phenomenological inquiry in tribal engagement

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Running Head: Phenomenological inquiry in Tribal Conflict

Phenomenological Inquiry in Tribal Conflict Engagement

Patrick James Christian Ph.D Student

NSU-Graduate School of Humanities & Social Science

Department of Conflict Analysis & Resolution10 November 2011

Abstract

International efforts to engage and mitigate violent intrastate conflicts have seen spectacular

failures recently including the United Nations Missions in Somalia, Darfur, South Sudan, the

Congo, Rwanda, Bosnia, and southwest Asia. This paper asserts a requirement for

phenomenological inquiry as a fundamental part of the praxis of engagement and mediation

of violent conflict within and between emerging cultures and tribes. Such inclusion of

qualitative research is essential to adequately discover the range of issues affecting the

conflict parties and how the various phenomenological conditions affect their sociological

and political behavior.

Left to Right: wooden texts from Baldong Village, Darfur Sudan; pre-Amaric stones with captions in Giza from Axum,

thio ia; Shackled human remains rom the irls’ school in um Berro Villa e, Dar ur Sudan



Phenomenological inquiry in Tribal Conflict

2 | P a g e © P a t r i c k J C h r i s t i a n P r i n c i p a l C o n s u l t a n t L L C

Introduction

Phenomenological inquiry is not yet a commonly accepted methodology of field research

in tribal conflict engagement. Instead, positivist influenced forms of research dominate the

discourse of tribal and emerging culture engagement of violent conflict within the regional

and international governing bodies that sponsor such activities. Such engagement teams haveeternally approached emerging cultural conflict from an etic research perspective despite

their immersion in the intercultural and/or ethnic conflict that drew them there. Etic and its

opposite, emic, are two words derived from the linguistic terms phonetic and phonemic

respectively. These terms relate to a linguistic perspective where the participant views and

evaluates language from within (phonemic) or from without (phonetic). The words emic and

etic were derived by analogy 1 from their linguistic parents to denote perspective and

understanding from within or without the cultural center (Lett, 1990). Etic oriented

researchers emanate from decision making structures that continue to rely on scientificresearch strategies that share a common epistemology; one that seeks to “restrict fields of

inquiry to events, entities, and relationships that are knowable by means of explicit, logico-

empirical, inductive-deductive, quantifiable public procedures or "operations" subject to

replication by independent observers” (Harris, 1976, p. 329). Field engagement teams that

conduct various forms of government sponsored research in conflict zones often fail to

understand or even discover the underlying cognitive structures or psychological and

emotional forces that drive the violence into intractability. The former global ideological

construct of bi-polarized political stalemate based on totalizing enforcement not only

tolerated such failure, but artfully integrated it into the conflict discourse. Since the collapse

of that discourse with the fall of the Berlin Wall, government sponsors are beginning to ask

for better research, clearer answers and strategies that are evolved from an internal or emic

understanding rather than the researcher’s etic approach. Between the emic tribes in the

throes of violent confrontation and the etic researchers struggling to makes sense of a

chaotic human tapestry, there exists a reality that even ethnography fails to penetrate.

Introduced correctly, phenomenological inquiry offers relief from the opacity of the

sociological confusion that accompanies tribal conflict. Defining phenomenological inquiry in tribal engagement

Reduced to its most basic explanation, phenomenological inquiry seeks to understand the

cognitive and emotional representations of what those humans we are researching, advising,

mediating with or otherwise engaging are experiencing. Phenomenology is less concerned

1 By Kenneth Pike, a linguistic anthropologist in 1954 based upon the words Phonetic and Phonemic.




with the actual reality that creates the cognitive and emotional representations in the mind of

the participants, but rather what appears to them (Smith, 2011). Phenomenology is

concerned with what the participants perceive to be emanating from the reality they are part

of and the “meaning-intention or meaning fulfillment (Husserl, 2001, p. 167)” of their cognition

and emotion as expressed in language, thought or reason. Although separate activities,cognition and emotion interact as variable-or-result and can present themselves

simultaneously (Eysenk & Keane, 2000). The cognitive processing of terror for instance can

be simultaneously mirrored by the emotional state of terror and both represent human

experience and a phenomenological representation of the objects that produced them. The

phenomenon studied is how the object that produces the terror appears to those who

experience it. Perhaps one of the clearest descriptions of phenomenology is by Sokolowski

(2007) who writes that such an inquiry is “the study of human experience and of the way

things present themselves to us through such experience” (p. 2). In the example above,terror manifests itself through the experiential cognition and emotion of sensory perception.

Patton (1990) writes that phenomenological study is "focused on descriptions of what

people experience and how it is that they experience what they experience" (p. 71). Using

Creswell’s (2007) replacement of what with texture and how with structure (p. 60), the

texture of how terror might be experienced consists of received visual, audible, tactile, and

olfactory stimuli combined with internal cognitive functions of memory, awareness and

imagination (among others) to create a mental object. In the arena of tribal conflict analysis,

the how (structure) of that experience is often the most frequently described portion of the

event, even to the exclusion of the what (texture) of that experience. This is because the

structure constitutes the participant’s representative account of actors involved and the

activities as they seemed to occur that invoked or created the conditions for the experience.

The most visible part of the phenomenological inquiry, the structure is what is most often

related in communication because it is the least invasive to the participant. Left unrelated is

often the completion of the meaning experience. The phenomenological texture is avoided

at best, painfully invasive as the description of such reenactments must be, in contexts where

suffering and dying are an integral part of the landscape. At worst, texture is substituted by

the researcher for “the naïve acceptance and assessment of objects, whose existence hasbeen posited in the acts now receiving phenomenological treatment” (Husserl, 2001). These

surface understandings gleaned from past personal experience are small measure of

replacement for the realities that shape and construct the complex narratives of tribal

conflict.





If such substitution of the etic articulation of reason over the emic description of the

object’s appearance is to be avoided, phenomenological inquiry must capture and describe

both the structure and the texture of the object to be studied. A phenomenological object of

terror for instance is not complete without both parts of its essence. The midnight raid of

an opposing militia; bullets that puncture the walls of a fragile abode; the roaring mix of riders on horses and militia on technicals mounted with machine guns and the audible

expulsion of empty casing cartridges as they spatter the ground around the entry of the

village and the houses within constitute the structure of an experience in terror. The blast of

noise that pulls the sleeping occupant awake during the raid; the smell of cordite mixed with

the tactile feel on hands and legs of something wet and warm smelling of coppery cinder; the

cognition of blood that is not his and therefore his child’s; the explosive startle as holes

explode in the walls above the bed raining wood and mud brick down upon the bedclothes

soaked with wet, warm fluid and the new smell of excrement constitute a glimpse of thetexture of an experience in terror. The verbs of feel, sleep, awaken, startle, touch, smell, and

hear describe the intentionality of the man’s experience. The direct object expressions such

as bullets that puncture and casings that spatter the ground articulates the presentation of

structure and its link to the texture of the experience; the man hears the casings spatter, sees

the bullets puncture and feels the wet, warm fluids from his first person perspective. He

reacts not to the external events, but rather to what the external events mean, how they

appear, what they portend (Laverty, 2003). Together, the interior perceived texture

combined with the structure of how he experienced the appearance of the object of terror

constitutes what Creswell calls “the essential, invariant structure (or essence) (Creswell, 2007, p.

62)” of the phenomenon. Written descriptively in research, phenomenological presentments

provide a cognitive and emotive understanding to the reader of what the subject

experienced. Such rich descriptions of lived experience must be based on meanings that are

inspired by intimate, clear, authentic perceptions gained by a return “to the ‘things

themselves’” (Husserl, 2001, p. 168) rather than the individual assumptions of distant

decision makers.

Types and forms of phenomenological inquiry The decision to include phenomenological inquiry as a component of the praxis of

engaging tribes or cultures in conflict is based on the scientific evaluation of research

requirements. Questions that I would think to be relevant in this decision might be: can the






teams engaging people who are participants to violent conflict make sense of the sociological schemas 2 before

them without delving into the meaning of some of the experiential phenomena? The relevancy of this

question might be explained by reviewing participatory action research attempts at

expanding agricultural production in drought prone areas of eastern Chad: how did last year’s

famine caused by two years of drought affect the participant’s perspectives on farming, food production, and survival? Famine is an important phenomenological object that interferes with participant

goals of adaptation of new agricultural methods. It has an ideation of its own, secretive in its

shame and ruthlessness, which lives in the cognition and narrative of those who’ve

experienced its deadly intimacy. Unless the researchers understand the texture and structure

(the essence) of the mental object of famine as it appeared to the participants and the

meaning they created out of their hunger and death of their children, they may well never be

able to engage the meaning laden discourse with the tribe. This prevents the introduction of

agrarian reform solutions that might alleviate the conditions and causes of future famine.Understanding the mental representations by the participants of the phenomenon (such as

hunger, terror, loss, alienation, and shame) extant in their Lebenswelt is essential to the

praxis of mediation, facilitation, negotiation, and participatory action strategies that reduce or

mitigate violent conflict. Into these questions the researcher incorporates analysis of the

type of phenomena dominating tribal discourse and reviews some of the forms of

phenomenology to determine research design.

The forms and methods of phenomenological research can be systematic and scientific

as the researcher applies methodological design to meet the needs of his inquiry. “Like all

good science, they require critical thinking, creativity, and reflective decision making that

give rise to many procedural variations and innovations” (Wertz, 2005). As a beginning

point for selecting phenomenological form, the particular psychological or sociological

obstacle to tribal defense or development initiatives establishes the discursive forum for the

researchers to begin exploration. Using the earlier example of the mental object of famine,

the particular underlying issue to be explored might be a phenomenological representation

of hunger and loss. Alternatively, it might be a different representation linked to aleatory

expectation of desert societies, or psycho-geological identity imprinting that prevents some

sociological schemas from adapting to forced relocation (eg: from mountain to agriculturalpreserve)3. The loss of a geological, geographical habitat can be every bit as delimiting to

survival adaptation as other forms of cultural dissonance present in such communities (Stein,

2 I use the term sociological schema to refer to the collective social structures within a given community of

communication, activity and the making of meaning that reflects a particular identity group’s Lebenswelt or life‐

world (Sokolowski, 2007, p. 146). 3 The Teuso or Eke Tribe of northern Uganda is an example of such psycho‐geological identity imprinting.




1984). Between the engaged tribe’s failure of survival adaptation and the absence of

researcher knowledge of how to develop engagement strategies is the arena of research for

the phenomena involved. For Wertz, this constitutes “some gap between knowledge and

reality that requires qualitative knowledge, that is, an understanding of what occurs” (p. 170).

By understanding how the phenomenon involved ‘appears to’ the participants combined with their descriptions of how it affects them in beliefs, choices and attitudes, developmental

and defensive strategies can be altered or created anew to meet survival adaptation needs of

the conflict culture in question.

There are several variant forms of phenomenological inquiry that offer substantive

differences for field researchers assembling their praxis of conflict engagement. These

variant forms can be linked to some of the more expected adaptation and survival issues that

tribal engagement practitioners face. Without trying to make a one-for-one selection of

phenomenological form for tribal conflict issue, some natural points of inter-operativecomparison can be made to assist in the analysis of the variant forms and selection for use

by the researcher in the field. First, there appear to be more forms or variations of

phenomenology either in use or development than shared here; those that I have chosen are

supported by a number of phenomenological research leaders including Patton (1990),

Moustakas (1994), and Creswell (2007) who strive to operationalize the philosophy of

phenomenology into the research method of phenomenological inquiry. Much of this

philosophical discipline is widely debated with major schools of thought divided between the

early architects of this approach including Husserl and Heidegger and those schools of

thought have contributed to the development of the forms of phenomenology that are

available to field research in tribal conflict. Roughly, the primary forms that I believe to be

most useful to field research in tribal conflict include, hermeneutic, existential and

psychological or transcendental phenomenology. A final form of interest to emerging

culture conflict is ethical phenomenology which has applications for extreme inter/intra-

tribal violence.

Hermeneutic phenomenology, or hermeneutics, as a form of research originated with

philosophical theories of Martin Heidegger (Laverty, 2003). But the application has

expanded throughout most of the social sciences to include archaeology (Johnsen & Olsen,1992), anthropology (Ranco, 2006), Sociology (Schröer, 2009), International Relations

(Rogers, 1996), and Psychology (Wertz, 2005) amongst other fields. A central challenge of

any tribal or emerging culture engagement activity is the inherent “unreachability of others'

subjective awareness [and] the context-boundedness of linguistic utterances (Schröer, 2009, p. 2)”

between members of different cultural contexts. Early hermeneutics involved the study and





interpretation of often religious texts laden content reflecting social, historical, and cultural

context that continues to remain central to our task of engaging emerging cultures in

conflict. This is especially so as the field has evolved from principally text based forms to the

full range of human communication to include multi-media. What makes hermeneutics

important and useful as a method of inquiry in tribal conflict is its focus on the hostperspective and the historical, social and cultural context that the perspective is embedded

within. A central question that illustrates such an approach to research might be the

following question: What is the nature of the participants’ interpretation of reading and comparing their

historical accounts of Arab versus their African heritage? Such a question would be a prerequisite for

disentangling tribes engaged in violent contest over the meaning and ownership of Muslim

forms of social construction that benefit one cultural group and detriment another. This is

where hermeneutics can become a powerful tool to exposing the hidden context that

permeates the Lebenswelt of the conflict society:Hermeneutic research is interpretive and concentrated on historical meanings of experience and their developmental and cumulative effects on individual and social levels. This interpretive process includes explicit statements of the historical movements or philosophies that are guiding interpretation as well as the presuppositions that motivate the individuals who make the interpretations (Barclay, 1992; Polkinghorne 1983) (Laverty, 2003, pp. 15-16).

Without unpacking the complex meanings associated with each cultural participant

group’s narrative story, field researchers will have a difficult time understanding the issues in

such high context societies. This is because they (and often their external interpreter

support) are immersed in a “historical context different from that in which the actions and

texts they seek to understand are situated…[and] it would appear that we could never be

assured of confronting anything other than a construct of our own socio-historical horizon”

(Owensby, 1994, p. 3). Mediation, facilitation and other engagement strategies do not come

with a translation service and the field researcher conducting tribal engagement is left to

their own devices to avoid inadvertent replacement of social reality with “a fictional non-

existing world constructed by the scientific observer” (Schultz, 1970). An example of this is

the Fur tribe of Baldong Village in Jebel Mara, Western Darfur. This community’s African

tribal history is intricately mixed with the tenants of Islamic law and social order, but in a way that provides women a higher, more elevated position within the social order. This

history is written in Arabic on large carved wooden plaques that are communal in ownership

between the village heads of families. To read them is an exercise in fantasy and fiction

according to Arab Muslims who have been able to see them. Such dismissive attitudes result

from a belief that these intricate mixtures of African, Arab and Muslim meanings constitute





heresy and blasphemy and the wooden plaques of tribal history have been singled out for

destruction during inter-tribal conflict. Hermeneutic inquiry into the wooden texts then,

allows the conflict researcher to map out the cultural and identity positions and interests

underlying the psycho-cultural needs of the community as part of the mediation, facilitation

and engagement process.Existential and transcendental phenomenology are similar to hermeneutical in that they

are all concerned with the perspective and meaning making of the participant individually

and within the collective. Where hermeneutical adds in the requirement of historical meaning

and context as an element of understanding how they affect or filter the present, existential

and transcendental forms of phenomenology focus on the placement of the researcher. In

existential forms of phenomenology, the focus is on the ontology of being in the world

rather than transcending the lived world. Thus research questions such as how do the survivors

of an inter-tribal attack on a village understand and perceive the nature of their realities, seek tounderstand what has changed or what has stayed the same. His research questions might

focus on understanding their connection to tribal lands and resources, sociological structure

of the tribe and its relations with other tribes all up against the backdrop of the ongoing

violent conflict as a necessary precondition for the co-creation with the tribe of strategies for

defense and development.

By contrast, transcendental or psychological phenomenological inquiry requires the

observer-researcher to transcend past personal experience and see the conflict elements in

front of him/her from a neutral perspective. To eliminate the preconceptions or

prejudgments about the nature of events and activities in favor of capturing the perspective

or viewpoints of those who are actually involved in and affected by what was happening to

them (Moustakas, 1994). Transcendental phenomenological inquiry focuses on the essential

meanings of individual experiences. Such inquiry seeks to document the invariant structures

of human experiences or of a phenomenon; what is the core that holds the phenomena, or

experiences together. From this explanation, a qualitative question asked under this form

might be: what is the essence of the experience of being a survivor of ethnic cleansing now living in a UN

refugee camp? From such transcendental phenomenological inquiries the researcher gains an

understanding of what is necessary for resettlement of villages or the participant meaning of appropriate levels of physical security to alleviate the conditions of traumatic stress and

begin the process of sociological reconstruction.

One final form of inquiry to consider for tribal and emerging culture conflict is ethical

phenomenology which turns away from a focus on the self of the participant and asks about

the relationship of the participant to the non-self; the other that defines him. While Max





Scheler is probably the originator of the form, its voice and proponent is a Nazi holocaust

survivor named Emmanuel Levinas (1998). While not yet translated into a separate research

methodology, as a mindset approach, ethical phenomenology can assist the researcher with

understanding how individuals and collectives view the appearance of the opposing other,

especially in extreme inter or intra tribal violence. Howard Adelman (1997) approaches thephenomenology of the other in his explorations of the genocidal slaughter of Hutu refugees

in Burundi camps. Of phenomenological interest to the conflict engagement researcher is

the way that the Tutsi avengers approached the appearance of the Hutu other, with a need to

split off the hated other from the corporate body from which both constructed ethnicities

originated:

One manner of killing Hutu refugees in Burundi entailed first splitting a bamboo in two parts and then splitting the body in two by driving the bamboo up through the anus, or taking a hammer and “splitting the forehead in half”, as if the mode of killing was intended to send the spirit of the dead

into permanent exile, forever alienated from one’s home so that for evermore that individual could never again dream of recovering the imagined lost land as one’s inland (Adelman, 1997, p. 4).

The psychology of this genocidal phenomena is complex, consisting of an inability of the

individuals performing the killing to reconcile the existence of the other without suffering

collapsing individual and group identity. Such gruesome destruction of the physical bodies of

the ‘others’ constitutes the removal of them psychically from the inner sanctum of the

threatened identity. Adelman’s research ideated home and exile as mental representations of

an even deeper split between the secret acknowledgement of connection and the desire for

excommunication between the two halves; Tutsi and Hutu. His phenomenological research

showed that the participants extended this excommunication from the physical to the

metaphysical further increasing the ferocity of the killings. For the purposes of engaging

tribal conflict then, the researchers ability to delve into such difficult conceptions and

distortions of an ‘other’ that is related by blood and marriage would seem axiomatic to any

attempts at resolving the conflict. The particular psychological pathology of the killing within

the Tutsi-Hutu genocide in Rwanda mirrors that which we experienced between African-

Arab genocide in Darfur and requires phenomenological inquiry both to the inner

directedness of self and the outer directedness of other to fully comprehend the powerfulmeanings at work. Without established methodologies for researching and understanding

the mental object centered on self and on other that leads to or creates the phenomena of

genocidal intent, the field researcher will most probably be overwhelmed by the rage and

violence that controls the landscape.





Conclusion:

Benefits and Challenges of phenomenological research and analysis in tribal conflict

For the practitioner of tribal and emerging culture engagement, a number of bewildering

issues present themselves the moment that he/she steps foot into the sociocentric world of

an emerging culture. I suggest that the most difficult of these issues includes how to crossfrom their egocentric understanding of sociological structure to a sociocentric version with

all its differences in individual agency, identity and narrative history. Phenomenological

inquiry conducted by egocentric researchers within subject groups that are themselves

egocentric presents the normal requirements of bracketing out personal bias, a necessary

condition for the practice of transcendental inquiry. Doing so however when the

psychological structure of identity is group-centric (sociocentric) is more complex. The

researcher must recognize that the locus of control for the individual is different in such

societies. In egocentric societies’ characteristic of developed and urban communities, thelocus of control is internal to the individual. Parents, school and society teach or imprint

upon children the requirement for individual agency as well as a responsibility to control that

individual agency in terms of social conduct, communication and emotional release. This

internal locus of control together with the emphasis on individual agency that allows the

independent interaction of the individual amongst differing families and cultural groups also

creates and sustains a low context society and bases it on a guilt-versus-innocence

framework of justice.

In sociocentric societies, the locus of control is external to the head of family, clan and

tribe in a system that disallows independent interaction in favor of negotiated relationships

between similar families and clans that share common cultural idealizations and practices.

This creates and sustains a high context society and bases it on shame-of-alienation versus

pride-of-inclusion as a principal framework for social justice (Scheff & Retzinger, 1991).

Phenomenological inquiry and PAR in these situations where the researcher is egocentric

and the subject(s) are sociocentric enhances the difficulties in laying aside preconceived

notions of what mental objects represent and how they are represented. In this instance,

bracketing takes on an added dimension where the researcher has to overcome the intuitive

attempt to view the appearance of object as a single human entity rather than as a sharedsocial-vision of that object.

Second, the issue of bias is not so simple to bracket out when there is so little in

common between the world that the researcher left and the one he/she is to operate in as

mediator, PAR researcher, advisor or trainer. During training sessions with American and

NATO personnel deploying to Iraq and Afghanistan to participate in Village Stability





Operations (VSO), Female Engagement Teams (FET) or Tribal Engagement Teams (TET),

we have continually had to dissuade deploying members that the societies they would be

engaging did not need a Wal-Mart, McDonalds, Superhighways, Dams, or the many

accoutrements of modern society writ small. This challenge far exceeds the normal

understanding of the need for phenomenological bracketing in inquiry by researchers fromdeveloped societies who operate in underdeveloped communities. Such personnel as

mentioned above however have a requirement to conduct research in order to accomplish

their missions and this can include phenomenological inquiry and PAR at a minimum.

Creswell includes a quote from Jeanne LeVasseur suggesting that “we need a new definition

of epoché or bracketing, such as suspending our understanding in a reflective move that

cultivates curiosity (LeVasseur, 2003)” (Creswell, 2007, p. 62). This is a start in the right

direction and many more such modifications to the practice of qualitative research must be

developed to accommodate the transition of defense & development from an attitude of ‘shoot first then ask’ to one of research dependent action. If such government and NGO

sponsored practitioners are to succeed, they will need to be armed with the tools of

qualitative research and such tools may need to be modified for their use. The development

of instructional methods for these personnel that focus on preparing them for

phenomenological inquiry, participatory action research, mediation, facilitation and technical

training would seem to be principal area for academic growth in support of conflict analysis

and resolution.





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