININGMoDule . 49

the focus on violence and minimal attention to peace initiatives.Among the solutions that the press may adopt are the following:

o Consulting experts and grass roots organizationso Assigning more and more in-depth backgroundingo Encouraging less focus on violence to gradually educate readerso Emphasizing the roots of the "Mindanao problem" in journalist

briefings

Academic institutions, with the support of media advocacy groups,can help by:

o Offering peace journalism as an elective in journalism collegeprograms

o Including peace journalism in continuing education programs for \-,journal ists

o Educating the public through media literacy programs to demandbetter media coverage

50 . pEAcEJoURNAL|SMTRA|N|NGMoDULE

Dtscusston Nores:

The discussion focused on issues such as whether the Centerfor Media Freedom and Responsibility (CMFR) monitors of Min-danao coverage made a distinction between wire and localjournalists'reports, the need to include the community pressin future monitors, whether there has indeed been improve-ment in the coverage, and the non-publication of stories thatwere submitted to the national papers but were killed by thedesk. There was a consensus that:

There were efforts on the part of some Mindanao corre-spondents to previde background stories on the Mindan-ao conflict in 2000 so as to provide a context for readeis tounderstand events.

However, the central desks of the Manila newspaperswould often kill such stories, or else rewrite them to em-phasize encounters and casualties. There was generalagreement that this happens in many cases, with the re-porters not having any control over the final versions ofthe stories that carried their bylines.

What really matters is what finally appeared in print, andit is impossible for any monitor to trace the developmentof a story from the time it is first submitted, until it is pro-cessed and printed.

CMFR monitors need to include the coverage of electionsby the community press in 2010. The coverage of conflictcould also be so monitored - i.e., to include selected com-munity publ icat ions and news programs in addit ion to thenational press.

pEAcEJoURNALIsMTRAINtNG laoourr . 51

Section 6

The Road Ahead:Journalists in Conflict Areas .

Luis V. Teodoro

The fundamental questions journalists in conflict areas need to askthemselves are:

(1) Should journalists help bring peace to society?

(2) Can they?

(3) lf the answer to both questions is yes, how can they help bringpeace to society?

Peace journalism

o Uses conflict analysis to meet the journalistic imperatives ofaccuracy, balance, and fairness

o Providesa practical guideforthe responsibleexerciseofjournalisticintervention and power

What is needed\-. o Coverage that helps readers/viewers/listeners understand the

causes of conflict by tracing their roots to the way the social,economic, political, and cultural systems have developed overtime (history and context)

o Coverage that includes all the parties that have a stake in conflict,as well as their goals, rather than a focus on the most visibleprotagonists (e.9., government and rebels)

o Coverage that gives peace initiatives and suggested solutionsprominence regardless of their origins

o Coverage that helps equip people with the means to distinguishbetween the stated and actual goals of the protagonists so thatthey can act in their own behalf (empowerment)

pEAcE JoURNALTsM TRATNTNG MoDule . 53

I

Are the;cc possible in the context of

o The media environment-The ownership system-The legalsystem- Journalists' state of preparednes

o Thepoliticalenvironment

54 . pEAcEJoURNAL|SMTRA|N|NGMoDULE

Drscussron Norcs:

The concluding session elicited several suggestions on howthe media organizations could focus on peace journalism aswell as on what should be covered.

One suggestion was to train desk people and editors inpeace journalism, since they edit reports into final form.It was also suggested that journalists look into alternativeoutlets for stories that don't get published.

As far as what else should be covered was concerned, itwas pointed out that there was a lot of restlveness in themilitary and that, in addition to the conflict between thegovernment and the Moro National Liberation Front, theMoro lslamic Liberation Front, and the New People's Army,the divis ions in the mi l i tary should also be explored andreported. This is important because the military couldchange the political landscape and adversely or positivelyimpact Philippine democracy.

Government policies on conflict, as well as the roots of re-bellion, also need to be examined and reported, as well assuch issues as mining, which affect the environment andwhich could trigger unrest in the communities. Anothernecessary subject of coverage is the armed struggle inLuzon and in Visayas, and its roots in poverty and in theland problem. There are also issues of tribal conflicts andlocal political alliances. Regional and international issues-for example the "war on terror"-should also be reportedbecause they affect events in the Philippines, such as gov-ernment decision to invite U5 troops into the country.

To deepen coverage, journalists should visit conflict areas.Echo seminars on peace journalism were also suggested,as well as a directory of experts on conflict, briefing papersfor journal ists, and a journal ists 'onl ine group for sharinginformation.

PEACE JOURNALISM TRAINING tttOOUlr . 55