PEKI 27luly 7, 1978I

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<{L

Ghairman ilao Tseturg's TalkAt an Enlarged Working Conference

Convened by the Central CommitteeOf the Communist Party of China

January 30, 1962

China's Policy ls Open,Aboveboard, Consistent- Refuting Soviet slonders on Chino's policy towords

overseos Chinese

PEKINGREVIEW

tL 4. [^.fuEEUINC ZTTOUBAO

IHE WEEI(

Choirmon Moo's lmportont Tolk PublishedKeng Pioo Visits Pokiston ond Sri LonkoGood Comrodes Rehobilitoted

ARIICLES AND DOCUMENTS

Tolk ot on Enlorged Working Conlerence Convened by the CenUol Committeeol th\ Communist Porty of Chino-Jonuory 30, 1962-Moo Tsetung

Renmin Ribao Editoriol: Chino's Policy ls Open, Aboveboord, Consistent-Sefuting Sovidt slonders on Chino's policy tbwordsi overseos Chinese

History Stdd on lts Heod-On the Vietnomese outhorities' position concerningthe question of Chinese residents in south Viet Nom - Commentory byHsinhuo Correspondent

Who's to Blome? Why ships sent by Chino to bring bock persecuted Chineseresidents in Viet Nom ore lying ot onchor off its territoriol seo

A New Roilwoy CompletedStrive for Moderirizoiion of Woterborne ond Rood Tronsport-Our Correspon-

dent Lo FuBig tncreose in Tibeton Populotion-Hsin Huo-liRe-port From Monilo: ASEAN Unity ond Co-operotion Strengthened-Hsinhuo

Correspondent

ROUND IHE WORLD

Democrotic Kompucheo: Viet Nom's Attempted Coup FoiledD.P.R.K.I Appeol to the People of the WorldArob Public Opinion: Events in the Two YemensBrunei Sultqnote: lndependent in 1983

FRIENDSHIP NOTES

curTunE nio sqexce ,

Stoge Appeoronce of Premier Chou En.loiProfessor of Worker OriginAnother lmperiol Underground Poloce

ON IHE HOME FRONT

Northern Extensive ShetterbeltsHongchow's Silk TopestryMore Deer AntlersServe the People

Vol. 21, No. 27 lul,t 7, 1978

Published in English, French, Spanish,Japanese, German, Arabic and

Portuguese editions

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Published every Fridoy by PEKING REVIEW, Peking (37), ChinoPost Office Registrotion No. 2'12,

Printed in the People's Republic ot Chino

THE WEEKChairman ilao's lmportant

Ialk Published

July I this year was the 5?thanniversary of the founding ofthe Communist Party of China.Chairman Mao's importantwork, Talk at an Enlarged.Working Conlererue Conrsenedby the Central Corwnittee of theCommunist Partg of China (seep. 6) which was delivered in1962, and made public on July 1

this year with the approval ofthe Party Central Committeeheaded by Chairman Hua, dealsmainly with the question ofdemocratic centralism and ofpromoting democracy inside andoutside the Party. Peoplethroughout the country havebeen studying it conscientiouslyin the last few days.

Renmln Riboo published aneditorial entitled "DemocraticCentralism Should Be Practisedin Earnest." Chairman Mao'stalk, the editorial pointed out,"is a powerfui ideological weap-on fog us in consolidating Partyorganizaiions, strengiheningParty building, better unitingthe people of all nationalitiesthroughout the country toaccomplish the general task forthe new period." The generaltask for the Chinese people inthe new period following thesmashing of the "gang of four"is to transform China into apowerful, modern socialistcountry by the end of thecentury.

The editorial noted: "TheParty Central Committee headedby Chairman HBa, throughopening broad avenue,s for theairing of views, has stimulatedthe enthusiasm of the people in

July 7, 1978

their hundreds of millions. Inthe short period of one year orso, we have witnessed the powerof democracy. The peoplehave smashed the mentalshackles imposed by Lin Piaoand the 'gang of four'; theynow enjoy ease of mind and dareto speak out. The strength ofthe masses led by the Party hasbecome an irresistible trend ofhistory that has swept away thegang and is clearing up the con-fusion resulting from the gang'sinterference and sabotage andenabling the country to swiftlyadvance towards the goal ofgreat order; it has dispelled thelethargy in which 10,000 horsesstand mute caused by the gang'styranny and created a politicalsituation of liveliness. We musthighly treasure such a politicalsituation. So long as the Partycommittees at all levels actuallypractise democratic centralismand not merely pay lip serviceto it, we wiII be able to unitethe people who make up over 95per cent of the population andorganize them into a tremendousforce capable of overcoming alldifficulties and working won-ders, and'we will be able toaccomplish the general task forthe new period,"

Hongqi, in its editorialentitled "A Powerful IdeologicalWeapon for Realizing the Gen-eral Task for the New Period,"said: "This brilliant work ofComrade Mao Tsetung's is apowerful ideological weapon forus in deepening the currentmovement to expose and criti-cize the 'gang of four,' andthoroughly eliminating thepernicious influence of LinPiao and the gang; it is also a

powerful ideological weapon inreviving and carrying forwardthe Party's fine traditions, pro-moting socialist democracy,strengthening centralism andfurther uniting, mobilizing andorganizing the whole Party,the whole army and the peopleof the whole country to strivefor the realization of the generaltask for the new period."

The editorial added: "If wepersist in implementing dem-ocratic centralism throughoutthe Party and the country,further strengthen the collectiveleadership of Party committeesat btt levels and promote theclose relations between leadingParty organs and Partymembers and between the Partyand the people so as to createa political situation in whieh wehave both centralism and de-mocracy, both discipline andfreedom, both uirity of willand personal ease of mind andliveliness, we will certainlybe able, to ensure the imple-mentation of the line of the llthParty Congresg and the success-ful realization of the generaltask for the new period."

leng Piao Uisits Pakistan

And $ri lanka

Vice-Premier Keng Piao leda Chinese government delega-tion on a friendly visit toPakistan and Sri Lanka fromJune 16 to 25. Deputy leader ofthe delegation was Vice-Minis-ter of Communications Panchi.

In Pakistan. Keng Piao andother members of the delegationattended a ceremony marking

the completion of the Kara-koram Highway project held atThakot, the terminal of thehighway in Pakistan's NorthWest Frontier Province. (See p.42.)

At the banquet given byGeneral Zia-Ul-Haq, Head ofthe Government of Pakistan, inhonour of Vice-Premier KengPiao, both the General and theVice-Premier praised the friend-ship between Pakistan andChina and stressed the need tocombat hegemonism and opposeattempts to establish spheres ofinfluence. General Zia-Ul-Haqsaid that the friendly relationsbetween the two countries havesteadily developed because theyare based on principles and notexpediency. He expressed op-position to all attempts to estab-lish spheres of influence orpositions of regional or globalpre-eminence oir the part of anyone state or a group of states.

Praising thg fruitful co-operation between the twocountries, General Zia-Ul-Haqsaid that the many projectsbuilt in Pakistan with China'sdisinterested assistance are nowplaying an important role inbringing about a radical trans-formation of Pakistan's econo-my. "The Karakoram High-way," he said, "wiil be anotherlasting monument to such co-operation,"

Vice-Premier Keng Piao prais-ed the Government and peopleof Pakistan for their unremit-ting efforts in normalizing theirrelations with neighbouringcountries and promoting re-gional stability and tranquillity.He said, China "ardently wishesthat the countries in South Asiawill continue to improve theirmutual relations free from

4

outside interference and thatthey trea,t each other as equalsand live in amity on the basisof the Five Principles of Peace-ful Coexistence," "This," hestressed, "not only accords withthe fundarnental interests o{the people of South Asian coun-tries but also serves the thirdworld's cause of unity againsthegemonism."

The Vice-Premier expressedfirm support for Pakistan's pro-posal to make South Asia anuclear-free zone and its effortsto win the right to self-deter-mination by the people ofJammu and Kashmir.

During his stay in Pakistan,Vice-Premier Keng Piao who\,\ias Chinese Ambassador tothat country 20 years ago calledon President Elahi and heldtalks with General Zia-Ut-Haq.

In Sri Lanka. Vice-PremierKeng Piao and his party arrivedin Colombo on June 21. Duringhis 5-day visit to Sri Lanka,Keng Piao hetd talks with SriLanka Foreign Minister Hame-ed and was received by Pres-ident Jayewardene.

Speaking at the banquet hegave in honour of Vice-PremierKeng Fiao, Prime MinisterRanasinghe Premadasa saidthat "the maintenance of theIndian Ocean as a zone of peaceis vital to the peace and stabili-ty of the region." "China andSri Lanka," he noted, "haveconsistently stood together inopposing colonialism and im-perialism. and extending un-reserved support to the effortsto democratize internationalrelations." He pointed out thatthe non-aligned countries as

well as other nations of thethird world are deeply indebtedto China for the support they

have received from her in theirstruggle to secure a fair andjust international economicorder.

I; his speech Keng Piaopointed out: "The non-alignedcountries on the five continentsare an important part of thethird world. The vigorous non-aligned movement is an effec-tive force in opposing imperial-ism, colonialism and hegemon-ism." He said that Sri Lanka,an initiator of the non-alignedmovement and now serving asthe president of the current ses-sion of the non-aligned summitconference, lias made notablecontributions to the develop-ment and growth of the move-ment. He expressed the con-viction that "Sri Lanka contin-uing to work together withother non-aligned countries willmake new contributions insafeguarding the unity and sol-idarity of the non-alignedcountries and upholding themovement's correct orientationof opposing imperialism, co-lonialism and hegemonism."

Good Comrades [ehabilitated

Recently several nationallyknown persons, who had diedfrom cruel persecution in thoseyears when the "gang of four"usurped part of state power,were rehabilitated. They in-cluded Meng Tai, .a modelworker of the Anshan Iron andSteel Company; Jung Kuo-tuanand Fu Chi-fang, coaches of theChinese table tennis teams; andTsa.o Ti-chiu, former mayor ofShanghai.

Comrade Tsao Ti-chiu wasconcurrently one of the secre-taries of the Shanghai municiPalParty committee. A fine mem-ber of the Chinese Communist

Peking Reuieus, No. 27

Party, he had,worked assidirous-ly for the Party and people formany years before and afterliberation.

As part of its plot to seizeParty and state power, the"gang of four" brought falsecharges against this eomradewho had made notablecontributions to iocialist rev-olution and construction, de-liberately confusing rightand wrong with regard tohis arrest in 1932 by the reac-tionary Kuomintang authoritiesfor engaging in revolutionaryactivities. He was branded a"renegade" by the gang afterprolonged solitary confinementduring which he was ruthlesslypersecuted.

Comrade Tsao time and againrefuted the gang's trumped-upcharges, protested against thepersecution he was subjected to,and twice appealed to ChairmanMao, Premier Chou and theParty Central Committee. Thegang and its followers, however,withheld his letters of appealand continued to molest him.With the wrong that remaii-r.edto be righted, Comrade Tsao Ti-chiu died in Shanghai on March29, L976.

After the "gang of four" wasswept into the garbage-bin ofhistory, serious re-examinationswere carried out with regard tothis case. It has been verifiedthat both in the enemy's courtand jail Tsao Ti-chiu firmlymaintained the revolutionaryintegrity of a genuine Commu-nist Party member, resourceful-,ly struggled against the enemyand protected the Party organi-zations and revolutionary com-rades.

When the gang held sway, itsmembers spearheaded their at-

July 7, 1978

tacks against veteran revolu-tionary cadres, specialists andintellectuals who had madecontributions to the state aswell as, well-known modelworkers and peasants. Theydid all'this in the name of wag-ing "class struggle." They stop-ped at nothing and did not carewho the victims were so longas such attacks and frame-upswere of advantage to their plotto usurp Party and state power.

Comrades Jung Kuo-tuan andFu Chi-fang, coaches of the na-tional table tennis teams, en-joyed high prestige in inter-national table tennis circles.Jung was the first Chinese play-er to win the men's singles tifieat the world championships in1959. Despite thelr contribu-tions, both of them were framedby the "gang of four" and itsstooges in the State ?hysicalCulture and Sports Commission.

Meng Tai had made out-standing cbntributions duringthe recovery period of this ironand steel complex in the 50sand in the years of large-scaleconstruction that followed.Even such a lveteran worker,heid in respect by the people ofthe whole country, was per-secuted physically and mentally.

The above-mentioned victimshave now been rehabilitated.Memorial meetings or solemnceremonies to inter their asheswere held to honour theirmemory.

NNI TINE I{ES/S

. Yei Chien-ying, Chairmanof the Standing Committee ofthe National People's Congress,on June 27 sent a message to

Abdul Karim al Arashi, Pres-ident of the Presidential Coun-cil of the Yemen Arab Republic,extending his condolences on thedeath of President al Ghashmi.

o Mr. Shang Chen,'one of theKuomintang veterans, died onMay 15 in Tokyo. After thevictory of the War of ResistanceAgainst Japan, he was leader ofthe Chiang clique's delegation toJapan. He resigned later out ofhis resentment at Chiang Kai-shek's reactionary rule andstayed in Japan ever since. Buthis heart was turned towardsthe'socialist motherland; hesupported the Communist Partyof China and loved ChairmanMao and returned home twiceto tour the country and makevisits. His wife Sakuko Yasudabrought back his ashes for in-terment in accordance with hiswish. Vice-Chairman TengHsiao-ping attended the cere-mony for placing the ashes ofMr. Shang Chen in Peking onJune 30.

o Martin Marval, representa-tive of the Ruptura PoliticalMovement of Venezuela, visitedChina recently at the invitationof the China-Latin AmericanFriendship Association.

During the guest's stay inPeking, Shen Chien, leadingmember of the host association,met and feted Martin Marvaland had a cordial and friendlyconversation with him. Theyboth pledged to continue theirefforts to promote mutual un-derstanding and friendshipbetween the peoples of the twocountries and strengthen theirmilitant unity in the struggleagainst imperialism, colonialismand hegemonism.

Ialk at an Enlarged Uorking Gonferenoe

Gonuened hy the Gentral Gommittee of

The Gommunist Party ol Ghina

January 30, ,962

MAO TSETUNG

Chairman Mao addressing the Enlarged WorkingConference (January 1962).

Comrades! I'm now going to putforward a few ideas, (Warm applause) Alto-.gether I'11 deai with six points, focusing onthe question of democratic centralism whilealso touching on other questions.

The first point: The way the presentconference is being held. :

More than 7,000 people have come tothis Enlarged Central Working Conference.At the outset, several comrades prepared a

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draft report. Before the draftcould be discussed by thePolitical Bureau of the Cen-tral Committee, I suggestedto them that rather thafr firstholding a meeting of the Po-litical Bureau to discuss it,we should immediately issueit to the comrades attendingthe conference for their com-ments and opinions. Com-rades, there are among youpeople from various fieldsand localities - from provin-cial, prefectural and countyParty committees, from theParty committees of variousenterprises and from centm;ldepartments. Most of you are'

. closer to the lower levels andshould know the situation and problems bet-ter than us comrades on the Standing Com-mitteO, the Political Bureau and the Secre-tariat of the Central C.ommittee. Besides,since you occupy different posts, you canraise questions from different angles. Thatis why we should ask for your opinions. Asexpected, after the draft report was issuedto you, it brought about lively discussion.While agreeing with the basic policy of the

Peking Retsi,ew, No, 27

Central Committee, you also put forwardmany ideas. Lateq a drafting eommittee of2l was set up, which included' responsiblemembers from regional bureaus of theCentral Committee. After eight days ofdiscussion it produced the second draft ofthe report. It should be said that this seconddraft is the Central Comnnittee's concentra-tion of a discussion by over 7,000 people.rffithout your ideas it could not have beenwritten. Both the first and second parts haveundergone very substantial revision in theseeond draft, and for this you should begiven the credit. I hear that you have allcommented on the second draft quitefavourably and consider it to be fairly good.If we hadn't used this method but had runthe conferenee in the usual manner - thatis, hearing a report first, then discussing itand approving it with lr show of hands -we wouldn't have done as well.

This is a question of how to holdmeetings. Distribute the draft, invite com-ments from those present and make amend-ments accordingly before giving a report.When making a report, one shouldn,t justread it out, but should offer some supple-mentary ideas and explanations. By follow-ing this method we can promote democracymore fully, pool wisdorn fronr, all quartersand compare different points of view, andour meetings will become more lively. Ithas been advisable to use this method forthe present conference which is being heldto sum up the working experience of 12years, and particularly that of the past fouryears, for there are many questions and con-sequently many opinions. But can aII con-ferences adopt this method? No; not all. Touse this method we rrtust have plenty of time.It ryay sometimes be used at sessions of ourpeople's congress. Comrades from pro-vincial, prefectural and county party comrmittees, when you call meetings in future,you too can adopt this method if conditionspermit. Of course, you are busy and cannotusually spend a lot of time on conferences.

July 7, 7978

But there's no harm in having a try whenyou find the conditions right.

What sort of method is this? It's themethod of democratic centralism, the methodof the mass line: first democracy, then cen-tralism; from the masses, to the masses; in-tegration of the leadership with the masses.This is the first point I wanted to discuss.

The second point: The question of dem-ocratic centralism.

It seems that some of our comrades stilldon't understand democratic centralism asdescribed by Marx and Lenin. Some ofthese comrades are already veteran revolu-tionaries, of the 1938 mould or some othermorrld - anyway, they've been members ofthe Communist Party for several decades andstill don't understand this question. Theyare afraid of the masses, afraid of themasses speaking out, afraid of mass criticism.What possible reason is there for Marxist-Leninists to be afraid of the masses? Whilethey avoid mentioning their own mistakes,these comrades are likewise afraid of havingtheir mistakes mentioned by the masses.The more they're afraid, the more they'regoing to be haunted by ghosts. In myopinion, one shouldn't be afraid. What isthere to be afraid of ? Our attitude is, upholdthe truth and readily correct mistakes. Thequestion of what is right or. wrong, what iscorrect or incorrect, in our work falls undercontradictions among the people. Contra-dictions among the people can't be resolvedby curses or fists, still less by knives orguns. They can be resolved only by discus-sion and reasoning, criticism and self-criticism. fn a word, they can be resolvedonly by the democratic method, by lettingthe masses speak out.

There should be full democracy bothinside and outside the Party, that is,democratic centralism shouid be practised inearnest in both spheres. Problems shouldbe brought out into the open frankly andthe masses allowed to speak out, speak outeven if we are going to be abused. The worst

that can come out of this abuse is that wewill be toppled and thus be unable to con-tinue in our current jobs - demotion tolower organizations or transfer to otherlocalities. What's so impossible about that?Why should a person go only up and notdown? Why should one work only in oneplace and not be transferred to another? Ithink that, whether they are justified or not,both demotion and transfer have advantages.They help to temper people's revolutionarywill, enable them to investigate and studymany new situations, and acquire moreuseful knowledge. I myself had experience.in this respect and benefited a great dealfrom it. If you don't believe my point,you might give it a try. Szuma Chien said:"When King Wen was detained, he producedthe Boolc of Clnnges,' when Confucius wasin distress, he compiled the SpnW andAutumn Annals. Chu Yuan was exiled and socomposed the Li Sao. Tsochiu Ming Iost hissight and the Kuo Ya followed. Sun Tzuwas mqtilated before he wrote his book onmilitary science. Lu Pu-wei was transferredto the Shu region and so the world inheritedhis Lu Lan. Han Fei was imprisirned in theKingdom of Chin and he wrote'Shui Nan'and 'Ku Fen,' two chapters of his greatwork. Of the 300 poems in the Book of Od,es

most were written by sages to vent theirpent-up indignation." In modern times,people have had doubts about whether infact King Wen produced the Book otChanges or Confu'cius compiled the Sprtngand Autumn Annals, and we can leave theseexamples aside and iet the specialists solvethese problems. But Szuma Chien believedthese things to be true. And it is a fact thatKing Wen was detained and that Confuciuswas in distress. Except for the one aboutTsochiu Ming's going blind, the events re-lated by Szurna Chien all refer to the in-correct handling of people by their superiorsin ancient times. There were cases rvhere wetoo handled some cadres incorrectly, and homratter whether their handling was com-pletely incorrect or only partially so, afterre-examination they should be rehabilitated

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according to the merits of each case. But,generally speaking, such incorrect treatment

- demotion or transfer - tempers their rev-olutionary will and enables them to absorbmuch new knowledge from the masses.Here I must make it clear that I am notadvocating indiscriminate, incorrect treat-ment of our cadres, our comrades, or any-body elsg in the way the ancients detainedKing Wen, harassed Confucius, exiled ChuYuan and removed Sun Tzu's.kneecaps. Iam not advocating this way of doing things,I am,opposed to it. What I rnean is that atevery stage of human history there havealways been such caseb of mishandling. Inclass societies such cases are numerous. Ina socialist society such things cannot beentirely avoided either. They are unavoid-able whether in periods of leadership witha correct or with an incorrect line. There isone distinction, however. Under a correctline, as soon as cases which have beenmishandled are discovered, after re-examin-ation the people concerned will be re-habilitated and apologies will be made totJrem, so that they will enjoy ease of mindand lift up their heads again. But under anincorreet line, this becomes impossible, andthe mistakes can be corrected at a suitableoccasion only by those who represent thecorrect.line through the method of democrat-ic centralism. As for those who haveactually made mistakes and who, after criti-cism by comrades and review at a higherlevel, have been correctly demoted or trans-ferred, it goes without saying that suchdemotion or transfer will help them correcttheir mistakes and acquire new knowledge.

At present, there are some comradeswho are very afraid of the masses initiatingdiscussion and putting forward ideas whichdiffer from those of the leading organs orthe leaders. Whenever a problem is beingdiscussed, they suppress the initiative of themasses and don't allow them to speak out.This attitude is abominable. Democraticcentralism is written into our Party Con-stitution and state Constitution, but they

PekirW Reuieut, No. 27

don't apply it. Comrades, we are revolu-tionaries. If we have really made mistakes,mristakes whieh are harmful to the cause of,the Party and the people, we should seekthe opinions of the masses and of comradesand criticize ourselves. Such self-criticismshould sometimes be repeated several timesover. If once is not enough and people arenot satisfied, it should be done a second time;if they are still not satisfied, then it shouldbe done a third time; it should go on untilnobody has any more criticisms. Some pro-vincial Party committees have done just this.A few provinces have shown some initiativeand let people speak out. The early onesstarted self-criticism in 1959, the late startersbegan in 1961. Some provinces, sueh asHonan, Kansu and Chinghai, were forced tocarry out self-criticism. Some people saythere are other provinces which seem to bestarting self-criticism onl;r now. But no mat-ter whether they carry out self-criticism ontheir own initiative or are forced to do so,no matter whether they do so early or late,provided they look squarely at their mistakesand are willing to admit and correct themand let the masses criticize them - providedthey adopt this attitude, we should alwayswelcome it.

Criticism and self-criticism is a method;it is the method of resolving contradictionsamong the people and indeed the onlymethod. There is no other method. But ifwe don't have full democracy and don't trulypractise denrocratic centralism, this methodof criticism and self-criticism cannot beapplied.

Don't we have mahy difficulties rightnow? It is impossible to overcome these dlf-ficultlee unlese we rely on the masses andarouse the enthusiasm of the masses and thecadres. But if you don't explain the situa-tion,to the masses and the cadres, open yourhearts to them and let them voice theiropinions, if they are still afraid of you anddon't dare speak, it will be impossible toarouse their enthusiasm. I said in 1957 thatwe should create: "a political situation in

July 7, 7978

which we have both centralism anddemocrary, both discipline and freedom,both unity of will and personal ease of mindand liveliness." We should create such apolitical situation both inside and outside theParty. Otherwise it will be impossible toarouse the enthusiasm of the masses. Wecannot overcome difficulties without de-mocracy. Of eourse, it's even more impos-sible to do so without centralism. But ifthere's no democracy there won't be anycentralism.

\4rithout democracy there can't be cor-reet centralism because centralism can't beestablished when people have divergentviews and don't have unity of understanding.What is meant by centralism? First, theremust be eoncentration of correct ideas.Unity of understanding, of policy, plan, com-mand and action is attained on the basis ofconcentrating correet ideas. This is unitythrough centralism. But if all those con-cerned are still not clear about the problems,if their opinions are still ,.rrru*p""sed or theiranger is still not vented, how can youachieve this unity through centralism?Without democracy, it is impossible to sumup experience corectly. Without democracy,without ideas coming from the masses, it isimpossible to formulate good lines, prin-ciples, policies or methods. As far as theformulation of lines, principles, policies andmethods is concerned, our leading organsmerely play the role of a processing plant.Everyone knows that a factory cannot doany processing without raw material. Itcannot produce good finished productsunless the raw material is sufficient in quan-tity and suitable in quality. If there ls nodemocracy, if there ls no knowledge of whatls golng on down below and no clear ldeaabout it, lf there is no adequate canvassingof the opinions of all concerned end no com-munication between higher and lower levels,and if instead issues are decided solely bythe leading organs of the higher levels onthe strength of one-sided or inaccuratematerial, then such decisions can hardly

avoid being subjective and it will be impcn-sible to achieve unity in understanding andaction or achieve true centralism. Isn't themrain topic of our present confrirenee opposi-tion to decentralism and the strengtheningof centralism and unity? If we fail to pro-mote democracy in fuIl measure, then wiIIthis centralism, this unity, be genuine orsham? Will it be real or empty? trlfill it becorrect or incorrect? Of course it will onlybe sham, empty and incorrect.

Our centralism is centralism built onthe foundation of democracy. Proletariancentralism is centralism with a . broaddemocratic base. The Party comrntittees atall levels are the organs which exercise cen-tralized leadership. But leadership by theParty committee means collective leader-ship, not arb.itrary decision by the firstsecretary alone. Within Party committees,democratic centralism alone should be prac-tised. The relationship between the firstsecretary and the other secretaribs and com-mittee members is one of the minority beingsubordinate to the majority. Take the Stand-ing Committee or the Political Bureau of theCentral Committee by way of example. Itoften happens that when I say something,regardless of whether it is correct or incor-rect, if the others don't agree, I must accedeto their opinlon because they are themajority. I am told that that there are nowsome provincial, prefectural and countyParty committees where all matters aredecided by the first secretary alone. This isquite wrong. How can we justify the ideathat what one person says goes? I am re-ferring to important matters here, not to theroutine work coming after decisions. If a

matter is inuportant, it must be discussedcollectively, different opinions must beheeded, and the complexities of the situationand the dissenting opinions must be analysedseriously. Thought must be given to thevarious possibilities and estimates made ofthe various aspects of a situation, what isgood and what bad, what is easy and whatdifficult, what is possible and what impos-

1,0

sible. This should be done as carefully andthoroughly as possible. To act otherwise isjust one-man tyranny. Those first secre-taries should be called tyrants and not"squad leaders" practising democratic cen-tralism. Once upon a time there was a cer-tain Hsiang.Yu, who was called the tyrantof Western Chu. He hated listening toopinions which differed from his own. OneFan Tseng offered him advice, but HsiangYu didn't listen to what he had to say. Therewas another man named Liu Pang, thefounder of the Han Dynasty, who was betterat accepting ideas different from his own.An intellectual called Li Yi-chi went to see

Liu Pang. When he was first announced, itwas as a scholar of the Confucian school. LiuPang said there was a war on and he couldn'tsee scholars. Li Yi-chi flared up and saidto the gatekeeper: "You get in there againand say that I'm a drinking man fromKaoyang, not a scholar." The gatekeeper didas he was told. "A11 right, ask him in."When Li Yi-chi' entered, Liu Pang waswashing his feet but he quickly got up towelcome him. Still angry because Liu Pang'had refused to see a scholar, Li Yi-chi gavehim a dressing down. He said, "Look here,do you want to conquer the world or don'tyou? Why do you take an elder so lightly?"Li Yi-chi was then over 60 and Liu Pangwas younger, so Li called himself an "elder."At this, Liu Pang apologized and promptlyaccepted Li Yi-chi's plan of seizing thecounty of Chenliu. This incident can befound in the biographies of Li Yi-chi and LuChia in the Historical Records. In the feudalperiod, Liu Pang was described by historiansas a hero "who was generous and open-minded and who readily listened to advice."Liu Pang and Hsiang Yu fought for manyyears. In the end Liu Pang won and HsiangYu was defeated. This was no accident.Today some of our first secretaries can't evenmatch the feudal Liu Pang but have a bitof Hsiang Yu in them. If these comradesdon't change, they'll ultimately be over-thrown. Isn't there an opera called TheTgrant Bids His Lady Farewell? If these

Peking Reuieu:, No. 27

comrades remain unchanged, the day willcome when they too will be "bidding theirladies farewell.': (Laughterl why do I haveto put the matter so strongly? It's bgcauseI. hope that by speaking a bit sarcastically,I can prick some comrades and get them togive this some hard thought. It will be bestif they can't sleep for a night or two. Ifthey can sleep, then I'lI be the unhappy onebecause they still haven't felt any pain.

Some of our comrades can't bear to.hearany opinion contrary to their own and can'ttolerate any criticism.' That is very wrong.During this conference, the group meetingof one province started off in a very livelymanner, but as soon as the secretary of theprovincial Party committee went to sit in,a hush fell and nobody said a word. Com-rade provincial Party secretary, why do yougo and sit there? Why don't you stay inyour own room and think things over and letthe others talk freely? Since such an atmos-phere has been brought about and peopiedon't dare speak in your presence, then youshould absent yourself. Whoever makesmistakes must criticize himself, and we mustlet others speak up, let others criticize. OnJune 12 last year, the last day of the workingconference in Peking convened by theCentral Committee of the Communist Partyof China, I discussed my own shortconr'ingsand mistakes. I asked the comrades to con-vey what I said to the provinces and lbcal-ities. I found out later that many localitieswere not informed. It's as if my mistakescould or should be kept hidden. Comrades,they mustn't be kept hidden! Of aII themistakes made by the Central Committee Iam responsible for those directly related tome and I have a share of the responsibilityfor those not directly related to me, becauseI am its Chairman. It's not that I want otherpeople to slough off their responsibility -there are sorne other comrades who also bearresponsibility - but I am the person who

, oirght to be primarily responsible. Thesecretaries of our provincial, prefectural andcounty Party committees, right down to the

July 7, 1978

secretaries of Party committees of districts,enterprises and communes, being first secre-taries, should bear responsibility for short-comings and mistakes in work. Shirkingresponsibility, fearing to shoulder it andforbidding people to speak out as if one werea tiger whose backside no one dares touch

- ten out of ten who adopt this attitude willfait. People will always speak out sooneror later. You think that people really viron'tdare to touch the backsides of tigers likeyou? They bloody well will!

Unless we fully promote PeoPle'sdemocracy and inner-Party democracy andunless we fully implement proletarian de-mocracy, it will be impossible for China tohave true proletarian centralism. Without a

high degree of - democracy it is impossibleto have a high degree of centralism, andwithout a high degree of centralism it is im-possible to establish a socialist economy.And what will happen to our country if wefail to establish a socialist economy? It wiltturn into a revisionist state, indeed a bour-geois state, and the dictatorship of the pro-Ietariat will turn into a dictatorship of thebourgeoisie, and a reactionary, fascist dicta-torship at that. This is ,a question whichvery much deserves our vigilance and I hopeour comrades will give it a good deal ofthought.

, Without democratic centralism, the dic-tatorship of the proletdriat cannot be con-solidated. To practise democracy among thepeople and to exercise dictatorship over theenemies of the people - these two aspectsare not to be separated. When they arecombined, we have proletarian dictatorship,or what may be called people's demdcraticdictatorship. Our slogan is: "A people'sdemocratic dictatorship led by the prole-tariat and based on the alliance of theworkers and peasants." How does the pro-letariat exercise leadership? It leads throughthe Communist Party. The Com,rnunistParty is the vanguard of the proletariat. Theproletariat unites with a1l classes and stratawho favour, support and participate in

71

socialist revolution and socialist construc-tion, and exercises dictatorship over thereactionary classes or rather their remnants.In our country where the system of exploita-tion of man by man has already beendestroyed and the economic base of thelandlord class and the bourgeoisie done awaywith, the reactionary elasses are no longeras formidable as in the past. For examplg,they are no longer as formidable as in 1949when the People's Republic was founded, oras in 1957 when the bourgeois Rightists fren-ziedly attacked us. Therefore, we speak ofthem as the remnants of the reactionaryclasses. But in no case should we under-estimate these remnants. We must carry onour struggle against them. The reactionaryclasses which have been overthrown stillseek a comeback. And in socialist societynew bourgeois elements continue to emerge.Classes and class struggle exist throughoutthe socialist stage. This struggle is long andconaplex and at times even very acute. Ourinstruments of dictatorship must be strength-ened, not weakened. Our public securitysystem is in the hands of comrades whofollow the correct line. But it is possible thatsecurity departments in one place or anotherare in the hahds of bad people. And thereare also a few comrades doing public se-curity work who don't rely on the masses oron the Party. In ferreting out oountenrevolutionaries, they don't follow the line ofworking through the masses under theleadership of the Party committees, but rely

. solely on secret work, on so-called profes-sional work. Professional work is necessarylinvestigation and interrogation are abso-lutely necessary in dealing with counter-revolutionaries. But the moEt importantthing is to follow the mass line under theleadirship of the Party committee. It isespecially necessary to rely on the massegand the Party in exercising dictatorship qverthe reactionary classes as a whole. Dicta-torship over the reactionary classes does notmean the physical elimination of all reac-tionary class elements; the aim is to re-'mould tlem, to remould them by suitable

12

methods, to make them into new men.Without broad democracy for the people, itis impossible for the dictatorship of the pro-letariat to be consolidated or for politicalpower to be stable. Without democracy,without arousing the masses and withoutsupervision by the masses, it is impossibleto exercise effective dictatorship over thereactionaries and bad elements or to remouldthem effectively; they will eontinue to maketrouble and may stage a comeback. We mustbe vigilant on this question, and I hopecomrades will give it a good deal of thoughttoo.

The third point: Which classes shouldwe unite with and which classes should werepress? This is a question of basic stand.

Ttre working class should unite withthe peasantry, the urban petty-bourgeoisieand the patriotic national bourgeoisie, andfirst and foremost, with the peasantry. In-telleetuals sueh as scientists, engineers andtechnicians, professors, teachers, writers,artists, aetors, medical workers and jour-nalists do not constitute a class; they are at-tached either to the bourgeoisie or to theproletariat. Are we to unite only with thoseintellectuals who are revolutionary? No.So long as intellectuals are patriotic, weshall unite with them and help them do theirwork well. Workers, peasants, urban petty-bourgeois elements, patriotic intellectuals,patriotic capitalists and other patriotic dem-ocpats together comprise more than 95 peneent of the population. Under our people'sdemocratic dictatorship, they all belong tottre category of the people. And among thepeople we must practise democracy.

Thoee whom the people's democraticdlctatorship should repness arc landlords,rioh peasants, counter-rcvolutionaries, badelements and anti-Communist Rightists.The eounter-revolutionaries, bad elementsand anti-Communist Rightists represent thelandlord class and the reactionary bourgeoi-sie. These elasses and bad people compriseabout 4 or 5 per cent of the population. It

PekW Reoieut, No. 27

is they whom we must compel to undergoremoulding. It is they who are the objectof the people's democratic dictatorship.

With whom do we stand? With themasses who comprise over 95 per cent of thepopulation? Or with the landlords, richpeasants, counter-revolutionaries, bad ele-ments and Rightists who comprise 4 or S percent of the population? We must side withthe people and never with their enemies.For a Marxist-Leninist this is a question ofbasic stand.

Just as this holds true within our coun-try, it also holds true internationally. Soon-er or later, the people of all countries, themasses comprising more than 90 per cent ofthe world's population, will want revolutionand support Marxism-Leninism. They won'tsupport revisionism; though some' peoplemay support it for a while, they will even-tually cast it aside. They are bound toawaken gradually, they are bound to opposeimperialism and reaction, and they arebound to oppose revisionism. A true Marx-ist-Leninist must stand firmly on the side ofthe masses who comprise over 90 per centof the world's population.

The fourth point: Understanding the ob-jective world.

Man's understandirag of the objectiveworld, his leap from the realm of necessityto the realm of freedom, involves a process.Take, for instance, the question of how tocarry out the democratic revolution in China.From its founding in 1921 to its SeventhCongress in 1945, 24 years elapsed beforeour Party reaehed complete unity of under-standing on this question. During this periodwe underwent a Party-wide rectificationmovement which lasted three and a halfyears, from the spring of 1942 to the summerof 1945. It was a thoroughgoing movementand the method of democracy was adopted,that is to say, no matter who had,made mis-takes, it was all right provided he acknowl-edged and comected them. What is more,everybody helped him to acknowledge and

Jultl 7, 1978

correct them. This was called "learning frompast mistakes to avoid future ones and curingthe sickness to save the paiient" or "startingfrom the desire for unity, distinguishingright from wrong through criticism or strug-gle, and arriving at a new unity on a newbasis." It was at that time that the formutra"unity - criticism - unity" came into being.The rectification movement helped the com-rades of the whole Party to reach unity ofunderstanding. It was in that period, . andespecially after the rectification movement,that the problems of how the democratic rev-olution ought to be conducted and how thegeneral line of the Party and its specificpolicies ought to be formulated v/ere com-pletely solved.

In the period between the founding ofthe Party and the War of Resistance AgainstJapan, we had the Northern Expedition andthe ten years of the Agrarian RevolutionaryWar. We won two victories and met withtwo defeats. The Northern Expedition wasvictorious, but in 1927 the revolution suffer-ed a defeat. Spectacular successes wereachieved in the Agrarian Revolutionary Warand the Red Army grew to a strength of300,000. But later we again suffered reversesand our army of 300,000 was reduced to onlysome 20,000 in the Lon! March. After itreached northern Shensi, it took in some re-cruits but still fell short of 30,000, that is,less than one-tenth of the original 300,000.After all, which was stronger, the army of300,000 or the army of less than 30,000? Thearmy of less than 30,000, because havingsustained. those heavy reverses and gonethrough those extreme hardships, we had be-come tempered and experienced and .hadrectified the erroneous line and restored thecorrect line. In the report to this conference,it is said that we have become stronger, notweaker, because our line was correct and ourachievements were pri'mary in the past fouryears and because we have become experi-enced through making mistakes in our prac-tical work and suffering from them. This isexactly how things stand. In the period of

I3

the democratic revolution, we came to un-derstand this objective world of China onlyafter we had experienced victory, then de-feat, victory again, then defeat again, onlyafter we had twice drawn comparisons. Onthe eve and in the course of the War of Re-sistance Against Japan, I wrote a number ofessays, such as Problems of Strategg in Chi-na's Reuolutionary Wo,r, On Protracted. War,an New Democqaq and, lrfirod:ucing "TheCommanist," and I drafted a number of doc-uments on policy and strategy for the Cen-tral Committee. AII of them ium up revolu-tionary experience. Ttrese essays and docu-ments could only be written at that time andnot before, because until then we hadn'tbeen through storm and stress and couldn'tcompare our two victories and two defeats,and therefore lve weren't adequately ex-perienced and couldn't fully understand thelaws governing the Chinese revolution.

Generally speaking, it was the Chinese,and not the comrades of the Communist In-ternational handling Chinese problems, whosucceeded in gaining an understanding of thisobjective world of China. These comradesin the Communist International didn't un-derstand Chinese society, the Chinese nation,and the Chinese revolution - or we can saythat they didn't understand them well. Fora long time we ourselves failed to have aclear understanding of China as an objectiveworld, not to mention the foreign comrades!

It was not until the period of the Warof Resistance Against Japan that we form-ulated a general line for the Party and awhole set of specific policies that suited theprevailing conditions. It was only then thatwe came to understand the Chinese demo-cratic revolution, this realm of necessity, andthat we gained freedom. By that time, wehad already been making revolution for some20 years. Through all those years there wasa considerable degree of blindness in our rev-olutionary work. If anyone claims that anycomrade - for instance, any comrade of theCentral Committee, or for that matter Imyself - completely understood the laws

14

governing the Ctrinese revolution right fromthe start, then he is a braggart and you muston no account believe him. It just wasn't so;In the past, and especially in the early years,all we had was a passion for revolution, butwhen it came to how to rnake revolution,what the targets were, which targets shouldcome first and which later, and which hadto wait until the next stage, we didn't haveclear or at least wholly clear ideas for a fa-irlylong time. In giving a historical account ofhow we Chinese Communists got to know,with much difficulty yet successfully, thelaws governing the Chinese revolution in theperiod of democratic revolution, I hope toguide comrades to understand one thing:that getting to know the laws governing thebuilding of socialism necessarily involves aprocess. We must take practice as the start-ing-point and move from having no ex-perience to having some experience, 'fromhaving little experience to having more ex-perience, from the building of socialism, thisstill unknown realm of necessity, to therealm of freedom, a leap in cognition - theattainment of freedom through the gradualovercoming of our blindness and the gradualunderstmding of the objective laws.

We still lack experience in the buildingof socialism. I've discussed this problemwith delegations of fraternal Parties fromseveral countries. I told them that we hadno experience in building a socialist economy'

I have also discussed this problem withsome journalists from capitalist countries,among them an American called EdgarSnow. He had long wanted to come to China,and in 1960 we let him. I had a talk withhim. I said, "As you know, we have a setof experiences, a set of principles, policiesand measures with regard to politics; mili-tary affairs and class struggle; but when itcomes to socialist construction, we hadn'tdone any in the past, and we still don't haveexperience. You may say, 'Haven't you beenat it for 11 years?' Well yes, we have, butwe still lack knowledge and experience.Even if we are beginning to acquire a little,

Peking Rersieut, No. 27

it doesn't amount tb much." Snow wantedme to say something about China's long-termconstruction plans. I said, "I don't know,"and he said, "You're being too cautious." Ireplied, "ft's not a question of being cautious.I really don't knowi we just don't have theexperience." Comrades, it's true that wedon't know, we still lack experience and real-ly don't have such long-term plans yet.Nineteen-sixty waS-the very year we ran intoa lot of difficulties. In 1961 I spoke of thesethings again during a discussion with Mont-gomery. He said, "In another 50 years you'llbe terrific." What he meant was that after50 years we would become powerful andwould be "aggressive" towards others, but notbefore that. He had already expressed thisview to me when in China in 1960. I said,i'We are Marxist-Leninists, ours is a socialiststate, not a capitalist state, and therefore wewon't perpetrate aggression against otherswhether in 100 years or 10,000 years.As for the construction of a powerfulsocialist economy in China, 50 years won'tbe enough, it will take 100 years oreven more. In your own country the de-velopment of capitalism has taken severalhundred years. We won't coS.rnt the 16thcentury, sinee the Middle Ages ;w'eren't overyet. But from the 17th century to the pres-ent is already more than 360 years. In ourcountry, the building of a powerful socialisteconomy will take more than 100 years,I reckon." What period \ /as the 17thcentury? It was the end of the Ming andthe beginning of the Ching Dynasty. An-other century was to elapse before we qame

to the first half of the 18th century, or theChien Lung period of the Ching Dynasty,the pepiod when the author of. The Dreatnof the Red Chamber, Tsao Hsueh-chin, lived,a period which gave birth to fictional char-acters like Chia Pao-yu, who was dissatis-fied with the feudal system. In the ChienLung period, the buds of capitalist relationsof production already existed in China, ,butit remained a feudal society. Such is thesocial background of the emergence of themultitude of fictional characters in the Ta-

July 7, 1978

kuan Garden. Before this, in the l7th cen-tury, capitalism was already developing ina number of European countries. It hastaken over 300 yegrs for the capitalist pro-ductive forces to develop to their presentstate. Socialism is vastly superior to capital-ism and our economy will develop fasterthan those of the capitalist countries. ButChina has a large population, had little tostart with and is economically backward, bothat in my opinion it will be impossible forher to effect a tremendous expansion of theproductive forces to catch up -with andovertake the world's most advanced capitalistcountries in less than 100 years. Perhapsit will actually take only a few dec-ades - say, 50 years - as some people en-visage. If it does turn out that way, we'IIthank heaven and earth and it will bewonderful! But I would advise comrades toanticipate more difficulties and so to envis-age a somewhat longer period. It took morethan 300 years to build up a powerful cap-italist economy; what would be wrong withbuilding a powerful socialist economy in ourcountry in about 50 to 100 years? Thenext 50 to 100 years or so, beginningfrom now, will be a great era of radicalchange in the social system throughout theworld, an earth-shaking era without equal inany previous historical period. Living insuch an era, we must be prepared to engagein tremendous struggles which in form willhave many features different from those ofstruggles in the past. In this undertaking,we must integrate in the best possible waythe universal truth of Marxism-Leninismwith the concrete realities of China's socialistconstruction and with those of the worldrevolution norv\r and in the future and,through practice, gradually get to know theobjective laws of struggle. We must be pre-pared to suffer many failures and setbacksresulting from our blindness, and therebygain experience and win final victbry. WEenr{/e see things in this light, there are manyadvantages in envisaging a longer period oftime, whereas harm might result from envis-aging a shorter period.

15

In socialist construction, we are stillacting blindly to a very large extent. Forus the socialist economy is in many respectsa still unknown realm of necessity, Take meby way. of example. There are many prob-lems in the work of economic constructionwhich I still don't understand. I know veryIittle about industry and commepce for in-stance. I know something about agriculture,but this is only relatively speaking - I stilldon't know muCh. To know more about ag-riculture one should understand soils, botany,crop cultivation, agro-chemistry, farm ma-chinery and so on. One should also under-stand the different branches of agriculture,such as grain, cotton, edible oil, hemp, silk,tea, sugar, vegdtables, tobacco, fruit, medici-nal herbs and miscellaneous products. Thereare animal husbandry and forestry too. Imyself am a believer in the theory of theSoviet soil scientist V.R. Williams. In hiswork on soil Williams advocated combiningfarming, forestry and animal husbandry. Ithink we must have this three-way combina-tion, or agriculture will suffer. I wouldadvise comrades to. make a serious study ofall these problems of agriculturai productionwhen you have some respite from work. Itoo would like to study them a little more.Up to now, however, my knowledgb of thesematters has been very scAnty. I have paidrather more attention to problems relatingto the relations of production, to the system.When it comes to the productive forces, Iknow very little. As for our Party as awhole, our knowledge of socialist construc-tion is very inadequate. In the forthcomingperiod we should accumulate experience andstudy hard, and in the course of practice grad-ually deepen our understanding and becomeclearer on the laws of socialist construction.We must put in a lot of hard work and in-vestigate and study it in earnest. We mustgo down to selected spots at the grass roots,to the production brigades and productionteams, and to the factories and shops. Weused to do rather well in making investiga-tion and study, but after we entered thecities we didn't do it seriously. In 1961 we

16

pushed it once again, and now the situationhas changed somewhat. But it has not-yetbecome common practice among the leadingcadres -especially senior leading cadres-in some places, departments and enterprises.Some provincial Party sEcretaries have stillnot gone down to stay at selected spots. Ifthe provincial Party secretaries don't go,

how can they ask prefectural Party secreta-ries and county Party secretaries to do so?

This is bad and must be changed.

Twelve years have passed since thefounding of the People's Republic of China.These 12 years can be divided into a firstperiod of eight years and a second of fouryears. Nineteen-fifty to the end of 1957

constitute the first eight years, 1958 to thepresent is the second four years. In this con-ference of ours, we have made a first attemptat summing.up the experience of our .past

work, mainly that of the last four years. Thissumming-up is reflected in the report to theconference. We have already formulated, orare formulating, or shall formulate, specificpolicies in various fields. Already formulat-'ed are such draft regulations as the 60 arti-cles on rural people's communes, the 70 arti-cles on industrial enterprises, the 60 articleson higher education and the 14 articles on

scientific research, all of which have alreadycome into force or are being carried out on

a trial basis. They will be revised in future,some perhals drastically. Among those

which are already in the process of for'mula-

tion are the regulations on commercial work.

Among those which will be formulated infuture are the regulations on middle-school

and primary-school education' We should

also formulate some regulations on the workof our Party and government organs and

mass organizations' The army has already

formulated some regulations' In short, we

should do a good job in summing up our ex-

perience in industry, agriculture, commerce

and. culture and education, and in the army'

the government and the Party, and work out

a complete set of principles, policies and

Pekr.ng Reuiew, No. 27

measures so that our work in these sevensectors will progress along the correct path.

It is not enough to have a general line.In addition, under its guidance we must havea eomplete set of specific pririciples, policiesand measures which are suited to our con-ditions in industry, agriculture, eommerce,culture and education, the army, the govern-ment and the Party. Only then can we per-suade the masses and the cadres, using theseas teaching materials to educate them so thatthey ean have unity of understanding' andof action. And only then can we achievevictory in reivolution and construction.Otherwise it is impossible. On this point, wehad a deep understanding even as far baekas the War of Resistance Against Japan. Atthat time we did function in this way, sothat the cadres and the masses achievedunity in their understanding of the completeset of specific principles,. policies and meas-ures for the period of democratic revolutionand therefore achieved unity in action,which led to victory in that revolution.. Thisis something we all know. During the periodof socialist revolution and socialist construc-tion, our revolutionary tasks in the first eightyears_were: in the countryside, to completethe reiorm of the feudal land system andthen to achieve the co-operative transforma-tion of agriculture, and in the cities, toachieve the socialist transformation of cap-italist industry and commerce. In economiiconstruction, our tasks were to rehabilitatethe economy and carry out the First Five-Year PIan. Both in revolution and in con-struction we had a general line which wassuited to the objective conditions and whichwas wholly convincing, as well as a completeset of principles, policies and measures underthe guidance of the general line. Hence wecould educate the cadres and the masses andunify their understanding, and the taskswere performed fairly well. This is alsosomething we all know. But as things stoodin those days, we had to copy the SovietUnion since we had no experience of ourown in economic construction. In the field

Julg 7, 1978

of heavy industry especially, we copiedalmost everything from the Soviet Unio_nwith very little creativeness on our part. Itwas absolutely necessary to do so at thdttime, and yet it was also a weakness - a lackof creativeness and of ability to stand on ourown feet. Certainly this could not be ourlong-ter.m policy, Beginning from 1958 weestablished the clear-cut policy of relyingmainly on our own efforts while seekingforeign aid by way of support. At the Sec-ond Session of, the Party's Eighth NationalCongress in 1958, we adopted the generalline of "going all out, aiming high andachieving greater, faster, better and moreeconomical results in building soeialism." Inthe same year the pqople's communes wereestablished and the slogan of a "great leapforward" was raised. For a certain periodafter the general line for socialist construe-tion was'proclaimed, we hadn't the time towork out a complete set of specific princi-ples, policies and measures suited. to oureonditions, nor did the possibilii! exist forus to do so because our experience was stillinsufficient. Under these gircumstances, acomplete set of teaching materials wasn'tavailable to the cadres and the masses, whocouldn't get any systematic education onpolicy and therefore couldn't conceivablyhave genuine unity in understanding andaction. This possibility came into being onlyafter a period of ti,me, after we had sufferedsome setbacks and acquired both positiveand negative experience. Now matters arebetter. We do have these things or are work-ing them out. Thus we can better carry onsocialist revolution and socialist construction.In order to work out a complete set of speci-fic principles, policies and measures underthe guidance of the general line, we mustemploy the methods of drawing on the mass-es and of making systdmatic, thorough in:vestigation and study. And we must examinethe successful and unsuccessful experience inour work historically. Only thus can wediscover laws which are.inherent in objectivethings and which are not subjectively con-cocted out of people's imaginations, and onllt

77

thus can we formulate regulations which aresuited to our conditions. This is a very im-pOfiant matter ind I ask the comrades hereto please pay attention to it.

Of the seven sectors -industry, agricul-ture, commereg culture and education, thearny, the government and the Party - it isthe Party that exercises overall leadership.fire Party must give leadership to industry,agriculture, comimerce, eulture and education,the army and the government. Generallyspeaking, our Party is good. Our Party ismainly composed of workers and poor peas-aiits. The great majority of our cadres aregdod, and they are all working hard. Butwe must also realize that there are still someproblems and we muStn't imagine thateverything is just fine with our Party. Atpresent we have over 17 million Party mem-bers, nearly B0 per cent of whom joined theParty after the founding of the People's Re-public, that is, in the 50s. Those who joinedthe Party before our Peopl-e's Republic wasfotrnded constitute only 20 per cent. Of this20 per cent, those who joined before 1g30,that is, in the 20s, totalled 800-odd peopleaccording to an estimate several years ago.Some have died in the last couple of years,so perhaps there are only 700-odd left.Among both old and new Party members -especially among the new members - thereare some who are impure in charactei orwork sty1e. They are indir4idualists, bu-reaucrats, subjectivists, or even degenerateelements. There are also some people whoare Communists in name but do not repre-sent the working class, on the contrary, theyrepresent the bourgeoisie. All is not pureinside the Party. We must be aware of thisfaet, or we shall suffer.

This is my fourth point. In short, ourunderstanding of the objective world neces-sarily involves a process. In the beginning

I8

we do not understand, or do not completelyunderstgnd,,and. it is only through repeatedpraqtic0 which leads to aehievements andvictofies, tumbles and setbacks, and througtlthe comparison of successes and failures thatit is possible to have gradually developedcomplete or relatively complete understand-ing. When that point"is reached, we shallhave more initiative, enjoy greater freedomand becorne somewhat wiser. Freedom is therecognition of netessity and the transforma-tion of the objective worid. Only on the basisof the recognition of necessity can peoplehave freedom of action. This is the dialectiesof freedorn and necessity. Neeessity as such isobjectively existing law. Before we recog-nize it our action can neven be conscious, itpartakes of bfindness. Under these condi-tions we are foolish people. Haven't wedone many fpolish things during the last fewyears?

The fifth point: The international com-munist movement. On this question I amonly going to say a few words.

Whether in China or in other countriesof the world, when all is said and done,over 90 per cent of the population willeventually support Marxism-Leninism.There are still many people in the worldwho have not awakened because of thedeceptions of the social-democrats, revision-ists, imperialists and reactionaries. Butsooner or later they will gradually awakenand support Marxism-Leninism. The truthof Marxism-Leninism is irresistible. Sooneror later the masses of the people will risein revolution. Sooner or later the worldrevolution will triumph. Sooner or laterthose who forbid others to make revolution,such as the characters in Lu Hsun's book -Squire Chao, Squire Chien and the bogusforeign devil who bar Ah Q from revolution

- will be defeated.

Peki,ng Reuieu, No. 27

The Soviet Union was the first socialiststate and the Comrnunist Party of the SovietUnion was created by Lenin. Although theleadership of the Soviet'Party and state has

now been usurped by revisionists, I wouldadvise comrades to remain firm in theconviction that the masses oI the Sovietpeople and of Soviet Party members andcadres are good, that they desire revolutionand that revisionist rule will not last long.Whatever the time - now or in the future,in our generation or in the generations tocome - we should learn from the SgvietUnion and study its experience. If we don'tlearn lrom the Soviet Union, we'Il makemiptakes. - People may ask, since the SovietUnion is under the rule of the revisionists,should we still learn from it? What weshould study is the good people and good

things of the Soviet Union, the good ex-perience of the Soviet Party, the good ex-perience of Soviet workers and peasants andof those intellectuals who have close tieswith the labouring people. As for the badpeople and bad things of the Soviet Unionand the Soviet revisionists, we should treatthem as teachers by negative example anddraw lessons from them.

We should always tiphold the principleof proletarian internationalist unity. Wealways maintain that the soeialist countriesand the world communist movement mustunite firmly on the basis of Marxism-Leninism.

The revisionists of the world never stopabusing us. Our attitude is, Iet them do as

they wish. We will duly reply whennecessary. Our Party has become accustomed1o being abused. Leaving aside those whoattacked us in the past, what about .thepresent? Abroad, the imperialists abuse us,the reactionary nationalists abuse us, thereactionaries of various countrie$ abuse us,

Julg 7, 1978

and the revisionists abuse us; at home,

Chiang Kai-shek abuses us, and likewise thelandlords, rich peasants, counter-revolu-tionaries, bad elements and Rightists. Thishas been the case for a long time and we'realready used to it. But are we isolated? Ifor one don't feel isolated. Over 7,000 people

are present here. How can more than 7,000

people be isolated? (Laughter) Our countryhas over 600 million people. Our people are

united. How can more than 600 millionpeople be isolated? The masses of the people

of a1l countries are already standing, or aregoing to stand, together with us. Is it pos-

sible for us to be isolated?

The sixth and last point: We must unitethe whole Party and the whole people.

We must unite the advanced elementsand the activists inside and outside it

"Party, and unite the middle elements inorder to bring along those who lag behind.In this way, we can unite the whole Partyand the whole people. Only by relying on

such unity can we do our work well, over-come difficulties and build up China. Tounite the whole Party and the whole people

does not mean that we do not have our ownposition. Some people say that the Com-munist Party is a "party of the wholepeople," but we do not view things in thisway. Our Party is the political party of theproletariat, its vanguard, a fighting forcearmed with Marxism-Leninism. We are on

the side of the masses who comprise over 95

per cent of the total population. In no case

do we stand on the side of the landlords, richpeasants, counter-revolutionaries, bad ele-ments and oRightists who make up 4 to 5 per

cent of the population. The same is true inthe international sphere; we advocate unitywith all Marxist-Leninists, with all revolu-tionary people, with the people in general.

In no case do we want unity with the anti-

19

Communist and anti-popular . imperialistsand reactionaries. Whenever possible we'llestablish dipiomatic reldtions with them tooand strive for peaceful coexistence with themon the basis of the Five Principles. But thisis in a category different from our unity vi'iththe people of all countries.

If unity is to prevail throughout.theParty and the nation, we rnust give tull playto democracy and. let people speak up. Thisholds both inside and outside the Party.Comrades from the provincial, prefecturaland county Party 'committees, when youreturn, you must let people speak out. AIlcomrades, absent or present, must act in thisway. All leading members of the Partymust promote inner-Party democracy and letpeople speak out. What are the limits? Oneis that Party discipline must be observed, theminority being suo-ordinate to the majorityand the entire membership to the CentralCommittee. Another timit is that no secretfaction must be organized. We are not afriidof open opponents, *" a"" only afraid ofsecret opponents. Such people do not speakthe truth to your face, what they say is onlylies and deceit. They don't express theirreal intention. As long a's a person doesn'tviolate discipline and doesn't engage insecret factional activities, we should allowhim to speak out and shouldn't punish himif he says wrong things. If people say wrongthings, they can be criticized, but we shouldconvince them with reason. What if theyare still not convinced? They can be allowedto reserve their opinions. As long as theyabide by the resolutions and the decisionstaken by the majority, the minoritv canreserve their opinions. It is advantageousto allow the minority both inside andoutside the Party to do so. If they areallowed to reserve their incorrect opinionsfor the time being, they can correct them infuture. Quite often the ideas of the minority

20

turn out to be correct. Such cases arecorhmon in history. In the beginning, truthis not in the hands of the majority of people,but in those of a minority. Marx and Engelsheld the truth in their hands, but in thebeginning, they were in the minority. Fora long period Lenin was also in the rninority.We've had similar experience in our own

Barty. When. our Party was ruled by ChenTu-hsiu and also when the "Left" opportunistlines prevailed, truth ryas not in the hands

of the majority in the leading organs buton the contrary jn the hands of the minority.Historically, the.doctrine3 of natural scien-tists such as Copernicus, Galileo andDarwin were not recognized by the majorityof people for a very long time, but on thecontrary were considered incorrect. In theirtime they were in the minority. When ourParty was founded in 1921, we only had afew dozen members; we were also in thernlnority, but those few dozen peoplerepresented the truth and representedChina's destiny.

There is also the question of arrests andeyeeutions on which I want to'say sorirething.At'present, only a dozen or so years aftervictory in the revolution, as long as ele-ments of the overthrown reactionary classes

have not been reformed and, what is more,as long as some of ther4 are still plottingrestoration, a few must be arrested andexecuted; otherwise the people's angercannot be placated and the people's dicta-torship consolidated. B-ut we must notarrest people lightly, and especially we mustnot eiecqte people lightly. Some badpeople, some bad elgments and degenerateelements who have infiltrated into our ranks,ride on the backs of the people, piss and shiton them, behaving in a vicious and unre-strained way, and seriously violate laws anddiscipline. They are petty Chiang Kai-sheks.We must have a way of dealing with thistype of people. The worst^*among them who

Peking Reisi,ew, No. 27

have committed heinous crimes have to be

arrested and some executed. For if we don'tarrest or execute any of them, we won't beable to placate the people's anger. This iswhat we mean When we say, "We can't avoidarrests, and we can't avoid executions." Butwe absolutely must not arrest too many orexecute too many. As for those whbsearrest is optional or whose execution isoptional, we must definitely not arrest orexeeute th6m. There was a fellow calledPan Han-nien who once served as vice-mayor of Shanghai. Previously he had

.seeretly capitulated to the Kuomintang andhad become a member of the C.C. Clique. Heis now in jail, and we haven't executed him.'If we kill one fellow like Pan liIan-nien,therely relaxing the restraints on execution,then all those like him would have to be

executed. There was another fellow calledWang Shih-wei who was a secret Kuomin-tang agent. While in Yenan, he wrote an

article entitled "The Wild Li1y," in whichhe attacked the revolution and vilified theCommunist Party. He was later arrestedand killed. The execution was carried outtiy the security organs themselves whilethey were on the march; the decision wasnot made by the Central Committee. Wehave often made criticisrns on this incidentand we hold that he shouldn't have beenkilled. True, he was a secret agent, hewrote articles to attack us and simplyrefused to mend his ways. Still we could

have just spared him and let him do labour.It wasn't good to kill him. We should arrestand execute as few people as possible. Ifwe arrest and execute peqple at will, every-body will fear for himself and nobody willdare to speak. In such an atmosphere therecan't be much democracy.

Neither should we put hats on peopleindiseriminately. Some comrades are ad-dicted to using hats to put pressure on

July 7,1978

people. ' The mom€nt they start speaking;hats start flying around everywhere an{people are so frightened they daren't speak.

Of .course hats there will always be. Aren'tthere many hats in.the report to the con-ference? Isn't "decentralism" a hat? Butwe mustn't put hats on people at will, callingthis one a decentralist and that one a

decentialist, until everybody is a decentra-list. It would be better for the people

concerned to put on the hats themselves -and moreover-the right hats - rather thanhave them put on by others. If people puton hats themselves and wear them for a

while, they should be removed wheneverybody agrees that they no longer fit.This will create a good democratic atmos-phere. We advocate not Seizing on other'sfaults, not putting hats on people and notwielding the big stick, so that people willbe free from fear and will dare to speak out.

Good will and a helpful attitude shouldbe shown towards those who have mademistakes and those who do not allow people

to speak out. We mustn't create the kind ofatmosphere in which people feel th'at theycan't afford to make any mistakes or thatonce they have made mistakes, the conse-quences will he terrible and they will neverbe able to raise their heads again. As longas a person who has made mistakes reallywants to mend his ways and has made a

genuine self-criticism, we should expressour welcome. We must not make too highdemands on a person when he makes a self-criticism the first or second time. It doesn'tmatter if his self-criticism is not thoroughyet. We should let hirn think again and givehim well-intentioned help. A man needs

help from others. We must help an erringeomrade to realize his mistakes. If people

sincerely make self-criticism and are willingto correct mistakes, we should forgive them

21

and adopt a lenient policy towards them. Aslong as their achievements are still primaryand they are reasonably competent, let themcontinue in their posts.

In my speech I haye criticized certainphenomena and criticized certain comrades,but I haven't named them, I haven't pointedout who this one or that one actually is. Youknow what I mean. (Laughter) Forshortcomings'and mistakes in our work inthe last few years, the responsibility restsfirst with the Central Committee and, in theCentral Committee, primarily with me;second, the responsibility rests with theParty committees of the provinces, munici-palities and-autonomous regions; third, withthe prefectural Party committees; fourth,with the county Party committees; and fifth,with the Party committees of enterprisesand people's communes. In short, everyonehas his share of responsibility.

Comrades, when you return, you mustrevitalize democratic centralism. Thecomrades of the county Party committeesshould lead the commune Party committeesin revitalizing democratic centralism. Firstof all, collective leadership must be built orstrengthened. You must no longer practisethe method of leadership which prolongs thefixed "division of spheres of work andexclusive responsibility." Under thatmethod the secretaries and members ofParty committees each work on their own,and there can be no real collective discussionor real collective leadership. It is necessaryto promote democracy, encourage others tomake criticisms and listen to their criticisms.We must be able to face criticism. We musttake the initiative and carry out self-criticism first. We must examine whateverneeds examining for one or at most twohours, getting it all out lock, stock andbarrel - that'll be the lot. If others consider

22

it insufficient, let them go on. And if whatthey say is right, we'll accept their criticism.In the matter of letting people speak out,should we be active or passive? Of courseit's better to be active. But what if we'realready in a passive position? If we wereundemocratic in the past and so find our-selves in this passive position now, it doesn'tmatter. Let everybody criticize us. Letthem pour out their grievances al1 day, andinstead of going to the theatre in the eve-ning too. Please come and criticize me dayand night. (Laughter) Then I'lI sit downand think about it coolly, forgoing sleep fortwo or three nights. After thinking itthrough and understanding it, I'll write a

sincere self-criticiS.m. Isn't that the way?In short, if you 1et others speak out, .theheavens won't fali and you won't betoppled. And if you don't? Then the daywill inevitably come when you are toppled.

So much for my speech today. Thecentral point I have discussed is the ques-tion of how to realiz-e democratic centralismand. how to promote democracy inside and

outside the Party. I recommend thatcomrades consider this question carefully.Some comrades still iack the democraticcentralist way of thinking. Now is the timethey should begin to acquire this way ofthinking and begin to understand thisquestion. If we give full play to democracy,we can mobilize the enthusiasm of the broadmasses inside and outside the Party and

unite the broad masses who comprise morethan 95 per cent of the whole population.When we have achieved this, we wili be ableto do our work better and better andovercome the difficulties we meet all themore quickly. Our cause will then develop

much more smoothly.

( Enthusiastic applause)

Peking Reuieto, No. 27

" Renmin Riboo" Editorial

China's Policy ls Open,Aboveboard, Consistent

- Refuting Soviet slonders on Chino's policy towordsoYerseos Chinese

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fnHE Soviet leaders have lost no time in usingr the strident anti-Chinese and anti-Chinacampaign stimed up by the Vietnamese authori-ties to hint, inveigh and insinuate with regardto the question of overstas Chinese. Theyhave left no stone unturned to spread lies andmanufacture canards. China, so they said, hasorganized overseas Chinese into "fifth columns""to engage in subversive activities" and usedthem as "active pawns" and t'hatchet men" tocarry out China's "big-power ambitions." Andso on and so forth. These vile slanders aredesigned to malign China as having changedits long.standing policy towards the overseasChinese and given this policy an aggressivetwist. It is obvious that the Soviet leaders havewholeheartedly embraced Goebbels' dictum:"Lies ring true if they are repeated a thousandtimes.tt_

Towards the Kremlin's anti-China ballyhooour attitude has always been one of lettingMoscow abuse as much as it pleases and replyingin measured terms as the occasion requires. Inthis article, we wish to spell out the principleswhich underpin China's stand as regards itspolicy towards the overseas Chinese and relatedmatters in order to expose the sinister manoeu-vres of the Soviet instigators and their fol-lowers. :

Four-Point Bosic Policy

Shortly after the founding of the People'sRepublic, the Chinese Government formulated

July 7,7978

a correct policy towards the overseas Chingseunder the good care of Chairman Mao Tsetungand the direct guidance of Premier Chou En-lai. Since the Bandung Conference in 1955,

China has time and again expounded its basicpolicy concerning overseas Chinese, in talkswith many countries aimed at settling the qugs-tion of dual nationality of the overseas Chinese,in talks with others concerning the establish-rnent of diplomatic relations, in bilateral contactsand at international conferences. This policymay be enunciated in the following four points:

1) In order to promqte and develop friendlyrelations with countries in which overseasChinese have made a new home and settle thequestion of their nationality, which is a legacyfrom the past, the Chinese Government has

never apprqved of overseas Chinese holdingdual nationality and has always been ready towork energetically for a solution to this issue.

2) The Chinese Government supports andencourages overseas Chinese voluntarily to optfor the nationality and citizenship of the countryin which they have made a new home. Sucha move benefits themselves and the country inwhich they are domiciled.

3) Any Chinese who has acquired thenationality of the country in which he residesbecomes a citizen of the host country and is nolonger qualified to hold Chinese citizenship.He is therefore entitled to enjoy the rights and

23

obliged to fulfil the obligations of a citizen ofthat country. 'If any such person should wishto take Chinese citizenship, he'is required to gothrough the legal formalities of the country inwhich he resides and his application must fur-ther be approved by the Chinese Government.

4) As regards those who decide to retaintheir Chinese nationality, the Chinese Govern-ment expects them to abide by the laws of thecountry in which they reside, respect thecustoms and ways of its people, refrain frombeing invplved in the political activities of thatcountry and live amicably with its people.

Their legitimate rights and interests should besafeguarded by the country in which theyreside.

The above-mentioned four points give ex-pression to Marxism-Leninism-Mao Tsetungfhought, to the solicitude of our glovernmentfor the vital interests of the numerous overseasChinese and to the desire of oui countryto .treat on equal terms all countries inwhich overseas Chinese reside and developfriendly relations with them. This policy is openand aboveboard and consistent. After manyyears of practice, this fair and reasonable standstrictly adhered to by our government won theapproval and understanding of the very manycountries in which overseas Chinese reside. Weare very glad to note that many overseasChinese have voluntarily taken the nationalityof their country of domicile and settled downthere. We are also very glad to note that theyhave eontributed to the development and pros-perity of the economy and culture of thosecountries and at the same time played theirpart in promoting friendly relations betweenthose countries and China.

Disopprovol of Duol Notionolity

The Soviet propaganda media have recentlydeliberately put overseas Chinese on a par withpeople of Chinese origin who have already ac-quired the nationality of the host country in amove to distort the policy of our governmenttowards overseas Chinese as meaning to ,

get"every Chinese, wherever he lives and whatevercitizenship he takes" to render sedvice to China.

24

Moscow has even made the barefaced insinua-tion that, "as for the citizenship of the peopleof Chinese origin residing abroad, anxiety hasalways been felt by the countries in SoutheastAsia." The Vietnamese authorities are alsousing the question of overseas Chinese in VietNam to work in cahoots with this provocativeSoviet propaganda. This tactic of distorting thepolicy of our country in order to create confu-sion is despicable in the extreme.

A cardinal principle of China's policy withregard to overseas Chinese is disapixoval ofdual nationalit5z. China approves and encour-ages overseas Chinese to choose the nationalityof their country of domicile on a voluntarybasis. Those of Chinese origin who have ac-quired the nationality of the host country are nolonger "overseas Chinese," There is only onechoice between the two. With a change in na-tionality there is a change in kind. OverseasChinese who have acquired the nationality ofthe host country are no longer Chinese citizenswhether they have been of Chinese origin forone generation or more.

We do not approve of lopsided consan-guinity. There are many instances of people ofthe same extraction that are scattered in dif-ferent countries of the world. Some of the highgovernment officials in the United States areof Polish, Jewish or other extraction. This isa common thing in many countries. A consid-erable number of people of Chinese origin wholive in the Southeast Asian countries havethrough years of residence voluntarily acquiredthe nationality and citizenship of those coun-tries. In Singapore, for instance, citiLens ofChinese descent form a great proportion of thepopulation; they speak and wrlte in Chinese,while they also speak and write in English,They are no longer overseas Chinese but citizensof Singapore. These Singapore citizens ofChinese origin do not fall within the frameworkof China's policy towards overceas Chinese, butare under the jurisdiction of Singapore. TheSoviet Union has its own ulterior motive increating confusion on this question. It is stillwithin living memory that after the war-. aSoviet marshal of East European origin wassent by the Soviet Union to an East European

Peking Reuieut, No. 27

country to control the army there but wasfinally driven back to Moqcow. Therefore,isn't it the Soviet Union itself that interferedin the internal affairs of another country.,lyplaying the game of d'Fl nationality, assertingat one time that the marshal was a natiolhl ofhis own country and at another that hewas a national of the.Soviet Union?

While we favour and encourage overseasChinese to choose the nationality of the countryin which they reside, we cannot refuse them ifthey opt for Chinese nationality. We have con-sistently maintained that those overseas Chinesewho are unwilling to take the nationality oftheir country of domicile must refrain from par-ticipating in local political activities, abide bythe laws of the host country and be on good

terms with the local people. This is a factrecognized by the people and the countries inwhich overseas Chinese reside. It is a matterof course that the Chinese Government holdsitself responsible for protecting their legitimaterights and interests. What is happening in VietNam today is that the Vietnamme authoritiesare persecuting Chinese residents on a largescale and in a planned and organized way. Itis in these circumstances that the ChineseGovernment has decided to deal with the matter.Far from altering its consistent policy towardsoverseas Chinese, the Chinese Governmentabides by the spirit of upholding the principleof this policy to protect the legitimate rightsand interests of overseas Chinese. This pro-tection of the legitimate (of course not the il-legitimate) rights and interests oj the overseasChinese fully accords with the norms of inter-national law and international practice. Whatis there for the Soviet Union and Viet Nam tomake such a fuss about?

The Ulterior Motivcs of thc SovictPropcgondo

In the past few centuries, tens of millionsof Chinese, for various .reasons, emigrated. toother countries to earn a living. Most of themmade a new home in Southeast Asia. Owing toties of kinship and national culture, they,whether taking the nationality of their countryof domicile or remaining Chinese nationals,

Julg 7,7978

maintain certain contacts with China, such asvisiting China as tourists. This is quite naturaland a corhmon enough thing in internationalintercourse. It will certainly continue. It isconducive to the prornotion of mutual under-standing and friendship.

As a socialist country China advocates andabides by the Five Principles of PeacefulCoexistence in relations with other countries.It does not and will never permit such contactsto be used for scheming activities or machina-tions against the government of the country inwhich overseas Chinese reside.

The Soviet propaganda machine is trying tosow discord between China and countries inSoutheast Asia. But this is futile. It falls flat onits face when it says overseas Chinese or thecitizens of Chinese origin in those countries have"ethnic feelings" for China. Ethnic feelings arein evidence in many countries. There are manypeople of Irish descent in New Zealand and theUnited States. Can one logically conclude thatIreland thus entertains aggressive ambitionstowards New Zealand or the Unite<l States?

There cannot be many who are naiveenough to buy the story of the blustering Sovietcrusaders against China that China "is readyto take over" Southeast Asian countries "withthe help of a 'fifth column' formed fromov€rseas Chinese." TASS waxed even moresensational when it declared in all seriousnessthat "the present Chinese leaders have drawnup and are secretly putting into operation amassive scheme" to enlist "millions of overseasChinese from Singapore to California" for"subversive activities" in dozens of countries.Indeed, the Kremlin has excelled in producingan l8-carat lie with this talk about "fifthcolumns" of millions of overseas Chinese andabout a secret plot to seize the whole of theAsian and Pacific region from Singapore to theU.S. state of California. But lies have short legs.Those smart alecks in Moscow cannot pro-duce a shred of evidence to substantiatetheir fantastic charge that China has a "secret"plot to use overseas Chinese to "subvert" a largenumber of countries covering nearly half theearth from Singapore to the United States acrossthe Pacific. Since they have been in the cloak-

25

and-dagger business so long in every corner ofthe globe, they tend to think it wise to scare peo-ple that others are doing the same. It is a clumsymove. The Kremlin is not the first to flauntthis "fifth column" scare. The Ngo DinhDiem clique in its 'time, when driven to atight corner, often used this red herring todistract public attention. Can the Soviet leader-ship win any credit lor itself by emulating thescare tactics adopted by political mummy NgoDinh Diem in his attempt to discredit China?

The Soviet news rnedia are working ovef-time to churn out rumours and cock-and-bullstories, with great emphasis placed on the ques-

tion of the Chinese nationals in Southeast Asiancountries. Their viciow intention is to sowdiscord in the relations between overseas Chi-nese and their countries of domicile, betweenChina and Southeast Asian countries, and tovilify China's policy towards. overseas Chinqseand its foreign policy. What Moscow is after isa foothold in the Southeast Asian region whichit has coveted for a long time. Those who shoutthemselves hoarse about China harbouringambitions against Southeast Asia are preciselythose who are trying hard to gain control of thisregion. What the polar bear's presence in thisregion means is only too clear. People who arezealous for the independence, security andtranquillity of the region are alert and vigilant.They will not allow the clumsy tactics of theSoviet Union to succeed.

Chino Meons Whot !t Soys

China is not responsible for, nor is it pleasedby, the current serious developments - thepersecution and expulsion of Chinese residentsin Viet Nam and the consequent deterioration inrelations between the two countries. We stillsincerely hope that the Vietnamese authoritieswill make a genuine effort to put a stop, bydeeds and not just by words, to its policy ofdiscrimination, ostracism, persecution and ex-pulsion towards Chinese residents and that theywill not again do anything harmful to the tradi-tional friendship of the two peoples. We believethat if the Vietnamqse authorities follow sucha course, then large numbers of Chinese residents

26

will not rqadily leave the land in which theyhave lived for generations, since they cherishdeeply the ties of watm affection establishedwith the Vietnamese people in years of struggletogether.

We reaffirm: The policy of our countrytowards overseas Chinese including the Chineseresidents in Viet Nam rerhains unehanged.Those who voluntarily take the nationality ofViet Nam will be respected. But, if the Viet-namese authorities persist in discriminatingagainst, ostracizing and expelling Chineseresidents, no matter what tactics they use orhow they change them, then the ChineseGovernment is obliged to take measures appro-priate to the occasion. The Chinese people willwait and see how the Vietnamese authoridies'act in dealing with Chinese residents.

At the First Session of the Fifth NationalPeople's Congress,'Comrade Hua Kuo-feng, thewise leader of the Chinese people, reiteratedon behalf of our government: "The policy ofour government has been consistent; it supportsand encourages the overseas Chinese voluntarilyto take the citizenship of the countries in whichthey have made a new home, but it opposesany attempt to compel them to change theircitizenship. All those who have voluntarilyacquired the citizenship of their country ofdomicile as well as those who are alreadycitizens automatically forfeit their Chinesecitizenihip, but their ties of kinship with theChinese people remain. As for those who decideto keep their Chinese citizenship, we expect themto abide by the laws of the country in whichthey reside, respect the customs and ways ofits people and live amicably with them. Whileit is the duty of the Chinese Government toprotect their legitimate rights and interests, itis hoped that safeguards to this effect will beprovided by the countries concerned." China isa socialist country that means what it says, andwe shall continue to follow the consistent,principled stand on the question of overseasChinese. Facts have proved and will continueto prove that no provocation or slander candetract one iota from the merits of China'spolicy towards overseas Chinqse.

(July 3, subheads are ours.)

Peking Reaieut, No. 27

History Stood on lts Head!

- On the Vietnomese outhorities' position concerningthe question of Chinese residents in south Viet Nom

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rFHE Vietnamese authorities claim that forI over 20 years their policy towards the Chi-

nese residents, whom they call the "Hoa peo-ple," is "correct and consistent" and "has re-mained the same all along," while China, theysay, is "acting differently from the past."

History is an impartial witness. Have theVietnamese authorities "remained the same allalong" in their policy towards the Chinese res-idents? Or have they abandoned their paststand? One need only compare their past utter-ances on the question of the Chinese residentsin south Viet Nam, including official statementsand proclamations, with their words and deedstoday to know what is what.

History ss Witness

In 1955, the Chinese Party conferred withthe Vietnamese Party on the question of citizen-ship of Chinese nationals residing in Viet Nam.It took a consistent stand of supporting and en-couraging overseas Chinese voluntarily to takethe citizenship of the host country but opposingany attempt to compel them to change theircitizenship. The Vietnamese Pariy at the timeagreed to the above-stated principle. Bothsides agreed to settle through negotiations thequestion of Chinese residents in south Viet Namafter the liberation of that area.

In 1956 and 1957, the reactionary Ngo DinhDiem clique issued decrees compelling Chineseresidents in south Viet Nam to take Vietnamesecitizenship and waive their own. In a state-ment on May 20, 1957, the Chinese Commissionof Overseas Chinese Affairs protested againstthe unilateral and unjustifiable action taken by

July 7, 1978

the clique. and announced the principled standof the Chinese Government for settling the ques-tion of the citizenship of overseas Chinese. Itpointed out that the question of the eitizenshipof Chinese residents in south Viet Nam can besettled reasonably only through negotiations bythe countries concerned on the basis of respectfor the voluntary choice of the Chinese resi-dents themselves.

This just stand of the Chinese Governmentwon the support of the Democratic Republie ofViet Nam and the Central Committee of theViet Nam Workers' Party. Nhan Dan, organof the Central Committee of the Viet NamWorkers' Party, printed the Chinese statementin full on May 23, 1957 and carried an articlethe next day expressing "complete agreement"with the statement and "roundly denouncingthe rrile tactics and machinations of the NgoDinh Diem clique." The Nhan Dan article statedsolemnly that "the Ngo Dinh Diem clique'smove to force Chinese nationals in south VietNam to take Vietnamese citizenship is tyranni-cal and fastist-like and in flagrant violation ofinternational law."

In June 1957, Nhan Dan reported the strug-gle of the Chinese residents in both north and

south Viet Nam against ihe Ngo Dinh Diemclique's drive to force the Chine-.e to take Viet-namese citizenship, and expressed support forthis just struggle.

In additi'on, between 1960 and 1968, theSouth Viet Nam National Front for Liberationissued several proclamations declaring that "alldecrees and measures of the U.S.-puppet regimeregarding Chinese residents shall be abrogated"

27

and stating explicitly that "the Chinese resi:dents have the freedom and right to choose theirnationality."

It is, therefore, absolutely clear what posi-tion the Vietnarnese side took on the questionof Chinese residents in south Viet Nam and whatpolicy it followed towards them.at that time.

An About-Turn

Now, only a few years after the liberationof south Viet Nam, the Vietnamese authoritiesmade an about-turn in their position and policyon the question. They have taken over as alegacy the tyrannical and illegal decision of theNgo Dinh Diem clique to force the Chinese totake Vietnamese citizenship. Recently, theyreiterated time and again in their official doe-uments, newspapers and other. publicationsthat "back in 1956, almost all the Chinese resi-dents in south Viet Nam adopted Vietnamesenationality. They are no longer Chinese na-tionals but Vietnamese of Chinese,origin." Theyalso declared that "it is a historical fact that theChinese residents in south Viet Nam took Viet-namese citizenship and became Vietnamese ofChinese origin 20 years ago."

. Hence, tlle question arises: How can theVietnamese authorities combine two diametri-cally opposed stands-one denouncing the NgoDinh Diem clique's drive to force the Chineseto take Vietnamese citizenship and the otherendorsing what the clique had done and accept-ing it as a legacy - and turn them into a "con:-sistent" stand, a stand which they say "has re:malned the same all along"? It is ridiculous inthe extreme. What is more, in so doing theVietnamese authorities have identified them-selves with the reactionary Ngo Dinh Diemclique.

To be sure, the Vietnamese authorities werenot unaware that taking over intact the "legacy"of the Ngo Dlnh Diem clique would bring themevil consequences politically. But they hopedthat a new registration of citizenship wouldserve as a fig-leaf for this shameful business.,sothey issued a notice in January 19?6 requiringthe Chinese residents in south Viet Nam to re-register their citizenship. However, the resultran counter to their desire. The number of Chi-nese residents in south Viet Nam who registered

28

their citizenship as Chinese far exceeded thenumber oI Chinese residents registered underthe rule of the Ngo Dinh Diem clique. Thisprovbs once more that _the Chinese residentswere compelled to take Vietnamese citizenshipagainst their will more than 20 years ago andthat such compulsibn would not succeed. TheVietnamese authorities should have respectedthe will of thi Chinese residents and acknow,ledged the results of the new rbgistration. Thbyshould have changed their policy of persecutingand discriminating against the Chinese residentsso as to encourage them voluntarily to take Viet-namese citizenship: But they refused to acknow-ledge the results of the registration organizedby themselves. On the contrary, they hold validall that the Ngo Dinh Diem clique did in con-nection with the nationality problem of the Chi-nese residents some 20 years ago. In February1976, by orders of the Vietndmese authorities,Chinese residents in south Viet Nam were com-pelled to register the (Vietnamese) citizenshipforced upon, them during Ngo Dinh Diemls rule.

Outdolng the Diem Clique

More deplorable is the fact that the Viet-namese authorities not only inherited the tacticsof the Ngo Dinh Diem clique in coercing Chi:nese residents to acquire Vietnamese citizenship,but outdid the latter in certain aspects. TheNgo Dinh Diem clique had "flagrantly announc-ed the caneellation of the Chinese nationals' res-idential permits and compelled them to applyfor new ones. All those who had acquired newresidential permits would be regarded as hav-ing acquired Vietnamese citizenship" (NhanDon article, May 24, 1957). And in'February19?7, Chinese residents were required by theVietnamese authorities to fill in printed formsso as to receive '(citizenship cards." there wasno mention of nationality and citizenship in theforms. This was an attempt to turn al1 Chi-nese resiclents into Vietnamese citizens.

. The

Ngo Dinh Diem clique, in order to compel theChinese residents to accept Vietnamese citizen-ship, ordered many trades closetl to Chineseresidents and banned transfer of real estate be-tween Chinese residents. Overseas Chinesephysicians must acquire Vietnamese citizenshipbefore they were allowed to practise. And now,the Vietnamese authbrities resorted to suchtactics as cancellation of household regiStefsr

Peking Retsieut, No. 27

reduction of food rations, withholding of jobsand imposition of e;orbitant. taxesito make Chi-nese 'residents take Vietnamese citizenship.When coercion failed, they employed high-han$-ed means such as discrimination, ostracism,persecution and expulsion to make things moredifficult. Deprived qf the means of bare sub-sistence, the Chinese residents were compelledto leave Viet Nam for China.

In these circumstances China was obligedto receive the victimized returnees and' helpthem settle down, and to send ships to bring thevictimized Chinese natipnals home. The Viet-namese authorities haven't a leg to stand onwhen they accused China of refusing torecognize the status .of what they called the"Hoa people" who had taken Vietnamese eiti-zenship and changing its policy on overseasChinese. They are also falling back on a mali-cious trick of trying to shift the blame on toothers. What they are in fact up to is to drivea wedge between China and Southeast Aslancountries.

Thb Crur of the MotterIt is known to all that there are large num-

bers of ovbrseas Chinese in various parts ofthe world, especially in the region of SoutheastAsia. Many have voluntarily taken citizenshipof their country of domicile, to which the Chi-nese Government has never taken exception. Onthe contrary, it has consistently supported andencouraged overseas Chinese voluntarily to takethe citizenship of the host countries. China isagainst dual nationality. All those who havevoluntarily acquired citizenship of their countrSlof domicile automatically forfeit the,ir Chinesecitizenship. As for those who decide to keeptheir Chinese citizenship, the Chinese Givern-ment expects them to abide by the law of thecountry in which they reside and live amieablywith the people there and do their share {er.thegood of the community. What is happening inViet Nam today has nothing to do;ryit[ flgpdChina's non-recognition of the acqQisithn OfVietnamese citizenship by Chinese nationalssome 20 years .ago. On the contrary, it con-cerns the Vietnamese authorities' re.fusal torecognize the Chinese residents' voluntary keep-ing of Chinese citizenship. It concerns, further-more, the Vietnam6se authorities' application ofcoercion to make Chinese nationals take Viet-

JulU ?, 1978

namese citizenship by depriving them of themeans of livelihood. Here lies the crux of the'matter.

In fact, the Vietnamese duthorities mustbe fully aware that their departure from theirpast stand is something that cannot bear thelight of day. Hence the gab about "legacy leftover by history" and "historical facts." Henceno mention whatsoever about how and by whomthe Chinese nationals in south Viet Nam were;made to "take Vietnamese citizenship" in 1956"and about the Vietnamese authorities' stand atthat time. This has been carefully avoidedsimply ,because the "historical facts" repudiatqtheir allegations. If all the historical facts arepresented is their true light, the whole worldwill see at once that it is not China but the Viet-namese authorities who have been "acting dif-ferently from the past" on the question of Chi-nese nationals in south Viet Nam.

The Vietnamese authorities have embark-ed on the anti-China road in recent years tomeet the needs of their internal and externalpolicies. It is hostility to China thaLhas broughton the persecution of Chinese residents. Theescalation of the persecution of Chinese resi-dents in recent years reflects the escalation oftheir hostitity to China. What was condemnedas "tyrannical, fascist-like and in flagrant viola-tion of international law" now becomes a treas-ure to them in the new circumstances. Theywent back on their words. They discardedwithout the slightest compunction the bublish-ed, eorr'ect documents conforming to the prin-ciples agreed upon between the Chinese andVietnamese Parties and to general internationalpractice. What a mockery of historyl

History is written by man, by his deedsand - words. It is not a lump of clay to bemouliled at will. He who mocks history willfind himself mocked by history. The Viet-namese authorities now find themselves exacllyin Eubh an awkward predicametrt on the ques-tion af overseas Chinese in south -Viet Nam.Thelr: *nti4hina and anti-Chinese acts win theplaudits an-d cheers of the men sitting in theKremlin who are giying orders and stirring upenmity at their back. All fair-minded peoplethe world over, however, will arrive at a con-clusion that conforrns to historical facts.' (A ""T;Y#"!,',X#!tf "*'

29

Who's to Blome?- Why ships sent by Chino to bring bock persecuted

Chinese residents in Yiet Nomoff its territoriol seo

ore lying ot onchor

rnWO Chinese ships sent to bring back per-I secuted Chinese residents in Viet Nam have

been lying at anchor since June 19 in watersbeyond the Vietnamese territorial sea off HoChi Minh City and Haiphong. To this day, they

,have been uhable to dock and the work of re-patriation has.been held up. Why? Who is toblame?

It is international practice and the inalien-able right of a sovereign country to send shipsto another country- tq,bring back nationals indhtress, especially those whose lives are in jeopardy. But the Vietnamese authorities haveattacked China's efforts to bring back perse-

cuted Chinese nationals by sea as "gunboatpolicy" and "infringement on Viet Nam's sov-ereignty." Furthermore, in league with theTaiwan Chiang gang spurned by the Chinesepeople long ago, they have surreptitiously dis-patchea some Chinese residents to Taiwrn. Sometime elapsed and on June 16 they delivered ememorandum to the Chinese Embassy in VietNam and on June 19 published"thelr note ofthe same date to China indicating agreement onChinese ships entering the ports of llaiphongand Ho Chi Minh City. It was only a gesture.

They raised six so-called "indispensable mat-ters," which if anything are preposterous con-ditions that they demand that China fulfil.

First, in their note, the Vietnamese au-thorities compel China to accept a preconditionthat China is sending ships "to take Hoa peopleto China." Viet Nam's diplomatic representa-tive has since explained that "Hoa people"means "Vietnamese of Chinese origin" and

"Hoa people who have already become citizensof Viet Nam." If th;t is their explanation,doesn't this mean asking China to send ships tobring "Vietnamesb of Chinese origin" fromtheir country to reside in-China? One can onlyconclude that the Vietnamese authorities do notrecognize the presence of large numbers ofChinese residents in Vlet Nam, let alone thefact that they are being hounded, persecuted

and expelled from the country.

Second, the Vietnamese note designates

"Vung Tau (Pier) in the area of Ho Chi MinhCity Harbour'l and "Chua Ve (Pier) in the area

of Haiphong Harbour" as places for the Chinese

ships to dock. Vung Tau is more than 100

kilometres away from IIo Chi Minh City. Notmany Chinese reside there, while in Ho ChiMinh City are great numbers of Chinese resi-dents in dire straits caused by Vietnamese auth-orities' persecution. Why must the Viet-namese authorities try to make the persecuted

Chinese residents take a long trip to Vung Tau

for embarkation? Clearly, this i,s deliberate ob-

struction. As for Chua Ve Pier, it has not even

been a port of call by Chinese merchant ships

before and the Vietnamese side has never given

any information about it. The Vietnamese note

also says: "In order to facilitate the departureof Hoa people and minimize the costs, we intend

to give Chinese ships access also to Qui Nhon

Port." If the Vietnamese authorities really care

about the well-being of the Chinese residents,why don't they simply let the Chinese ships go toHo Chi Minh City where the persecuted Chi-nese nationals live in great numbers instead of

(Continued, on p. 39.)

Peking Review, No. 27

A Ncw Rrpwaly Cornpleted

A NEnr trunk railway line linking HupehlI' Pnovincr's Hsiangfan with Chungking inS!.chtnn Proviacr war opened to traffic a shortttte'gO. thL lr thc third east-qrGst railwayline, the other tw* being the Lienyunkang-.Lanchow and the Chuchow-Kweiyang Railways,the lormer connecting Kiangsu Province on theeastcrn'dcaboard with Kansu Provincre in north-wet China atd the latter conneetlng HunanProvince in central-south China with Kweichowkovince in the southwest.

The new trunk line is 916 kilometres long.Its eastern terminal joins wit} two other rail-wals l one fnom Wuhan to Tanchiang in Hu-peh Pnovine and the other from Chiaotso inHonan Province to Chihcheng in Hupeh. Tlieother terminal ln the west .is connected withanother railway line to Kweiyang and withinland navigation on the Yangtze.

Work on this line started in the early 19?0sin accordance with the instructions of Chair-

{+h Hsiangfan-Chungking Railway

Sketch mop bg Shlh Yi-tu

man Mao and Premier Chou. It was undertakenby members of the P.L.A. Railway Corps, rail-way workers and peasantS from nearb.y people'seommunes.

This trunk railway line was built andopened to tra{fic section by. section. The east-ern and western sections had been completedearlier; the middle section was partly damagedby unprecedented downpours in 1974 and 1975,so the roadbed had to be reinforced. After trialruns in the last few years had proved that thequality was up to the standards set by the state,the entire.line was officially opened to trafficon June 1 this year.

As the line crosses numerous mountainsand rivers, many tunnels and bridges had to bebuilt. There are all told 405 tunnels, 12 olwhich being more than 3,000 metres long, and716 bridges, the highest being ?6 metres and thelongest 1,600 metres. Together, they account

for 45 per cent of the'total length of this line.Thirty-five stationswere built on thebridges or in the tun-ne1s.

Known as an "under-ground long corridor,"the tunnel through theTapa Mountains was thekey project built in anarea with very compli-cated terrain and rockformations. The buildershad to bore throughhard rocks and a kind ofsticky rubber-like mud

. and overcome difficul-ties arising from the

' sudden outflow of gush-ing ground water. One

-

Railways

f'\..,.

^.)a.\

UAN I xun:x

JulA 7, 7978 31

day, a "big mud-sand flow, suddenly eruptedin several places in the tunnel, with a totalvolume of.more than 100,000 cubic metres in24 hours. Waist-deep.in the mud, the buil.derstook off their shirts a$d gum boots and workedd.esperately to build a. wall to stop the outflow.When the building of the wall was nearly com-pleted, a fresh'gush of mud qnd sand threatenedto sweep it away. At this critical moment,sbveral

' P.L.A. fighters rushed over andbolstered the wall with their bodies while othersbrought in materials to reinforce the wall. After.more than 20 hours of intense work, they suc-ceeded in blodking the rnud-sand flow andresumed tunnelling.

No less difficult and hazardous was thetask of , eltiing up bridges. In building theTzuyang bridge with 76-metre-high piens overthe Han River, ' the builders worked onsteel scaffolding as high as a 20-storeyed build-ing, - pouring concrete into the molds. When50-metre-long steel girders were being lifted toposition atop the piers, a howling wind sud-denly swept past, threatening to twist andeven snap the girders. At this juncture, an ex-perienced worker came forrvard and, togetherwith-his mates, had the girders anchored withfour steel cables.

When the whole project was nearing com-pletion after. three years of hard work, themiddle section of the railway was hit by anexceptionally big rainstorm and mountain tor-rents. In some sections, the tunnels cracked, thestations tilted over and the rails became atangled . mass. The People's. Govepnmentpromptly sent specialists and techniciaiis from

. On the Hsiangfan-Chungking Railway.

a dozen units concerned to make on-the-spotinvestigafirins. They found that the hills aroundwere moving at a very low speed indiscernible

to the naked eye and concludedthat it was a reactivation of an-cient rock slide. To cope withthis natural phgnomenon, theYdevised after careful study a

method similar to that of a shiPcasting anchor at sed. DeeP

wells were sunk at 20 slidingpoints in the hills and each wasfilled with dozens of rails andsteel bars welded together. Thenthousands of cubic metres ofconcrete were poured into thewells to "a,nchor" the sliding hillsto the ground.

Peking Reoi'ew, No. 2?

A tunDol-bridge project.

Strive for Modernizotion ofWaterborne and Rood Transport

by Our Correspondent Lo Fu

' tlllllil!!llllllItilttlillllllrtttulililillIilllilililtttl1ilililil!lllllilltilillttltl1ilil1rilllilil

fl ECENTLY I attended a national conferencefL o, learning from Taching held by com-munications and transport departments in theTaching Oilfield. It was one of a series ofmeetings convened by different trades followingthe conclusion of the National Conference onl,earning Ftom Taching in Industry in April last

year. The aim was to review the achievementsobtained in emulating Taching, the nationalpace-setter on the industrial front, and work outplans for future work. Many industrial depart-me,nts chose Taching as the meeting place so

' that they could draw on its advanced experiencethere and then.

Attending this conference were representa-tives from highway, inland'navigation and sea

transport departments. (In China, railway trans-port and air transport are under the charge ofthe Ministry of Railways and the Civil AviationAdministration of China respectively instead ofthe Ministry of Communications.)

Progrerr

In the past 28 years since the founding ofNew China,'remarkable progress has been madein waterborne and road transport as can be seenfrorn the following facts.

o Marine shipping was virtually non-existent in old China. Todaj'there is an ocean-going merchant fleet which has called at nearly,400 ports in some 100 countries.

o In striking contrast to the pre-liberationdays when there were only a few tumbledownshipyards doing repairs, China today is able todesign and .build with its own materials andequipment ocean-going freighters and tankers,large dredgers, ice breakers, crane barges and.ships for petroleum-prospecting purposes.

o Formerly entirely dependent on foreigncountries for supply of auto parts, China hasnow become a producer of motor vehicles ofvarious types, such as sedans, buses, trucks,light roadsters and heavy-duty trucks. Twenty-ieven administrative divisions at the provinciallevel can now produce or assemble motor

L ienyun kang

*!fiQo -^. e/

July 7, 7978

Sketch map bg Chien Tu

33

vehicles and an auto industry has initially taken

r As compared with 1g4g, the loading andunloading capacity of harbours along China,s'coast has gone up ll-fold, the number .ofsteamers and barges plying inland ports hasincreased l7-fold, the mileage of highways opento traffie is 11 times as long and the freightvolume taken up by trucks, steamers and.bargesis 73 times as much.

Those are no small achievements in viewof the weak and backward foundation inheritedby New China. As a representative from KansuProvince in northwest China told the conference,communications and transport in some parts ofthat province before liberation remained prac-tically the same as in the days of the ,,Silk

Road" when came)s covering 40 kilometres aday were the chief means of conveyance. Anyincrease in'transport capacity in those dayshad to depend on an increase in the numberof camels. Today, of course, this has become athing of the past thanks to the building ofhighways and the development of the autoindustry. In order to buy trucks, one localtransport team began selling its camels manyyears ago and by 1975 it had disposed of its lastbatch of 20 camels. Now nearly all rural people'scommunes and their production brigades inKansu are accessible by motor vehicles. Visitors

find it quite convenient to go to the TunhuangGrottoes to see the famous ancient muralpaintings.

Tremendous as the achievements are,waterborne and road transport remains a weaklink in China's national economy and falls waybehind the industrially developed countries.Take for instance .the famous Yangtze River.Its volume of transport is far below its potential.In some countriis with a developed industry,even a river the size of the -Han River, a tributaryof the Yangtze, handles a much greater volumeof transport than what the Yangtze does today.

To bring about China's modernization ofindustry, it is necessapy, first and forernost, tosolve the problems of energy, raw materials andcommunications and transport. Keenly awareof all this, representatives to the conferenceexpressed the determination to redouble theirefforts and quicken the development of commu-nications and transport so as to make them an"advance unit" in the growth of the nationaleconomy.

Plon for Modernizotion

A plan for modernizing communicationsand transport before the end of this century wasdiscwsed at the confurence. It stressed the needto make fuller use of inland waterways by

Barges belng lrush-ed forwaril by atugboat on lhe

Yangtze Elven

34 Peking Reuiew, No.27

##ffiiffii$;

.

dredging the rivers and cutting canals, and builda national network of waterway transport whichlinks up all the major rivers - the Yangtze,Pearl, Huai, Yellow and Haiho Rivers - withthe Yangtze as the core, having a unifiedstandard for navigation channels and leading toall the sea outlets.

Following are the main points of the plan:

o By the end of this century, China's ocean-going mercantile fleeL will be in the world'sfront ranks. Apart from building a number ofdeep-water berths, China will develop highwaytransport and build a modern highway trans-port network consisting mainly of expresswaysand trunk roads for use in national defence andeconomic construction and linking up the variousprovinces and autonomous regions.

o In the eight years 1978-85, China willtransform the five key harbours of Shanghai,Tientsin, Whampoa, Lienyunkang and Chin-huangtao into modern general-purpose orspecial-purpose ports and, in co-ordination withthe project of diverting the waters of , theYangtze to areas north of the Yellow River,dredge and extend the Grand Canal, a famousproject in ancient China, so as to link Peking

Julg 7,7978

FmEi::ii:

Truckg . runnlngon the Szechuan-fibet Hlshway.

"- with Hangchow and join up the Yangtze, Chien-tang, Huai, Yellow and Haiho Rivers.

o In the three years 1978-80, China willbuild an expressway and a number of newwharves including those with deepwater berthsfor 100,000-ton ships, dredge the estuary of theYangtze River and introduce an automatedtraffic control system for navigation on theYangtze, and reorganize the shipbuilding in-dustry so as to iircrease its capacity.

The conference stressed the need to increasevi'aterborne transport which can handle a greater

, volume of goods at lower costs and with littleinvestments. In view of the fact that China hasa long coastline, many fine harbours and baysand widely distributed inland waterways and

' lakes, making full use of waterborne transport,therefore, is an important means to speed up thedevelopment of China's communications andtransport.

In addition to building new projects, therepresentatives pointed out, attention must bepaid to making full use of the existing facilities,improving management and raising the technicallevel. Speedy development can be attainedthrough carrying out technical innovations and

35

technical transformation and tapping potential-ities in the turnround of ships, iranstort costsand utilization of equipment.

Confidence

At the conferencq shortcomings were ex-posed and problems that had to be solved wereraised. Participants praised the advanced unitsand individuals and pledged to learn from them.Last year most of the 230,000 trucks coming intoor leaving Peking did one-way transport ofgoods only, carrying nothing on their coming orreturn trip. This was a big waste! But themotor transport company in the Yentai Pre-fecture of Shantung Province is a different casein point. A representative of this state companypassed on its experience in enforcing a strictmanagement system which has enabled thecqmpany to hand over to the state six times asmuch profits per truck as the national average.

The deeds of a women's team under thenavigation company of the city of Hengyang inHunan Province won acclaim for their achieve-ments in technical innovations. The initiative

and creativeness of 50 young women led bytheir 28-year-old team leader Yang Cheng-taoresulted in changing each of their tugboats intoa vessel for pushing several barges, therebyincreasing transtrrort efficiency five times.In the course of doing so, they met withnumerous difficulties physically and technically,Speaking of their experience at the conference,Yang Cheng-tao told the story of a recruit whohad at the outset fallen into the water five timesin a single day, but this girl was undeterred andsoon became a full-fledged m'ember of theircrew. Diligent study. and hard work enabledseven of them to become engine operators andeight to qualify as steersmen of motorizedvessels. They were given official licenses afterexamination

' The conference was tremendously inspiredby the outstanding contributions made by alarge number of advanced units and individuals.

With the future targets set, the waterborneand road transport departments are full of con-fidence in accomplishing the task of moderniza-tion at an early date.

Big lncreose in Tibetan Populotionby Hsln Hua-li

HE Tibetan population in the Tibet Auton-omous Region is now about 1.63 million.

This means there are 440,000 more Tibetansthan in 1959 when democratic reform wascarried out. fhe Tibetan population has risenby an average of 20 per thousand each year andaverage life expectancy is very much higherthan before. This is an eloquent refutation ofthe Dalai traitorous clique's slander that Chinaintends to wipe out her Tibetan nationality. '

Investigation reveals that Tibet had apopulation of 10 million in 634. This fell toI million by 1737, and by the time of thedemocratic reform, tt had dwindled to 1,190,000.

Why has the falling Tibetan populationsuddenly climbed up so swiftly when births are

36

planned in this country and population growthis controlled?

Why the Populotion Fell

The Tibetan nationality was headingtowards extinction before liberation, and it wasall eaused by a barbarous theocracy practisingfeudal serfdom.

Before the democratic reform, three typesof manorial lords held all the arable land andpastures and most other means of production.They were the feudal government, the monas-teries and the nobility, who altogether accountedfor only 5 per cent of the population. Exorbitanttaxes, a multitude of levies, corvee, usury andother cruel means of exploitation were imposedupon .the Tibetan serfs and slaves. Resistance

Peking Reaiew, No, 27

was suppressed bybarbarous meanslike gouging outeyis, cutting offtongues, choppingoff limbs, ham-stringing and evenskinning alive.Every year over tensof thousands ofserfs were imprison-ed or killed.

What medicalfacilities Tibet hadbefore the demo-eratic reform servedonly three types ofmanorial lords.There were no doctors or medicine for themasses of serfs. The reactionary lamas and theshamans used clay, incense ash and even Dalai'sexcrement as "medicine" to deceive the sickserfs. When typhoid, smallpox, or cholerabroke out, the serf-owners would order thestricken serfs to be burned or buried alive,or would drive them into the mountains andsee that they stayed there until they succumbedto disease or hunger. In 1927 smallpox wipedout more than 7,000 people in Lhasa and in 1934,

over 2,800 died of typhoid.Women about to give birth used to be

driven out to the cow sheds or sheep pens,

where mother and infant often died of tetanusand puerperal fever. Before the democraticreform, infant mortality rate was 60 per cent.In addition, monks and nuns made up morethan 10 per cent of the Tibetan population and

' their enforced celibacy also hindered Tibet'spopulation growth,

The Populotion Upturn

As a result of the democratic reform theleudal eerfdom was abolished and the millionTibetan serfs became mesters of their owndestiny. In a short span of only a dozen yearsTibet has entered the period of sociallsm. Pro-duction expanded rapidly after socialist trans-formation of private industry and commerceand handicrafts and the setting up of rural peo-ple's communes. The living standard of theworking people has risen steadily. In 1977, eachpexant or herdsman had on the average 36 yuan

lula 7, 1978

in the bank, more than 30 times the amountthey had in 1965. The change in the socjalsystem bringing aiong with it a change in thepolitieal and economic status of the people hasbeen decisive in the rapid increase of the Tibetanpopulation.

Population growth among China's minoritynationalities is encouraged by the state. Chair-man Mao and Premier Chou had pointed outthat Tibet with its vast area was sparsely in-habited and should have a larger population.Chairman Hua also pointed out that in minoritynationality areas policies to encourage popula- -

tion increase should be carried out. The im-plementation o{ these policies contributed toTibet's population growth. In additionr con-stantly improving medical and health facilitieshave been also conducive to the growth. Ahealth network covering the whole autonomousregion has been developed and there are clinicsat the county level and down to the people's,

communes. The People's Government has sintin medical teams from other parts of the coun-try and all Tibetan people today enjoy freemedical care. Diseases once rampant have beenbrought under control. Party organizations atall levels in the region attach great importanceto mother and child care and modern methodsof midwifery have been popularized. Accordingto statistics, infant mortality' is less thah 2

per cent per year in the regional hospital sinceits foundi,rig about 20 years ago. Each year thishospital has delivered an average of 1,100 in-fants.

Tibetan school children.

37

Report F rom. Monila

ASEAN Unity ond Co-operotionStrengtheneduruilililm||ililililililtttlllilutilIlrilililililillll||ltf tililmlliluiltllllilililililtllt!!lt

TIIE f978 ASEAN (Association of Southeastr Asian Nations) Trade Fair held recently inManila was the first of its kind sponsored joint-ly by the member counti.ies. It reflected in-creasing unity and co-operation among the fiveASEAN nations (Indonesia, Malaysia, the phi-lippines, Singapore and Thailand), and high-lighted the main achievements in developingtheir national economies. It demonstrated theinereasingly significant role played by the as-sociation, an emerging force, in Asian and in-ternational affairs.

The pavilions in the main building dis-played features. common to the area as a wholeas well as specific characteristics. The thousandsof articles on view showed the rapid industrialprogress made by ASEAN nations in recentyears. Among the items were clothing and rat-tan or bamboo funriture from the philippineg,construction materials and canned food fromThailand, rubber prod.ucts of Malaysia, batikand leather goods from Indonesia, and electronicequipment, jewelry and ornaments frorn Sin-gapore.

The five ASEAN nations have a total pop-ulation of 240 million industrious people.They cover a total area of 3 million square kilo-metres rich in natural resources. However,these countries have suffered great losses fromthe manipulation of prices on the world marketby the developed nations. The dumping of in-dustrial goods by the latter has also hamperedthe growth of the ASEAN countries' nationaleconomies. Their leaders in recent years havecome to see more and more clearly the im-portance of ASEAN unity for building their

38

industry and promoting regional economic co-operation. President Marcos of the Philippinessaid: ."An economically powerful ASEAN con-stitutes a guarantee for stabilily in the region,"Thailand's Prime Minister Kriangsak Chomanansaid last March: "There is now a growing reali-zation among the countries of the region thatpeace and progress will be possible only wheneach and every one of them strives to develop itseconomy and co-operates with the others whilepreventing outside countries from sowing dis-cord among them."

Charts displayed at the trade fair showedthat inter-ASEAN trade has been growing, withthe total volume up from 2;770 million U.S.dollars in 1972 to 8,140 million dollars in 1976.

Inter-ASEAN trade has bright prospects fordevelopment as it now comprises only 15 percent of the association's total trade.

Last January, in order to increase regionaltrade, the ASEAN countries began to carry outa preferential trade system anpng themselves,

reducing tariffs by l0 per cent on 71 oommodi-ties including clothing, ball bearings, tyres,petroleum, chemical fertilizers and grain. Theyhave also reached an agreement to give priorityto members in the rice and petroleum trade.

Products of . the nine ASEAN industrialclubs were also on dtsplay at the trade fair:automobiles, electronic apparatus, chemiealproducts, rubber, paper, iron and steel, glass,

cement, and foodstuffs. These clubs run withprivate capital are led by industrial committeesformed by governments of the five ASE.{N na-

Peking Reuieut, No. 27

tions. Machine parts of the automobile industrialclubs produced in the five'countries are to beassembled into "ASEAN automobiles." Such anapproaeh is a new step now under study by theASEAN countries for deyeloping their industrialproduction.

These countries had reached hn agreementat their first summit meeting on the construc-tion of a number of ASEAN co-operative proj-ects including two urea plants - one in Indo-nesia and the other in Malaysia - a diesel engineplant in Singapore, ,a phosphate plant in thePhilippines and a soda-ash plant in Thailand.Construetion of the urea plant in Indonesia willbe started as soon as preparations have beencompleted.

While strengthening trade and economicco-operation in the region, the ASEAN coun-tries promote political and economic ties rwith

other third world countries and with secondworld countries. At present, the ASEAN coun-tries supply a high percentage of the goods onthe world maiket as shown by the followingfigures: abaca fabric-98.4 per cent; palm oil

-84 per cent; rubber-8l.3 per cent; hardwood-80 per cent; tin-72 per cent; andcoconut oil and coconut products - 64.2 percent.

To defend their national resources andeconomic interests, the ASEAN countries havenot only expanded their export trade but alsoheld systematic trade dialogues with ror-ASEAN countries or groups of countries.Through the dialogue between the ASEAN andJapan, agrebment was reached on a ceiling forsynthetic rubber production.

' These steps taken by the ASEAN countries

help break free of the shackles of the oldinternational ec,onomic order and open up abright prospect for developing their own mod-ernized economies. These moves made bry theASEAN countries have greatly enhanced theirconfidence in continuing their struggle againstthe expansion and infiltration of hegemonism,and realizing their just proposal for a neutraliz-ed Southeast Asia.

( H sinhua C o rr e sp ond ent )

(Continued, from p. 30.)

giving them "access" to Qui Nhon Port whereChinese residents are only a few?

?hird, a time limit is imposed on embarka-tion. The Vietnamese note unilaterally stipu-lates that "the duration for Chinese ships tomoor at Vietnamese ports and for Hoa peopleto embark is three days at most each time."Sinee it is quite impossible to complete all nor-mal proeedure and work ih three days, thismeans that the Chinese side must agree in fullto the roster of people moving to China andthe procedure, time and place designated by theVietnamese authorities in advance.I Fourth, the Vietnamese note provides'that

"before the Chinese ships enter Vietnameseports," "the Chinese Embassy will be informedof the lists of Hoa people who will leave VietNam on board these ships" by the -Vietnamese

JUW 7,7978

side. Moreover, the departing Chinese resi-dents "will be helped by the Vietnamese servieeseoncerned to places of regroupment before theyboard the ships." In other words, the Viet-namese authorities will decide who can and whocannot leave. In such a case, even if Viet-namese with assignments of a special characterare included in the embarkation lists, Chinais not to intervene and has to leave everythingin the hands of the Vietnamese authorities.

The above mentioned shows ctearty tt atthe Vietnamese authorities are putting everyobstacle in the way of repatriation of persecut-

ed Chinese residents. .Thus the ships sent byChina to bring home its nationals still lie atanchor outside Vietnamese territorial watersand repatriation cannot proceed. The respon-sibility rests wholly with the Vietnamese au-thorities.

39

:hffi'[."*"*;i:":i*,i:T H E yV O R L D ****5*6 [i"#l*ffiI'";iirt: ffi-T#

DEMOCRATIC KAMPUCHEA

Viet Nom's AttemptedCoup Foiled

Democratic Kampuchea in'late May frustrated once againd coup d'etat fomented by thePolitical Bureau of the Com-munist Party of Viet Nam andthe Government of the SocialistRepublic of Viet Nam. This wasannounced by Deputy PrimeMinister Ieng Sary at a. pressconference 'in Phnom Penh onJune 24.

Ieng Sary pointed out: "Thisattempted coup d'etat engineer-ed by Viet Nam was aimed atoverthrowing Democratic Kam-puchea. But if the Vietnamesecannot overthrow DemocraticKampuchea as a whole, theywill strive to take possession ofthe eastern zone, to sepa.ratethis zone from the rest ofKampuchea, and to .declare anew regime and set up a newparty there as puppets ofViet Nam. They want to usethe eastern zone as a bridgeheadto launch military attacks andto take possession of all theterritory east of the MekongRiver and of the other parts ofKampuchea, until they haveoccupied the whole of Kampu-ches."

I

The Deputy Prlme MinisterItst€d the names of the sixVietnamese who had been sentto Kampuchea to make contactand carry out this coup on theorder of the Political Bureau ofthe Communist Party of VietNam, and their secret places forcontact.

40

He pointed out that .if VietNam continues to wilfully carryout its policy and acts of sub-version, interference, viglationand aggression, it will sqrelysuffer heavier defeat-*

Samdech Norodom Sihanouksent a message on June 25 tothe Central Committee of theCommunist Party of Kampu-chea, extending congratulationson the foiling oJ the recentattempted coup engineered byViet Nam.. He said: ,"No matterwhether it's an imperialist bigpower or an expansionist coun-try, whoever ventures to en-croach on Democratic Kam-puchea in any way will surelysuffer a most ignominiousdefeat."

On' the same day, SamdechPenn Nouth also sent a messageof greetings to the President ofthe Presidium of the State ofDemocratic Kampuchea.

From June 15 to 29, Vietna-rRese aggressor. troops launchedanother invasion of easternKompong Cham Province inthe eastern zone of Kampuchea.This act of aggression wassmashed by the KampucheanRevolutionery Army whoktlled and wounded over 3,600lnvaders and destroyed anddamaged 19 tanke.

D.P.R.K.

Appeol to the People ofThe World

On June 23, 18 Korean Polit-ical parties and public organi-zations published an aPpeal to

and to undertake a massive in-ternational campaign for thewithdrawal of foreign aggfes-sive forces from south Korea.

The appeal issued by theKorean Workers' Party, KoreanDemocratic Party, ChondoistChongu Party and other politicalparlies and public organizationpsays: "U.S. bellicose elementsare now speeding up thelr prep-arations for a war of aggressionin Korea on a fuller scale thanever before behind the screenof 'troop pullout.'"

It states: "At the instigationof the United States, the southKorean authorities have estab-lished a wartime mobilizationsystem under which everythingis geared to war preparatioru."

Denouncing the U.S. schemeto create "two Koreas," the aP-peal says: "Ihey will faceinescapable consequences."

Ttre appeal stresses .that theUnited States must immediatelYwithdraw ih armed forces com-pletely from south Korea inaccordance with the U.N. res-olution and tts own "Pledge."

It notes: "There hss been and

is etlll no change in our Prin-ciple that the questlon . ofKorean reunlflcatlon must be

solved by the Korean PeoPlethernselves on democratlc Prin-cipleo and by peaceful means'without any foreign inter.-ference."

The appeal calls on the Peo-ple of the world to condemnthe south Korean authorities for

Pekins Reoiew, No, 27

the violation of human rightsand support the south Koreanpeople in tleir just struggle towin democratic freedoin andthe right to existence.

ARAB PUBTIC OPINION

Events in the Two Yemdns

Ttre Arab public have beengreatly alarmed by the assas-sination of President AhmedHussain al Ghashmi of theYemen Arab Republic and arefollowing with concern thedevelopment of events in thePeople's Democratic Republic ofYemen. Articles and commen-taries exposing Soviet interven-,tion outright or by implicationpoint out that this crime isaimed at undermining securityand stability in the Red Sea andGulf regions.

Ttre Saudi Arabian paperAl Riya.dh i,n a June 29 edi-torial said that "the assassina-tion of President Ahmed Hus-sain al Ghashmi of North Yemenand the subsequent ihcidentstaking place in South Yemen

were a prelude .to furtherSoviet expansion in thb ArabianPeninsula."

The Kuwaiti paper Al-Roiol-Aam said on June 29 in asigned article: "Now theSoviet danger is obvious andunquestionable. ... Events inthe two Yemens prove that Rus-sia is using every conceivablehethod to squeeze into thearea even at the expeffie of ourvital interests." The paper hadearlier stressed that the Sovietmove was aimed at killing twobirds with one stone, and was apreparation for "attacks onoilfields in the Gulf."

Ttre Egyptian Gazette in aneditorial on June 28 asked whatthe Soviet aim was in sendingweapons to certain Arab coun-tries. "To help the Arabsagainst the Zionists? Not onyour life!" "It is just for its ownimperialist plunder and aims atcontrol of the Horn of Africaand the Red Sea as one of itsmain strategic targets." "Aftercausing tremendous bloodshedand destruction in Ethiopia andon the boider of Somalia, theSoviet Union has now succeed-ed in exporting its horrorsacross the Red Sea to Aden,"the editorial added.

The Somali paper OctoberStor commented on June 28 thatthe assassination of PresidentAhmed Hussain al Ghashmi bya foreign power is, aimed atundermining Arab solidarityand weakening the Arab nationin srder to dominate themand pluhder their resources."Therefore, it is the commonresponsibility of the Arab peopleas a whole to expose these

foreign schemes and their'agents," it added.

Ttre Lebanese paper Al-Anusorpointed out on June 28 that theSoviet intention,'as indicated inthe events in the two Yemens,is to !'contain Saudi Arabia andkeep the oil route through theRed Sea and the Strait- ofMandab under its own control."

BRUNEI SULTANATE

lndependent in 1983

The Sultanate of Brunei willbecome an independent state in1983. This decision was an-nounced by the British ForeignOffice on June 30 at the end ofthe talks on Brunei's futurebetween Britain and Brunei.

The two sides agreed in theirtalks to sign a new treaty underwhich the Sultanate of Bruneiwill "assume its full interna-tional responsibility as a sover-eign independent state at theend of 1983.

Ttre Sultanate of Brunei, witha population of 150,000, occupies5,765 square kilometres of thenorthern part.of the island ofBorneo in the Pacific Ocean.Brunei had been invaded byWestern colonial powers sincethe middle of the 16th centuryand became a British protec-torate towards the end of the19th century. Under the termsof the agreement of 1959, Brit-ain assumed responsibility forBrunei's defence, security andforeign affairs. In a new agree-ment with Britain in November1971, the Sultanate achieved"complete internal independ-ence," while Britain retainedresponsibility for its externalaffairs.Clewlng bear.

Jultl 7, 7978

bg Huo Chun-wt

41

'@ah:pfuloao

Kanaleoam Highuay

Ttrakot in North WestFrdntier' Provincre of Pakistanwas the soene of a grand cere-mony on June 18 to mark theopening of the KarakoramHighway to through traffic.Visiting Chinese Vice-PremierKeng Piao cut the ribbon amidthunderous shouts "Pak-CheenDosti-Zlndabad" (Long livePakistan-China friendship) andthen the first car rumbled by.

The Karakoram Highway ex-tends for 616 kilometres' fromthe China-Pakistan border areaat Khunjerab Pass to Thakot, a

little over 200 kilometres awayfrom the capital city of Is-lamabad. As one of a very fewplateau highways in the worldthe Karakoram Highway isacclaimed by Pakistani friendsas a "wonder of the modernage." It snakes along ridges of

the I(arakoram and $imalayaMountains, keeps to the Hunza,Gilgit and Indus Rivers andpasse! by Hunza, Gilgit andChilas, with snow-capPed.Peaks,precipices and deep valleys allaround. Temperatures varygreatly in these parts, rising to46 degrees C. in the scorchingsummer and dropping to 30

degrees below zero C. in thefreezing winter. Meteorologicaland geological conditions aresueh that snow avalanche,cave-in and mud-rock flow are

common occurrences. The roadbuilders from Pakistan andChina were not deterred a bit.A strong earthquake shook thePattan area in 1974. TheYcarried on as usual desPite theperits of aftershocks and land-slides to follow.

The whole project involvedtwo phases. 'The first was com-

pleted in two years and sevenmonths from July 1968 toJanuary 1971, and the secondlasted four years between June1974 and May this year. Stoneand earth work totalled f6.9million cubic metres and 85

bridges were built with a totallength of 3,631 metres.

Ihroughout the period ofconstruction Chinese workerson the site were well lookedafter by the Government andpeople of Pakistan. At theceremony, 37 of the most out-standing Chinese workers wereawarded medals by the Paki-stan Government. In thedrawing-board stage, the Chi-nase engineers bearing in mindthe local people's interestscharted a route that keeps clearof hodses and cultivated lands.They also built aqueducts andeulverts to solve the prbElem ofwater supply. Chinese doctorsand nurses offered their serviceto the local people. fitere wereinstances of Chinese workerslaying down their own lives tosave their Pakistan friends.

The completion of the Kara-koram Highway is expected tocontribute to the prosPeritY ofnorthern Pakistan, furthereconomic contacts betweenChina and Pakistan and doserrelations Eetween the twocountries. The highwaY has

given reality to a dream ofseveral thousand Years. Ancienttravellers in the Westbrn HanDynasty (206 B.C.-25 A.D.) whojourneyed frorn China's nqrth-west to a 'land of what isPakistan today had to gothrough the rigours of travers-ing perilous mountain Pathsand fording swift rivers. Nowit is made easy with this neru

Peking Reuieus, No, 2?12

Pekistar rnd Chinese engineers at work.

highway. To desmibed it ai'acontemporary "silk road" is noexaggeration.

Madrigal Singers FromThe Philippines

A 24-member choir withoutmusical accompaniment fromthe student body and faculty ofthe University of the Philippinescame to Peking in June. In na-tional costume these men andwomen vocalists presented acantata'in two or more partsand in uriison as well as solos.

Ttrey used their voices in a neatand polished way, delightingPeking's concert-goers withtheir performance.

The rich and varied folk songs

with lyrical melodies are pleas-ant to the ear. Eil-eiloy andtwo other songs in the choir'srepertoire with a strong pastoralflavour are traditional madrig-als of the Igorot, Itneg andIlocano nationalities who inhabitthe' mountain areas in thenorthern parts of the LuzonIsland.

Some. songs by Philippinecomposeis proved an instantsuccess. Wor,ld Peace sung bya delightful female solo with ac-cornpanying voices from a dis-tance expressed the people'syearning for a happy life. NetoSociety and. My Beloueil Coun-try showed the joy ahd prideof the Philippine people afterwinning national independence.

Songs of Asian, African andLatin American origin were in-cluded in their programmb,

Julg 7, 1978

At the Pekins volleyball .tournament.

&ri

each sung in a different vein.Song of the Seasid.e, a Japanesefolk song, for example, wpsnoted for its harmony. The visit-ing vocalists from the Philip-pines also presented Chineserevolutionary songs in Chinese,such as The East Is Red andThird Worlil's Peogile, Unite,that were sung with gusto andspirit.

International YolleyballTournamcnt in Peking

Peking played host to theInternation Friendship Invita-'tional Volleyball TournamentMay 16-25. Teams from Brazil(men), Mexico (women), Canada(men and women), Japan (menand women) and China (twomen and two women) took part.After 20 riratches, China carriedoff the title for the women'sevent and Japan took the men'schampionship.

Volleyball aficionados in Pe-king were given an oppoitunityto watch different schools ofplay. In the past there weremainly two schools, the Euro-pean school of high push andfierce attack and the Asianschool of wild-cat spring smash.Frequent contacts between vol-leyball teams in recent yearshave served to merge these twoapproaches to the garhe. Someteams from the American con-tinent with in edge over othersin height have also masteredthe Asian approach. Brazil(men's team) is the case in point.It can go on fierce attack andfast smash. as well. So are theCanadian men's and women'steams. Japan, true of both themen's and women's teams, istypieal of the Asian school ofplay but it has successfully aP-plied the European fierce attackmethod. China's volleyballteams can certainly profit fromthe fine sportsmanship and plaY-ing skill displayed at this inter-national tournament.

43

Stoge Appeorunce olPrcmier Cfrou En-loi

lVeursboys, a play now beingstaged in Peking, has movedaudiences with its vivid por-trayal of Comrade Chou En-lai.

The play in six scenes, pre-sented by the China Children'sArt Theatre, describes a

Comrade Chou En-Ialln the play Neursbogrs.

struggle led by Comrade ChouEn-lai in Chungking, then underKuomintang, after the SouthernAnhwei Incident of 1941. ChiangKai-shek, sabotaging the Warof Resistance Against Japan andeompromising with and capitu-lating to the Japanese aggres-sors, launched the second anti-Communist onslaught. On

44

January 4, 1941, the New FourthArmy led by the CommunistParty of China was suddenlyattacked 'by the Kuomintangreactionaries in southernAnhwei Province and lost morethan 9,000 men while it wasmoving northward in accordancewith instructions. [ts head-quarters was then in southernAnhwei. Yeh Ting, its com-mander, was captured,

Then Vice-Chairman of theMilitary Commission of theCentral Committee of the Com-munist Party of China, ComradeChou led the delegation of theParty Central Committee inChungking. Neutsboys is a playcentring on the publication anddistribution of the Party's organNeus Cl$na Daily, as part ofthe struggle he led against thereactionaries.

Chou En-lai appears threetimes. In the third scene, whenthe Kuomintang tries to stranglethe Neur China. DailA by cuttingthe power supply, Chou strikesa match in the press. He bringsa generator to the newspaper-men and instructs them how'towage a struggle against theKuomintang press censorship.

In scene six, Chou En-laiappears again at the time whenthe newspaper office is sur-rounded by armed Kuomintangagents who try to seize thepaper as it comes off the press.He scathingly condemns theKuomintang reactionaries forcommitting crimes against theChinese nation.

The epilogue shows Chou En-lai together with the newsboysdistributing copies of Neut

Chinf, Daily'among the crowdin a Chungking street. In thatday's issue, a frontpage editorialrevealing the truth of theSouthern Anhwei Incident is cutout by Kuomintang censors.Comrade Chorr En-lai writes apoem of protest full of proleta-rian indignation to fill the blankspace.

This is one of some ten recentstage-plays portraying the oldergeneration of proletarian rev-olutionaries. In this perfor-mance, the bctor does his bestto convey the inner qualities ofthis great man while payingclose attention to voice. andexpression. "The motive forrecreating such a great man isthat we love our late Premierand long for him. Our actingmay not be of a high order andwe lack experience in portrayingsuch a great man, but we .are

determined to do our best,"said playwright Shao Chung-fei.

The play held its openingnight on March 5, the 80thbirthday of Premier Chou. Sincethen, at the end of each per-formance, the audience, hAvingseen Premier Chou on the stage,has stood up and, with prolongedapplause, expressed its reluct-ance to part with him.

Professor ol WorkerOrigin

Ibai Tsu-chuan, workgr-expert on new electric lightsources, has become a professorof optics at Shanghai's FutanUniversity and is one of themore than 300 recently pro-moted professors and associateprofessors in 16 Shanghaiinstitutions of higher learning.

To break with conventionalpractices and promote or com-mend talented persorut who

Peking Re'tsieut, No. 27

CULTURF AND SCTENCE

have made outstahding contri-butions to the state is one oIthe important measures takento develop China's science andeducation-

Tsai Tsu-chuan, 53 years old,is chief of the electric lightsounses laboratory at FutanUniversity. In 1961 he andhis colleagues started makingresearch on new electric lightsourges. Since then, they haveproduced or discovered morethan 60 apparatuses and newelectric Iight sources, some ofthem topping advanced worldlevels. Recently, they trialmanufactured a high-frequencynon-polarfluoresent lamp witha long life-span and intenseIight. Wide we of this lampwill save about 100 million kwhof electricity every year forShanghai proper with a popula-tion of 6 million.

As a worker before liberatiOn,Tsai specialized in blowingampoules in a pharmaceuticalplant. Not long after the found-ing of New China in 1949, hewas one of the first group ofmodel workers in Shanghai andwas later sent to a university totake up technical work on

electricity. Last March, he at-tended the National ScienceConference and put forward.many good proposals lor speed-ing up the training of scientificand technical personnel.

Another lmpefiolUnderground Poloce

The l8th-century tomb ofEmperor Chien Lung (located inTsunhua CountR 120 kilome-tres east of Peking) was recentlYopened to visitors.

This tornb, excavated afterthe unearthing of one of theimperial tombs of the MingDynasty (14th-1?th century) onPeking's outskirts, displaysstone carving of a high artisticqqality and distinctive architec-tural features.

Memorial arches and halls foroffering sacrifices stand on thel2-metre-wide road leading tothe tomb. Paved with brickand stone, the road extendsseveral kilometres. Flankingit are eight pairs of stonesculptures representing civilofficials, military officers,horses, unicorns, elephants,camels and other animals.

Skilfully executed, eaeh of thevivid sculptures was carvedfrom a complete stone block.

At the end of the' road isthe underground palace, 54metres in length, with threestone halls and four pails ofstone gates, all arched in tradi-tional style. The stone blocksused are decoratively carved.On each gate, which weighsabout two tons, there is a carvedfigure of a standing bod-hisattva. The inner walls ofthe first gateway are decoratedwith four celestial guardians(also called deva gods).

Many Buddhist scriptures andfigures of Buddha are carvedon the inner walls of the archedhalls, and floral designs'on theirceilings.

The coffin of Chien Lung isin the innermost precinct of theunderground palace. He wasthe fourth of the ten ChingDynasty (1644-1911) emperors,and reigned for 60 years. Thetomb, built while he was stillalive, took 30 years to finish.

The tomb is a historical tes-timony to the cruel exploitationand enslavement of the labour-ing people by the feudal rulers.According to historical records,90 tons of silver were spent inconstruction of this tomb. Largenumbers of rare na.nrrlu (dura-ble fragrant close-grainedwood) were transported fromsouth China, som6logs weighingfrom 10 to 20 tons. It took 1,000people two years' labour tomove the logs from the fordst '

to the liork-site. Several thou-sand mules were required tohaul huge blocks of whitemarble which were quarried inFangshan County, southwest ofPeking.lsrl Tsu-chua! enal mlditte school sluilenla.

Jula 7, 7978 45

ON THE HOME FRONT

Northeen BxteneloeShelterbelts

fDY 1985 a network of shelter-fD U"tt" to controi shiftingdesert sand and check erosionof the loess highlands is to becreated between HeilungkiirngProvince in northeast Chinaand the Siikiang Uighur Auton-omous Region in the north-west.

China has more than 128million hectares of desert land,of which 90 per cent are locatedin the northwest and InnerMongolia. Also, the loess pla-teaus of neighbouring Shensiand Kansu Provinces areseriously eroded.

The local people in theseareas have launched massiveafforestation campaigns everyyear since the founding of NewChina in 1949. The 1975 na-tionwide s-urvey of forestry re-souroes showed that over 1.6million hectares in these regionshad already been afforested.

The shelterbelts will tla'ns.form the natural conditions ofChina's northern area. Morethan 6.6 million hectares ofcropland and 3.3 million hec-tares of pastures will be Pro-tected. Grain output is expectedto increase by 20 per oent andgrass by 100 per cent. Theloess highlands wiII extendtheir forest cover from thepresent 5 per cent to 18 percent by 1985.

The Chinese Aeademy ofForestry Science will set uPcentres for scientific expiri-ments in places afflicted bysandstorm and in the loess up-lands. Besearches will concen-trate on fast-growing varietiesof trees and new methods ofafforestation.

Eaagehw?r SIIIcTapectrg

1[.}NE of the latest works PutV out by the Hangchow SilkTapestry Factory is a Piece

called Horses, a traditionalChinese painting by the notedartist Hsu Pei-hung. The su-.perbly woven horse.s, withtheir shining coats, look life-like and mettlesome.

In the past year, the factoryhas produced over tWo dozennew varieties, some incorporat-ing themes on socialist revolu-tion and construction and some,traditional themes loved by thepeople.

Hangchow, known as the"silk city," has a 2,000-year-oldhistory oI silk weaving. Itstapestries, dating back to theTang Dynasty (618-907), arewidely renowned. Since libera-tion, the workers and designersof the factory have developedtheir traditional art and drawhon painting to enrich theirdecorative art, abmrbing muehfrom ancient Chinese artists aswell as from the colouring oflVestern paintings. Tapestrieswith beautiful oriental designshave a ready market in morethan 130 countries and regionsof the world.

In recent years, many worksof noted Chinese painters havebeen woven into tapestries, in-cluding Prauns by Chi Pai-shih,Tiger by IIo Ilsiang-ning andLi Ku-chan's Sporours. Scenes

from ancient fables such as

MonJcq Roises Hell in Heavenaid Fairy ScatteriW Flouters

, are also represented on tap-estrie.s.

'. 'This,facloiY was;started uP in. 1522. At the time of ,liberation' 'in 1949, there were' orilY 40

workers annuallY ,Producing2,000 square metres of tapestrYin black and whlte. TodaY theplace is almost unrecognizable;

Peking Reuiew, No, 27

A shelterbelt in Shensi Provlnce.

46

the grounds are landscaped,and there are 40 times as manyworkers, turning out more than100 times the previous annualoutput in a thousand varieties.

Dfore lDeer Antlers

THE number of domesticatedr- wild deer and the output ofdeer antlers have shown asteady increase in northwestChina's Sinkiang Uighur Auton-omous Region and ChinghaiProvince. A valuable medicaltonic is extracted frqm deerantlers. The placenta, blood,flesh, kidney, muscles and tailare also sources of valuablemedicines.

Sinkiang now has over 6,000head of domesticated deer. Lastyear the region,s output ofantlers registered an all-timehigh of 3,750 kilogrammes.Chinghai Province raises morethan 3,400 head of deer on its34 deer ranehes and producesover 1,500 kg. of antlers a year.

China's major deer-raisingregions are in the northeastern

Dee! antlers in a ranchin Heilungkiang Province.

JulA 7,7978

provinces of Liaoning, Kirinand Heilungkiqng. {,nJlers fromthe spotted deer in Ifirin hov-ince are produced in the great-est quantity and are the best inquality.

The wapiti is a wild deer buthas been domesticated in manyareas in the past few years. Inorder to improve the strain ofthe wapiti, a deer ranch inChilien County, Chinghai Prov-ince, crossbred the local heavywapiti. with northeast China'sspotted deer. The secondgeneration grew well withlarger and better antlers, whichwere first cut last year. Nowthe improvecl breed is beingpopularized throughout theprovince.

The domestication of largenumbers of wapitis not onlyprovides more antlers, but en-sures the steady growth of wilddeer.

Seroc tn)e enopte

Among Neighbourd. The daily,Beijing Ribao, recontly carriedthree letterc from people prais-ing their neighbours.

o The 86-year-old father ofLi Hsiang-Iing, a womanworker, was going .to have anoperation. She had to lookafter him in the hospital,leaving her seven-year-old sonat home with,,no one to takecare of him. The boy's fatherwas busy at work. .Wang, qnelderly woman and ii's neigh-bour, volunteered to take careof the boy and look after thehouse wtrile Li was away. Laterthe old man returned fromhospital to convalesce. In order

that Li could go back to work,another neighbour, a retireddoctor surnamed l{siang cameto take care of the patient.Later, unable to continuebeeause he scalded his foot,Doctor Hsiang got his daughterto take over and look after theold man until he had recovered.

o Two sisters, both school-girls, live in the same courtyardas an elderly woman in her?0s surnamed Chang. Theold lady, a dependent of arevolutionary martyr, livesalone and cannot get aboutmuch, so the two girls help herdo chores about th; houseevery day. They always callbefore going off to school to askher if there is anything theycan do, "and after'school alwaysvie with each other to do thesweeping and dusting. The twogirls do all her shopping, andwhenever she is not feeling wellthey take hen to hospital. Theold lady often exclaims thatthese two sisters are like herown granddaughters.

o An elderly man surnamedTsui, who was livi,pg along be-carne serni-paralysed last year.The neighbourhood committee(an organization to run localaffairs, formed by people livingin the same block) immediatelysent two spare-time paramedicsand a doctor from the localhospital to treat him. A womanmember of the neighbourhoodcommittee went every day totidy the house for. the invalidand a paramedic gave him dailYinjections and brought himmedicine. Because of help fromall quarters the old man soonrecovered and can now get aboutagain without a stick.

47

SETECTED \UTIORKS OFMAO TSETLING

( Volumes I-V)

Volume I contoins 17 orticles witten in the First Revolutionory Civil

Wor Period (1924-2n ond the Second Revolutionory Civit Wor Period

(yn8n.

Votume t! contoins rO ortictes covering the period from the out-

breok of the Wor of Resistonce Agoinst Jopon in July 1937 to the repuls-

ing of Chiong Koi-shek's second onti-Communist onslought in Moy

1941.

Volume lll contoins 31 orticles covering the period from Morch

1941 to August 1945 when finol victory wos won in the Wor of Resist-

once Agoinst lopon.

Volume IV contoins 70 orticles written in the Third Revolutionory

Civil Wor Period (August l945-september 1949).

Volumes I-IV ,orc oooiloble in Arobic, Bufir,ese, English, french,oGerma,n,Hittdi, htdoncsion, ltolion, Joponese, Koteon, Persbtt, Pottugiuese, Bussiln,Spoaish, Thol, Uril,u, Vietnsnese anil Esperanto.

Volume V contoins 70 orticles covering the period from September

1919 to 19!t.

Aoallobte in English, French, Jopanese, Eussion and Spoabh.

Published by: FOREIGN IANOITAGES PRESS, Peking, Chino

Distributed by: GUOZI SHUDIAN (Chino Publicotions Centre), Peking, Chino

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