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Executive  Summary  Brazil has a big problem with transport and consequently, urban mobility. The number of cars has

doubled in the last ten years, while transport infrastructure funding has lagged behind (Doug, 2013). In

2013, dissatisfaction with the public transport system culminated in huge public protests, amidst the

context of hosting the costly FIFA world cup. In 2014, Sao Paulo and Rio de Janeiro won various

awards for outstanding achievements in sustainable urban transport development (Boscaini, 2015).

What happened in just under two years? Have these two cities managed the balance between a

burgeoning middle class, extricated favelas, tourist hotspots and major events such as the FIFA World

Cup and Olympics? At the request of the Australian government, I intend to answer two questions.

First, have the range of policies implemented improved public transport outcomes? Second, would it be

worth donating aid money to fund similar projects in other developing cities?

Introduction    

 

“congestion  costed  the  cities  of  Rio  de  Janeiro  and  São  Paulo  R$  98  billion  (roughly  

USD  43  billion)  in  2013  alone”  

 One of the most important issues in the urban developing world is mobility. Without efficient transport

to different areas of a city, employment opportunities become inaccessible, environmental costs become

larger and for those with cars, congestion becomes insurmountable. A recent study undertaken by the

Rio state government estimated that “congestion costed the cities of Rio de Janeiro and São Paulo R$

98 billion (roughly USD 43 billion) in 2013 alone” (Lobo, 2014). The loss amounts to about 8% of each

metropolitan area’s Gross Domestic Product (GDP), and 2% of Brazil’s entire GDP (Lobo, 2014). In

order to effectively tackle this issue, the Brazilian Development Bank (BNDES) issued R$50 billion

(20.69 billion AUD) for wide-sweeping public transport reforms (Bland, 2015). This policy brief will

examine two such programs, in the two largest Brazilian cities, Sao Paulo and Rio de Janeiro. It will

assess the impact of the policy of The State of Sao Paulo “Dá licença para o ônibus” (make way for the

bus), dedicated cycling infrastructure and work on micro-accessibility with EMBARQ. I will then look

at Rio´s expanded Bus Rapid Transit (BRT) system, and the introduction of cable cars in one of its

largest favelas. It will argue that there were several successful policies implemented, which can be

diffused into other projects around the world. But it will also critique some policy initiatives undertaken,

which have failed to increase urban mobility in poorer neighbourhoods.

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Sao  Paulo  

 

“commutes  have  reportedly  been  shortened  by  on  average  38  minutes”  

 Sao Paulo is the fastest growing city in the world, with a greater metropolitan population of around 20

million people. It also suffers great levels of inequality, with an estimated 20% of urban territory

occupied by slum housing (Fitzpatrick, 2011). In order to address its resident´s mobility frustrations,

Sao Paulo implemented a major series of sweeping reforms to the public transport sector. The main

policy introduced in 2013, is called Dá licença para o ônibus (make way for the bus) (Boscaini, 2015). It

aimed to construct 220km of dedicated bus lines in under a year. The program actually delivered

exceeded this goal, achieving 344km (Joseph. Hidalgo, Rocha, Evers, 2014). Impressively, commutes

have reportedly been shortened by on average 38 minutes. As well as the BRT system, Sao Paulo has

pledged to increase its dedicated bicycle lanes to 400km by the end of 2015, up from 63km at the start

of the project (Joseph. Hidalgo, Rocha, Evers, 2014). It must then be acknowledged, that empirically,

the project has had strong initial success.

One of the key factors in this success has been the consultation process undertaken, both with the

public and private sector. An initiative called MobiLab called upon entrepeneurs to use publically

available data, in order to “create applications and smart solutions to urban mobility problems” (Zottis,

2014). This is a world first, and over 60 new apps have been created out of this initiative (Zottis, 2014).

It is difficult to judge whether it will have tangible impacts on urban mobility at this stage, but it must

be acknowledged for its innovation. Sao Paulo has also been working with an organisation called

EMBARQ, which helps provide technical advice for sustainable urban mobility across the world

(Rocha, 2015). Its main success in Sao Paulo has been to increase micro-accessibility. Micro-

accessibility works on the basis that people need to walk or cycle to stations, in order to access public

transport (Rocha, 2015). If this initial commute is impeded, either by distance, safety issues or

unsuitable footpaths, people are less likely to use the public transport options (Rocha, 2015). EMBARQ

asked local architects how micro-accessibility could be improved in the Pinheiros River business

district, one of Sao Paulo’s busiest areas (Rocha, 2015).

The proposals included:

• Sidewalk resizing and quality improvements

• New lighting and people-friendly street furniture

• Renovation of vacant land into public spaces

• New bike parking and bike lanes

• Emphasis on integration with other modes of transport

• Support for commercial activity (Rocha, 2015)

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These are ongoing projects, so it is difficult to determine their long-term impact at this stage, but early

sign are promising.

“Protests  erupted  in  January  2015  after  a  R0.50  increase  to  bus  fare  prices”  

Despite some of the successful outcomes of this project, there are still several issues to be addressed.

Protests erupted in January 2015 after a R0.50 increase to bus fare prices (Leahy, 2015). The political

climate in Brazil is particularly unstable recently, however this proves that the public is not completely

satisfied with the transport reforms. As well as this financial inaccessibility, geographic exclusion is

prominent in the Sao Paulo transport system. 20% of urban territory is occupied by slum housing, and

a quick look at transport maps (see appendixes 1 & 2) reveals these residents are not being serviced

(Sertich, 2010) (Schwandl, 2014). These two images show the transport map, and location of slum

housing. As one can see, especially to the south and south-west of the city centre, there are significant

areas that are not being serviced at all. This casts serious doubts on whether the project is suitable to

serve a city’s poorest citizens.

Rio  de  Janeiro  

 

“The  TransBrasil  will  have  a  900,000  person  per  day  transport  capacity”  

 The Rio de Janeiro case is similar, but with the complication of hosting the Olympics in 2016. Rio has

begun to implement a wide-scale BRT system like Sao Paulo. Such a system is efficient when compared

to rail, and is much cheaper to implement. It features the same characteristics as Sao Paulo; exclusive

bus lanes, regular services, paying fares off-bus and raised station platform for easy access and efficiency

(Johnson, 2014). To date, over 78km of bus lanes have been built (Johnson, 2014). Rio will have

implemented four transport lines by 2016 (Johnson, 2014). The TransCarioca and TransOeste are now

functional, and have improved accessibility and travel times significantly (Johnson, 2014). The

TransBrasil will have a 900,000 person per day transport capacity, bringing people from the domestic

airport into downtown Rio (Johnson, 2014). Whilst this, and in some ways the entire BRT, is another

step forward for urban mobility in Rio, many are critical of the chosen lines. Professor Chris Gaffney,

of the University of Fluminense, notes that “all of the major daily flows in Rio come from the North

and West to downtown, South Zone, and part of the North Zone, which together concentrate 60% of

Rio’s formal employment sector” (Johnson, 2014). As seen in appendix 3, these new lines in one way or

another are increasing accessibility to Barra da Tijuca, one of Rio’s most affluent suburbs, but more

importantly the heart of the 2016 Olympic games (Johnson, 2014).

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“all  of  the  major  daily  flows  in  Rio  come  from  the  North  and  West  to  downtown,  

South  Zone,  and  part  of  the  North  Zone,  which  together  concentrate  60%  of  Rio’s  

formal  employment  sector”  

 

The recently constructed cable car in Providência looks to have similar issues. Its aim, as stated by

Mayor Paes, is that it “will serve as transportation for the local population, but will also be a new tourist

destination” (Johnson, 2014). The issue was that there was no community consultation in this process.

There are already Kombi and Minivan transport options for residents of Providência, while basic

sanitation and water needs are non-existent (Johnson, 2014). Furthermore, the favela’s main public

urban space has had a station built over it, frustrating the community even more (Johnson, 2014). This

has led community members to again questioning whether this new development is really about urban

mobility, or staging an attractive Olympic games

 

“There  are  already  Kombi  and  Minivan  transport  options  for  residents  of  

Providência,  while  basic  sanitation  and  water  needs  are  non-­‐existent”  

Conclusion  

 Sao Paulo and Rio de Janeiro have achieved great transport outcomes in a short space of time. Their

Bus Rapid Transit systems have greatly reduced travel times and congestion. The BRT has increased

mobility for sections of the burgeoning urban middle classes in both Rio and Sao Paulo, this much can

not be denied. However, there has been little improvement to urban mobility prospects for the lower

class. Transport lines are still not servicing favelas in Rio or Sao Paulo. The improvements in dedicated

cycling infrastructure in Sao Paulo have been phenomenal, as has the community consultative process

there, resulting in technological innovations and micro-accessibility improvements. However, there are

several problems to be addressed. Sao Paulo residents are not satisfied with the pricing structure, as

evidenced by the recent protests. While residents in Rio have been frustrated at the lack of consultation

process for the new cable cars, the failure to service the crucial North and West transport corridors and

the focus on spending for the upcoming Olympics.

 

 

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Implications  and  Recommendations  

“I  would  recommend  that  perhaps  this  is  too  much  of  a  luxury  for  the  Australian  

Government  to  finance,  and  that  there  are  more  urgent  issues  present  to  focus  on.”  

Successes and failures in these two case studies provide key lessons for future projects. In answer to the

two key questions this paper set out to answer, I can make several recommendations. It is the BRT that

has empirically proved the most successful, with great public transport outcomes recorded so far. A

BRT would be a great project to invest in, on the proviso that transport corridors would service the

wider population, not just the urban middle class. Otherwise, it becomes a different type of

development project aimed at a growing middle class. I would recommend that perhaps this is too

much of a luxury for the Australian Government to finance, and that there are more urgent issues

present to focus on. The effect of cable cars in Rio has been negligible though, and it is not a good

example to follow in other projects. Many cable car projects such as in La Paz and Medellin have had

greater success, due to a more comprehensive level of community consultation. Any investment from

the Australian Government into cable car initiatives must require a consultative process with locals first

and foremost. It does seem that the timing for Rio has meant that spending on the Olympics has been

prioritised, perhaps impeding what may otherwise have been a successful idea. One recommendation I

would make is that the work of the EMBARQ organisation has been worthy from all accounts. As well

as playing a pivotal role in planning the BRT, their work on micro-accessibility in Sao Paulo is

something that could be applied to poor neighbourhoods, and even slum housing. It is my opinion, that

giving funding to EMBARQ may be the most effective use of aid money in such projects.

“Giving  funding  to  EMBARQ  may  be  the  most  effective  use  of  aid  money  in  such  

projects”  

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

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Bibliography  

 Bland, Daniel. "Brazil's BNDES Forecasts US$80bn Transportation Infra Investments by 2018."

BNamericas. 2015. Accessed May 7, 2015. http://www.bnamericas.com/news/infrastructure/brazils-

bndes-forecasts-us80bn-transportation-infra-investments-by-2018.

 Boscaini, Fernanda. "On the Right Track: Brazilian Cities Receive Unprecedented Award for

Sustainable Transport." WRI Ross Center for Sustainable Cities. February 4, 2015. Accessed May 7,

2015. http://www.wricities.org/news/right-track-brazilian-cities-receive-unprecedented-award-

sustainable-transport.

Fitzpatrick, Anna. "Comparing São Paulo Favelas With Rio." The Rio Times. November 22, 2011.

Accessed May 7, 2015. http://riotimesonline.com/brazil-news/rio-politics/sao-paulo-favela-policy/.

Gray, Doug. "Number of Cars in Brazil More Than Doubles in 10 Years." The Rio Times. December 3,

2013. Accessed May 7, 2015. http://riotimesonline.com/brazil-news/rio-business/number-of-cars-in-

brazil-doubles-in-10-years/#.

Johnson, Stefan. "Providência's Cable Car Launch: Urban Mobility or Tourism?" RioOnWatch. July 1,

2014. Accessed May 7, 2015. http://www.rioonwatch.org/?p=16464.

Johnson, Stefan. "Rio's BRT System: A Tool for Legacy or Fragmentation?" RioOnWatch. May 27,

2014. Accessed May 7, 2015. http://www.rioonwatch.org/?p=15531.

Joseph, Coby, Dario Hidalgo, Paula Santos Rocha, and Henrique Evers. "São Paulo Wins 2014

City/State MobiPrize by Empowering Citizens and Fostering Innovation." TheCityFix So Paulo Wins

2014 CityState MobiPrize by Empowering Citizens and Fostering Innovation Comments. August 25,

2014. Accessed May 7, 2015. http://thecityfix.com/blog/sao-paulo-mobiprize-empowering-citizens-

fostering-innovation-sustainable-transport-hackathon-coby-joseph-dario-hidalgo-henrique-evers-paulo-

santos-rocha/.

Leahy, John. "São Paulo Rocked by Violent Bus Fare Protests." Financial Times. January 10, 2015.

Accessed May 7, 2015. http://www.ft.com/intl/cms/s/0/162839ba-9863-11e4-b4be-

00144feabdc0.html#axzz3ZPq0ftcd.

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Lobo, Renato. "Study: Rio De Janeiro and São Paulo Lost USD 43 Billion from Traffic Congestion in

2013." TheCityFix. July 31, 2014. Accessed May 7, 2015. http://thecityfix.com/blog/study-rio-de-

janeiro-sao-paulo-brazil-43-billion-traffic-congestion-2013-car-commuters-renato-lobo/.

Rocha, Paula Santos. "EMBARQ Brasil Helps Expand Access to Sustainable Transport in Sao Paulo."

WRI Ross Center for Sustainable Cities. April 7, 2015. Accessed May 7, 2015.

http://www.wricities.org/news/embarq-brasil-helps-expand-access-sustainable-transport-são-paulo.

Schwandl, Robert. "São Paulo Metro." UrbanRail.Net. 2014. Accessed May 7, 2015.

http://www.urbanrail.net/am/spau/sao-paulo.htm.

Sertich, Adriana Navarro. "Brief Overview of SP's Urbanization." FAVEL Issues. March 1, 2010.

Accessed May 7, 2015. http://favelissues.com/2010/03/01/brief-overview-of-sps-urbanization/.

Smith, Duncan. "Rio De Janeiro: A City in Transformation." CityGeographics. November 4, 2013.

Accessed May 7, 2015. http://citygeographics.org/2013/11/04/rio-de-janeiro-a-city-in-transformation/.

Zottis, Luisa. "How Technology Can Transform Urban Mobility: A Q&A with São Paulo's Ciro

Biderman." TheCityFix. October 6, 2014. Accessed May 7, 2015.

http://thecityfix.com/blog/technology-transform-urban-mobility-q-a-sao-paulo-brazil-ciro-biderman-

mobi-lab-luisa-zottis/.

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

   

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Appendix  1  http://favelissues.com/2010/03/01/brief-overview-of-sps-urbanization/    

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

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Appendix  2  http://www.urbanrail.net/am/spau/sao-paulo.htm.

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

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Appendix  3  http://citygeographics.org/2013/11/04/rio-de-janeiro-a-city-in-transformation/