BACKGROUNDTHE Pearson family owned anextensive 341 acre farm atCoolacrease, over a mile fromCadamstown and four miles fromKinnity. Originally a native of theBallygeehan townland in Co.Laois, William Pearson bought theland in 1911 for £2,000. He avoid-ed employing local labourers towork the sizable farm. Heexplained how he saved theexpense of hiring workmen as‘one man interested in the workwould be worth six who were not.’A man of delicate health, he leftmost of the farm work to his sons.He had four sons and three daugh-ters. Richard, the eldest son, man-aged the farm. The Pearsons werea tight-knit and insular family.This self-exclusion and reluctanceto hire local labour may lie in thefamily’s Cooneyite roots.

THE PEARSON’S ASCOONEYITES

The family were recorded asmembers of the Church of Irelandin the 1911 census. They mayhave joined the sect after the cen-sus was taken or concealed theirCooneyite membership. TheCooneyites were an aggressivelyminded, secretive, and millenariansect. In the death certificate ofSusan Pearson her religious affili-ation was described as ‘Christian,’a euphemism for Cooneyites. Inphotographs of the family all thehair of the females was croppedshort, a tell-tale sign of the strictadherence to Cooneyism.The origins of the radical sect canbe traced to William Irvine, aScotsman. Irvine’s excitablepreaching and uncompromisingzeal attracted many young people.Initially the languishing Methodistchurches were fiercely denouncedby the sect. Irvine railed on allother Christian churches as irrevo-cably corrupt and decadent. Hepoured contempt upon all organ-ised forms of Christian worshipand proclaimed marriage anempty institution believing theend of the world was nigh. In Co.Fermanagh the sect established apermanent footing and underwentrenewed growth when EdwardCooney, a charismatic preacher,joined. By 1904 the sect was com-monly referred to as Cooneyitesalthough this was just one of manydiverse names which included‘Dippers,’ ‘Two-by-Two’s’ ‘NoName Church’ ‘Go Preachers’amongst others.Cooney’s fiery zeal was ideallysuited to the militant stance of thesect. Preachers of all groups otherthan their own were considered‘false prophets’ and ‘hirelings.’Only those who become followersof the ‘Jesus Way’ were regardedas true children of God and every-one else considered satanic. PROTESTANT OPPOSITION

TO COONEYISMProtestants emerged as the mostrobust opponents of the sect. Inthe preface to Reverend SimonCarter Armstrong’s pamphlet TheCooneyites or Dippers publishedin 1910 the sect was castigated forits ‘pernicious teaching.’Armstrong warned anyone whogave ‘help or countenance tothem’ as ‘false to his Christianprofession, and a traitor to hisChurch.’ Some Protestants resent-ed the presence of the sect in theirlocal community whom theyregarded as troublesome outsiders.A fiercely critical letter by ‘ALoyal Subject’ appeared in theKing’s County Chronicle (19April, 1900) protesting against ameeting of the sect in a woodenhall erected at Bourney, midwaybetween Roscrea andTemplemore: ‘These obstinate andself-opinionated saints…Thewhole thing has so far proved only

disgusting hypocrisy and profani-ty, and a moral nuisance in theneighbourhood.’ In an article inthe Impartial Reporter (13 July,1917), the sect was described as ‘amovement which most sane peo-ple would regard as mischievous.’

COONEYITES PROVOKEHOSTILE REACTION

Such was the intense anger thesect incited, whole communitiesoften turned against them. Onoccasion Edward Cooney receivedpolice protection because of thefury he fermented amongst thegeneral public. In Newtownardsthe townspeople threatened toexpel Cooneyites as they weresimilarly ‘hunted out’ ofBallynahinch. At StrangfordLough the Cooneyites were‘almost driven into the sea.’ InSwords windows were smashed ata house where the sect met requir-ing police intervention. InEngland the sect stirred up a hos-tile reaction. A crowd of 3,000men and women drove Cooneyite‘Go Preachers’ out of the quaintmarket town at Sudbury in WestSuffolk. Overseers of the neigh-bouring parishes issued a signedstatement warning the countrypeople against the ‘TrampPreachers,’ while a number ofministers of various denomina-tions also signed a similar caution.At Debenham the quiet country-side was reported to be in ‘uproar’over the activities of the sect.

THE PEARSON’SRELIGIOUS BIGOTRY

Although the young Pearson boysonce hurled for the local nationalschool team the family later devel-oped a disdain for theirRepublican neighbours. In anarms raid in the area the IRAforcibly seized two guns from thePearsons who refused to handthem over. From 1918 onwardshouses of farmers and othersknown to possess shotguns weretargeted by Irish Volunteers. Armswere collected from those whowere friendly to Republicans andcommandeered from Loyalists.Patrick O’Riordan, ViceCommandant of the 4th Battalion(Birr), recalled that ‘generallyspeaking, the owners of the guns,Catholic and Protestant alike, gavethem up to us voluntarily when wecalled, and in very few cases hadthe guns to be seized by threat orforce.’By 1920 the Pearson’s ties withthe local community underwent aninexorable decline accentuated byan acrimonious dispute of thefamily’s origin. In what smackedof religious intolerance the familyblocked Catholics from accessinga traditional local Mass path.Cooneyities deplored religiousmeetings held in a ‘church build-ing’ as ‘the false way.’ The eldestbrothers often galloped on horse-back through groups of SundayMass goers to force them off theroads. The family was immersedin a deluge of sweeping sectarian-ism which was embedded inCooneyism. Not to be outdone thesisters tried to block access to theMass path by linking arms togeth-er to form a human barrier. ThePearson sisters were known to beas belligerent as their men folk.Women, on all sides, were regard-ed as more extreme than men.During the period of WW1 thewives of British Army soldiers,the so-called ‘separation women,’often violently opposed the IrishVolunteers. With RIC connivance,the separation women along witha number of young boys orches-trated the attack on the Sinn Féinrooms in Tullamore on 20 March1916. The following year the‘Separationist faction’ organised ahostile demonstration andengaged in stone throwing whenEamon de Valera visitedTullamore attracting a crowd of

PAGE FIFTEENTRIBUNE, 7th November, 2007 Exclusive Tribune FeatureThe following exclusive Tribune feature on the Pearsons is partly based on two illustrated lectures Philip McConway gave this year. The first lecture on 15 January at the Offaly Historicaland Archaeological Society (OHAS) in Tullamore was entitled ‘Spies, Informers, and Militant Loyalists: The Intelligence War in Offaly 1920-21.’ The article also contains material takenfrom a lecture he delivered to Birr Historical Society ‘The South Offaly No. 2 Brigade Irish Republican Army, 1920-21’ on 15 October. The recent RTÉ Hidden History documentary TheKillings at Coolacrease referred to him as the author of the ‘The IRA in Offaly, 1920-21.’ This is inaccurate. This was the subject of an M.Phil thesis which will be published at a laterdate. In his contribution, which was heavily edited, he was also quoted as saying the Pearson women were present at the execution. This is not his position having reassessed all theavailable evidence some months ago. On 25 September he notified this position in writing to the director stating it was dubious the Pearson women witnessed the execution.

PART 1

William StanleyWilliam Pearson

The scene of the execution. Richard and Abraham Pearson werelined up against the inside wall to the left of the main archway.The execution was botched with the IRA firing squad failing toadminister a coup de grace.

Michael McCormack, O/C.3rd Southern Division (Offaly,Laois and North Tipperary).He was critical of the No. 2Brigade’s poor sniping abili-ties.

The ruins of the Pearson family farm at Coolacrease, over a mile from Cadamstown and four miles from Kinnity.

Motive for the Execution: The road where members of ‘C’Company, Kinnity, were engaged in a road block operation byfelling a tree. The three eldest Pearson brothers attempted to killVolunteers by firing with shotguns. Two Volunteers were wound-ed, one of whom received a serious stomach injury. Both the RICand IRA were firm and unequivocal on the motive for the execu-tion.

Peter Lyons, IntelligenceOfficer, ‘D’ DrumcullenCompany. Peripheral involve-ment in the Pearson execu-tions supplying a rifle to theActive Service Unit (ASU) whoacted as the firing squad.

Michael Cordial wearing aFree State Army uniformwhere he served with the rankof Lieutenant. He was the IRA3rd Battalion’s (Kilcormac)quartermaster.

Michael Cordial and Peter Lyons, members of the Offaly HurlingJunior team which won the Leinster Junior Title in 1915. TheCordial brothers were renowned for their hurling skill in Offalyand New York. There was a crossover of membership between theGAA and IRA. To what extent this applied to Offaly requires fur-ther research.

J.J. Horan arrested andimprisoned in Tullamore Jail.He was later interned in theRath Camp, Curragh. ThePearsons were widely believedto be responsible for hisarrest.

John Dillon, a victim of thePearson’s informing activities.He was imprisoned inTullamore Jail and later trans-ferred to the Rath InternmentCamp.

Thomas Burke, GHQ organis-er and later O/C Offaly No. 2Brigade IRA.

The Pearsons Of Coolacrease

10,000 people. At an anti-con-scription meeting in Tullamorebricks and other missile werethrown injuring a number ofVolunteers. The RIC complainedhow the IRA’s war in Offaly‘would have waned before this[May 1921], if the influence of thewomen had not kept it alive.’Ernie O’Malley, a leading IRACommander, observed: ‘The girlsand women glorified the fight-ing…The women were more bitterthan the men.’Arrest of Local Republicans

The Pearson’s bitterness towardstheir community heightened fol-lowing a heated argument betweenRichard and John Dillon, a localRepublican. The family wasalmost certainly to blame whenJohn Dillon and anotherRepublican J.J Horan, were laterarrested. The Pearsons were saidto have gloated over the arrests byerecting white flags on their farmin a triumphant display of loyalistsupremacy and mocked the IRAfor having ‘surrendered.’ ThePearsons openly courted Crownforce support and their actionswere vigorously aggressive andprovocative. Michael Cordial,Quartermaster, 3rd Battalion(Kilcormac), South Offaly No. 2Brigade IRA stated: ‘They were -particularly – so, the male mem-bers of the family, father and threesons – violently opposed to theNational Movement and theylooked with contempt on localVolunteers or IRA men.’ As withnumerous informers and oppo-nents of the IRA in Offaly thefamily was warned several timesto refrain from antagonisingRepublicans. Richard threatenedto burn down the house of aVolunteer who warned him.

REPUBLICAN STRATEGYHARDENS TOWARDS

LOYALISTCOLLABORATORS

Since March 1921 Dáil Éireannaccepted formal responsibility forthe actions of the IRA. Accordingto the RIC and the British Armythe majority of people sympa-thised and supported the IRA inOffaly by the time of the execu-tion of the Pearson brothers. InJune 1921 the RIC in Offaly com-plained of ‘losing the support ofthe large section in every commu-nity, who like to be on the winningside.’ The Offaly IRA was in theascent and experiencing wide-spread support. The popular legit-imacy of Republicans was reflect-ed in their substantial democraticmandate both at a local andnational level as well as the suc-cess of the arbitration courts. In afatal misjudgement the Pearsonsbanked on British victory andRepublican defeat. By June 1921 the burning of loy-

alist collaborators’ homes, spear-

headed by the Cork IRA, wasstandard IRA policy. However, noperson was regarded as an ‘Enemyof Ireland, whether they may bedescribed locally as Unionist,Orangeman, etc. except that theyare actively anti-Irish in their out-look and in their actions.’ ThePearsons were aggressive in theiroutlook and, above all, in theiractions. Republicans pointed outhow, until a very late stage in thewar, there was no retaliation bythe IRA when the houses andproperty of Republicans weredestroyed by the Crown forces.This strategy of restraint wascounter productive as the Crownforces continued their reprisalswith gusto while giving a freehand to loyalist collaborators.

On 22 June 1921, eight daysbefore the execution of thePearsons, an IRA General Orderon counter-reprisals with the sanc-tion of Dáil Éireann was circulat-ed. The order was deemed neces-sary to prevent destruction by theCrown forces of Republican hous-es and property. The order out-lined how it was ‘desirable’ that‘the most active enemies ofIreland’ should be ordered out ofthe country or have their landsconfiscated. Republicans high-lighted how the policy of modera-tion failed:

The restraint andmoderation…under well nighintolerable provocation, to retali-ate with methods employed by theenemy had no effect upon the con-science or policy of the Britishgovernment and a deplorablesmall effect upon their few activesupporters in Ireland, whoappeared to suppose that under theshelter of the terrorist Britishforces they could continue to com-mit high treason with impunityand at the same time contemplatethe flaming homesteads of theirpatriotic fellow countrymen withcold indifference or activeapproval.

ATTEMPTED KILLING OFIRA VOLUNTEERS

From their intimate relationshipwith the Crown forces thePearsons developed a false senseof security. The Pearson brothersbecame more emboldened andmilitant in challenging the IRA. InJune 1921 Volunteers from thelocal Kinnitty ‘C’ Company, 3rdBattalion were ordered to fell atree to block the road atCoolacrease. The planned road-block, a routine military operationfor Volunteers, was in place for ananticipated attack on Crownforces in Birr. Shortly after mid-night the three eldest Pearsonbrothers, Richard, 24, Sidney, 20,Abraham, 19 fired with shotgunson the Volunteers cutting down atree. Two Volunteers were wound-ed, one of whom received a seri-

ous stomach injury. Constantly pushing the boundarieswith the local IRA, the Pearsonsfinally crossed the Rubicon. Thelocal IRA’s unwillingness to con-front the threat posed by thePearsons almost led to the killingof two of their comrades. The dan-ger was left to the senior IRA lead-ership of the No. 2 Brigade todefuse. The IRA’s kid gloves werenow off. With the attemptedkilling of Volunteers the eldestPearson brothers collectivelysigned their death warrant.Retaliation was now of imperativemilitary necessity to safeguardlocal Republicans. The No. 2 Brigade’s ResponseOn 26 June 1921 the attack wasreported to Thomas ‘Squint’Burke, the No. 2 Brigade O/C. Ata 3rd Battalion meeting inKilcormac Burke decided to exe-cute the three eldest Pearsonbrothers and burn down theirhouse. The No. 2 Brigade under-went an unprecedented ruthlessdirection when Burke became thenew O/C in May 1921. Burke wasa one time medical studentattached to the Dublin IRA. Heserved as a GHQ appointed organ-iser in south Offaly on a weeklywage of £5.10 where he led a fly-ing column. Ernie O’Malley wasone of earliest GHQ organiserssent to Offaly for a short durationin 1918. In early 1921 two organ-isers were sent to south Offaly byGHQ. Both were unsuccessful andrecalled by the IRA Chief of Staff.Undeterred, GHQ then sentBurke, one of their best men, inwhat was a determined effort tointensify the war in Offaly.Burke replaced Seán Mahon asBrigade O/C who was arrested inearly May 1921 during a majorround up by the Crown forces.Burke was pivotal in reviving thefortunes of the much criticisedBrigade. An ability to guarantee amore merciless and clinicalapproach was why GHQ elevatedBurke to be the new Brigade O/C.From Portumna, Co. Galway,Burke had none of the parochialbaggage which may have curtailedthe actions of his predecessor whowas criticised for his poor leader-ship ability and incompetence.The young medical student’sascension signalled a new depar-ture more to the taste of GHQ thanthe diffident local IRA. Shortly after Burke assumed com-mand a No. 2 Brigade ActiveService Unit (ASU) numberingfive Volunteers ambushed andfatally wounded two RIC consta-bles at Kinnity on 17 May 1921.Six days later the O/C of this ASUshot a spy near Mountbolus. Thefollowing month Burke orderedthe execution of two informers,both of whom were ex-soldiers. The local IRA was accountable toGHQ for any execution. In casesof ‘communication with theEnemy,’ GHQ required that allsentences were to be ratified bythe Brigade O/C. Reports of exe-cutions were sent to the AdjutantGeneral in GHQ. Suspicion alonewas not enough to warrant an exe-cution. Richard Mulcahy, IRAChief of Staff, stipulated wherethere were any doubts surroundingthe guilt of an informer GHQ wasto be contacted. Mulcahy warnedthe O/C Tipperary, No. 2 Brigade:‘You must be very careful thatwhere there is any doubt the cor-rectness of any evidence allegedagainst spies the matter is referredto GHQ, before any action is takenagainst them.’ Seamus O’Meara,O/C Westmeath Brigade IRA,saved several people who weresuspected of spying from beingshot as there was ‘no actual proof,only suspicion.’ The procedureadopted towards suspectedinformers was to send them awarning letter. Unlike in Offalysuch warnings seemed to have the‘desired effect.’

In June 1921 Burke complainedto GHQ over the executions oftwo informers, one in Cloghan andanother near Belmont, that‘Warnings in such cases is [sic]useless.’ In relation to severalother people strongly suspected ofinforming in the area Burkedeclared it was ‘practically impos-sible to get proof of their guilt.’Aninformer ordered out of an arealater joined the Black and Tansand subsequently ‘convicted sev-eral men arrested in the district onvarious charges.’ Tipperary IRAleader Dan Breen stressed: ‘Ouronly mistake may have been thatwe set at liberty many whom wehad ample evidence; they receivedthe benefit of the slightest doubt.’

Militant loyalism not informingsealed the Pearson’s fate. In areport sent to GHQ Burke record-ed the reasons why he ordered theexecution of the two Pearsonbrothers and the burning of theirhome:The men who fired were recog-

nised by the men present to bethree brothers named Pearson.These Pearsons were sons of aProtestant [sic] farmer in the dis-trict. They had always displayedopen hostility towards the IRAand have been active in promotingthe Ulster Volunteer movement intheir district in which there are anumber of ‘Planters.’Having satisfied myself byenquiries from the Coy Capt,Kinnity, and Officers present atBattalion Council, that there wasno doubt about the identity of themen who fired, I ordered thatthese men be executed and theirhouses destroyed. Destruction oftheir premises was essential toremove other members of the fam-ily from the district to safeguardour forces. The enemy is kept wellinformed of the actions and per-sonnel of our force in the districtand arrests have been frequent.There is good grounds for suspect-ing the family of transmittinginformation. Two of these men –Pearsons- were duly executed on1/7/21 [sic] and their housesdestroyed by fire...

It is possible Burke receivedauthorisation from a senior IRAleader, Michael McCormack, O/C3rd Southern Division (coveringOffaly, Laois, and NorthTipperary) which was establishedin May 1921.

RIC AND IRA UNANIMITYON MOTIVE FOR

EXECUTION In the monthly report for June1921, sent to GHQ, JosephReddin, Adjutant No. 2 Brigade,wrote: ‘Two hostile Unionistsexecuted for levying War on mem-bers of this Coy [Kinnity] whenoperating on road blockade aweek previous. Also the house andits contents were destroyed.’ Atthe Military Court of Inquiry inlieu of an inquest the RIC Queen’sCounty Inspector maintained themotive for the execution was thatRichard and Abraham Pearsonsaw two men, ‘Sinn Feiners,’felling a tree on their land adjoin-ing the road and told the men toclear off. When they refused thePearsons fetched two guns, firedat and wounded two men. Both theRIC and IRA were firm andunequivocal over the motive forthe execution. There was no ambi-guity.

THE EXECUTION OFRICHARD AND ABRAHAM

PEARSONUp to thirty IRA Volunteers wereinvolved in the operation to exe-cute the Pearson brothers and burndown their house. The Volunteerswere mostly drawn from the 3rdBattalion comprising four compa-nies ‘A’ Killoughey, ‘B’Kilcormac, ‘C’ Kinnitty and ‘D’Drumcullen. The main ASU num-bered about ten men, armed withrifles, who acted as the firingsquad. On 30 June 1921, at 4 p.m.

a number of Volunteers surround-ed the Pearson’s house. OtherVolunteers went to where Richardand Abraham were working in ahay field about thirty yards away.The IRA ordered the two brothersto put up their hands and go up tothe house. They were taken to ayard at the back of the house, toldof the execution order, and thenshot by the firing squad.The ASU botched the execution

and did not carry out a coup degrâce by finishing the two broth-ers off with head shots. The OffalyIRA had limited experience inshootings and their training wasminimal. They were not battlehardened veterans. Almost twoweeks previously, the 2ndBattalion (Cloghan) IRA bungledthe shooting of an informer. ThreeVolunteers armed with two riflesand a shotgun were lying in waitto kill the chief clerk at Perry’smills in Belmont. The Volunteerarmed with the shotgun was over-ly uptight and fired prematurelywhen the target was over sixtyyards away. This lapse in militarydiscipline enabled the fortunateman, an ex-soldier, to escape withhis life. The Offaly IRA preferred to spe-

cialise in low risk sabotage. Theiractivities were praised by AntÓglach, the IRA journal. TheOffaly IRA blamed the flat coun-tryside and the perceived poor ter-rain for their lack of success inambushes. This was more of anexcuse than a valid reason. Therewas a chronic lack of decisiveleadership which had a debilitat-ing affect on operations. The No. 2 Brigade’s military defi-ciencies were noted by MichaelMcCormack, O/C 3rd SouthernDivision. In a correspondencewith GHQ, McCormack observed:‘Their sniping is poor, as you willdoubtlessly have noticed & conse-quently the enemy have adaptedan attitude of contempt for theBrigade in general.’ McCormackexpressed disappointment howIRA training camps could not bemore elaborate due to the absenceof ‘good officer material.’ Theinadequate educational back-ground of many of the IRA offi-cers hampered aspects of the train-ing regime. Volunteers whoattended a training camp duringthe Truce were reported to be‘very slack in any military knowl-edge.’At 6.55 p.m., while leaving the

dispensary in Kinnity, DrFrederick W. Woods was told thetwo Pearson brothers had beenshot. Dr Woods immediately pro-ceeded to Coolacrease on a bicy-cle. On arrival at 7.30 p.m. he sawRichard Pearson lying on a mat-tress in a field at the back of thehouse. By this stage Richard lost aconsiderable amount of blood.Had medical assistance arrivedsooner the lives of the two broth-ers may have been saved. Richardreceived superficial wounds to theleft shoulder, a deep wound in theright groin and right buttock.There were also wounds to the leftlower leg of a superficial natureand about six wounds to the back.Dr Woods dressed the woundsantiseptically. After attending toAbraham, Dr Woods returned toKinnitty at about 8.45 p.m. At10.45 p.m. the RIC came to thedoctor’s house. He again left for Coolacrease. By

the time the doctor arrivedRichard was already dead. Thecause of death was shock andhaemorrhage. On examining thebody again Dr Woods found adangerous wound he had not pre-viously discovered. Abraham wasremoved to Crinkle Barracks inBirr. He had extensive wounds tothe left cheek, left shoulder, leftthigh and the lower left leg. Hewas also wounded in the abdomenand the lower part of the spinalcolumn was fractured. At 6 a.m.the next morning Abraham diedfrom ‘shock due to gunshotwounds.’ The remains wereinterred at the family place atBallacolla in Co. Laois.The Pearson episode was tragic.

However, the manner of theirdeaths was no less traumatic thanmany members of the Crownforces and IRA who died duringthis time. On 21 September 1920RIC Sergeant Denis McGuire, 44,was shot through the right eye byan IRA sniper at Ferbane. He died

of his wounds in the CountyInfirmary eight days later leavinga widow and six children. LiamDignam, 23, O/C 1st Battalion(Clara), No. 2 Brigade waswounded by the Black and Tans inClara on 25 October 1920.Dignam, who was unarmed, wasshot in the back, above the rightkidney, leaving a large woundwhile trying to escape with hiscompanions into a house. He fellat a door step writhing in agony.Removed to the County Infirmaryhe succumbed to his wounds on 21March 1921.

Peter Lyons, IRA IntelligenceOfficer: ‘They [IRA] did whatthey should do.’The day before the executionSidney, the third target, left withhis father to attend a wedding fes-tival in Tipperary from where theyproceeded to Mountmellick. TheIRA, using hay sprinkled withpetrol, set fire to the Pearson homeand out houses which were com-pletely destroyed. Ricks of hayand straw were also burned. Agroup of Volunteers transferringthe arms used in the executionback to Kinnitty were surroundedby Crown forces but managed toescape. IRA Volunteer PeterLyons had a peripheral involve-ment in the execution. He, alongwith another Volunteer, collected arifle at Cloghan which was trans-ferred to other Volunteers who inturn gave it to the IRA firingsquad. Lyons blocked the road toprevent any surprise Crown forcepatrol interfering with the execu-tion. A party of Volunteers were inposition in Kinnittyy to harass anyattempt by the Crown forces tocarry out a reprisal. Over sixtyyears after the event Lyonsremained unrepentant: ‘Peoplelook back now and say didn’t theIRA do this, and didn’t the IRA dothat, but they did what they shoulddo. I mean to say those two wentout and fired on them where theywere fighting for their country.’

PROPAGANDA FALL OUTThe Pearson’s mother, sisters, andtwo cousins claimed to have wit-nessed the execution. It is dubiousif any of the Pearson women werepermitted to view the execution.In the words of Ethel Pearson, asister of the executed brothers:‘My mother who was in a faintingcondition was carried by my twobrothers into a little wood we callthe Grove and we all went withher by the order of the raiders.’This was confirmed by MichaelCordial: ‘The house was sur-rounded and all women folk wereremoved from the scene.’ Ethelfalsely swore how some of theIRA firing squad used shotguns.As she did not witness the execu-tion this was mere speculationwhich was disproved by the med-ical evidence. Dr Woods gave evi-dence into how the wounds werecaused by revolver or rifle bullets.

The execution offered an idealopportunity to exploit the per-ceived bloodthirstiness ofRepublicans. A Dublin Castlepropaganda article was producedwhich alleged the IRA looted thehouse while rehashing an allega-tion by Ethel Pearson about ‘filthymuddy water’ apparently given toher mother when ‘plenty of cleanwater was obtainable.’ It isunknown if the article, dated 9July 1921, was ever published as itseems the intervention of theTruce consigned the horror storyto cold storage. The article was twisted for maxi-

mum emotional outrage to dehu-manise Republicans. It includedmacabre details of the IRA enter-taining themselves by playing‘ragtime music’ on a piano andviolins while the execution wascarried out. This propaganda strat-egy was known within DublinCastle parlance as ‘verisimili-tude,’ whereby stories would havethe appearance of truth. The lies inthe propaganda document werepartly based on the deception ofSusan Matilda and Ethel Pearson.Significantly, some elements oftruth surfaced. In a telling slip thewomen were reported to havebeen ‘placed on a little hill justoutside the back of the house.’This was the grove, further under-lining how the Pearson womenwere not in a position to witnessthe execution.

PART TWO NEXT WEEK