preserving field records: archival techniques for archaeologists and anthropologists. mary anne...

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GENERAL/ THEORETICAL ANTHROPOLOGY 23 1 Marxist anthropologists are acknowledged they are nonetheless considered as a group. These anthropologists include Claude Meil- lassoux, Emmanuel Terray, Pierre Philippe- Rey, and to a lesser extent Maurice Godelier. According to the editors, “the book can only be regarded as a collective product of the work-group as a whole” (p. xvii). The enter- prise is fascinating and one would have liked more discussion of that process as well as the texts of their discussions with Meillassoux and Terray. The emphasis of the book is more on the interplay between theory and fieldwork than on modes of production theory. The con- tributors apply principally the concept of “ar- ticulation of the modes of production” to per- mit generalizations based on fieldwork. They assume the correctness and usefulness of modes of production analysis. Underlying the book is the faith that despite numerous diffi- culties, false paths, and theoretical difficulties, modes of production will illuminate an an- thropological practice that cannot be carried out in other ways. The chapters in the book move from an introduction to French Marxist anthropology, to case studies including ones on the Nyakyusa (Tanzania), Diola (Senegal), Maka (Cameroon), modes of production in se- lected African novels, the Nkoya (Zambia), and Marxist theory and anthropological prac- tice, to a more theoretical review of Althusser, Rey, Meillassoux, Godelier, and Terray and some suggestions for future emphasis. The case studies are uneven. Van Binsber- gen (Nkoya) and Geschire (Maka) do succeed in reanalyzing their fieldwork in relation to a modes of production approach while present- ing fascinating field material, whereas Klei (Diola) and Jonge (Nyakyusa) are somewhat less successful. Their articles are less rich in description and complexity of material. The key point, which by now is hardly controver- sial, is that anthropologists need to relate an- thropological fieldwork to much wider geo- graphical and historical forces. The book would be successful if it convinced readers of the range of insights and applications (theo- retical and applied) that flow from modes of production analysis, or, if it demonstrated how modes of production can be used success- fully by those who are attempting similar kinds ofwork. The collective book is more suc- cessful in demonstrating the latter than the former. I was struck by the emphasis on the colonial period and the lack of both theoretical and case discussions of postindependence devel- opments. Indeed, the major effort in this re- gard was provided in the excellent analysis of some African novels since 1953. Simonse takes as his starting point that “confrontation be- tween the capitalist and the pre-capitalist modes of production constitutes the rock bot- tom that the African writer’s creative imagi- nation cannot help but touch when giving a literary shape to his vision ofsociety” (p. 148). It is in Simonse’s description that one senses a vibrancy and a less abstract quality to both description and analysis. Surprisingly the au- thors seem to restrict “anthropological prac- tice” to fieldwork. They search in vain the writings of the French Marxists for how they did fieldwork and how they moved from eth- nography to theory. I would prefer a broader view of practice that would include political orientations and help elucidate the theoretical differences between Meillassoux, Godelier, Terray, and Rey. The overemphasis on theory has been explored more interestingly by Jean Copans (“In Search of Lost Theory: Marxism and Structuralism Within French Anthropol- ogy,” Review 3:45-73, 1979). As a collective effort by a group of scholars the book is ofgreat interest. Would that others of different persuasions work more in a group than individually. Still, the major challenges to modes of production analysis (from both within and without Marxism) are not consid- ered. Doubts or problems that might have arisen in the working groups are not explicitly raised. The theoretical and other difficulties in establishing and sustaining different types of modes of production are left hanging. Capi- talism is all too often left inadequately ana- lyzed, as though its form and content are fully understood. The value of the book lies in the richness of some of the chapters, and as a systematic at- tempt to utilize the articulations of modes of production in different field situations. The analytical and conceptual task of moving from “ethnic” units to larger historical forces is dif- ficult, no matter what theoretical frame is em- ployed. In my estimation the interplay of so- ciety, politics, and economy leads one to dif- ferentiate not only old modes of production, but capitalist ones as well. Despite the thoughtful efforts of the anthropological con- tributors to this volume, the search for the “ir- reducible logics” of various modes of produc- tion may come to naught. Preserving Field Records: Archival Tech- niques for Archaeologists and Anthropol- ogists. Mary Anne Kenworthy, Eleanor M . King, Mary Elizabeth Ruwell, and Trudy Van Houten. Philadelphia: University Museum, University of Pennsylvania, 1985. 1 12 pp. $12.95 (paper). BARBARA BUTLER Delaware Museum $Natural History

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GENERAL/ THEORETICAL ANTHROPOLOGY 23 1

Marxist anthropologists are acknowledged they are nonetheless considered as a group. These anthropologists include Claude Meil- lassoux, Emmanuel Terray, Pierre Philippe- Rey, and to a lesser extent Maurice Godelier. According to the editors, “the book can only be regarded as a collective product of the work-group as a whole” (p. xvii). The enter- prise is fascinating and one would have liked more discussion of that process as well as the texts of their discussions with Meillassoux and Terray. The emphasis of the book is more on the interplay between theory and fieldwork than on modes of production theory. The con- tributors apply principally the concept of “ar- ticulation of the modes of production” to per- mit generalizations based on fieldwork. They assume the correctness and usefulness of modes of production analysis. Underlying the book is the faith that despite numerous diffi- culties, false paths, and theoretical difficulties, modes of production will illuminate an an- thropological practice that cannot be carried out in other ways. The chapters in the book move from an introduction to French Marxist anthropology, to case studies including ones on the Nyakyusa (Tanzania), Diola (Senegal), Maka (Cameroon), modes of production in se- lected African novels, the Nkoya (Zambia), and Marxist theory and anthropological prac- tice, to a more theoretical review of Althusser, Rey, Meillassoux, Godelier, and Terray and some suggestions for future emphasis.

The case studies are uneven. Van Binsber- gen (Nkoya) and Geschire (Maka) do succeed in reanalyzing their fieldwork in relation to a modes of production approach while present- ing fascinating field material, whereas Klei (Diola) and Jonge (Nyakyusa) are somewhat less successful. Their articles are less rich in description and complexity of material. The key point, which by now is hardly controver- sial, is that anthropologists need to relate an- thropological fieldwork to much wider geo- graphical and historical forces. T h e book would be successful if it convinced readers of the range of insights and applications (theo- retical and applied) that flow from modes of production analysis, or, if i t demonstrated how modes of production can be used success- fully by those who are attempting similar kinds ofwork. The collective book is more suc- cessful in demonstrating the latter than the former.

I was struck by the emphasis on the colonial period and the lack of both theoretical and case discussions of postindependence devel- opments. Indeed, the major effort in this re- gard was provided in the excellent analysis of some African novels since 1953. Simonse takes

as his starting point that “confrontation be- tween the capitalist and the pre-capitalist modes of production constitutes the rock bot- tom that the African writer’s creative imagi- nation cannot help but touch when giving a literary shape to his vision ofsociety” (p. 148). It is in Simonse’s description that one senses a vibrancy and a less abstract quality to both description and analysis. Surprisingly the au- thors seem to restrict “anthropological prac- tice” to fieldwork. They search in vain the writings of the French Marxists for how they did fieldwork and how they moved from eth- nography to theory. I would prefer a broader view of practice that would include political orientations and help elucidate the theoretical differences between Meillassoux, Godelier, Terray, and Rey. The overemphasis on theory has been explored more interestingly by Jean Copans (“In Search of Lost Theory: Marxism and Structuralism Within French Anthropol- ogy,” Review 3:45-73, 1979).

As a collective effort by a group of scholars the book is ofgreat interest. Would that others of different persuasions work more in a group than individually. Still, the major challenges to modes of production analysis (from both within and without Marxism) are not consid- ered. Doubts or problems that might have arisen in the working groups are not explicitly raised. The theoretical and other difficulties in establishing and sustaining different types of modes of production are left hanging. Capi- talism is all too often left inadequately ana- lyzed, as though its form and content are fully understood.

The value of the book lies in the richness of some of the chapters, and as a systematic at- tempt to utilize the articulations of modes of production in different field situations. The analytical and conceptual task of moving from “ethnic” units to larger historical forces is dif- ficult, no matter what theoretical frame is em- ployed. In my estimation the interplay of so- ciety, politics, and economy leads one to dif- ferentiate not only old modes of production, bu t capi ta l is t ones a s well. Despi te the thoughtful efforts of the anthropological con- tributors to this volume, the search for the “ir- reducible logics” of various modes of produc- tion may come to naught.

Preserving Field Records: Archival Tech- niques for Archaeologists and Anthropol- ogists. Mary Anne Kenworthy, Eleanor M . King, Mary Elizabeth Ruwell, and Trudy Van Houten. Philadelphia: University Museum, University of Pennsylvania, 1985. 1 12 pp. $12.95 (paper).

BARBARA BUTLER Delaware Museum $Natural History

232 AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST [89, 19871

This is an important book. It is for those who are interested in preserving their field rec- ords but do not know enough about archival methods and the conservation of paper, film, tapes, and other materials that are used in the creation of research records. T h e authors probably have the addi t iona l desire to heighten the sensitivities of all archeologists and anthropologists regarding the handling and storage of their field records. The authors say, “This manual is not intended to be a tech- nical treatise, but rather aimed at providing the basic knowledge necessary for making de- cisions about record preservation” (p. 5).

This manual results from a need identified a t the University Museum, University of Pennsylvania. Robert H. Dyson says in the in- troduction, “ the Museum realized that its older field records were deteriorating, were difficult to use, and that proper storage ofdoc- uments being generated by current projects also presented a problem” (p. viii). As a re- sult, an archive was created to properly store, preserve, and provide access to these old and current field records. During this process it was also discovered that most researchers lacked knowledge of basic archival principles and techniques.

Written from the archivist’s point of view and by materials specialists, there are five in- formation-packed chapters in this slim book. An advisory committee consisting of represen- tatives of the Society of American Archivists, American Philosophical Society, the National Anthropological Archives, and various an- thropological organizations also assisted the authors. The first chapter surveys the types of records produced during a typical research project and identifies those records tha t should receive special attention. Chapter 2 is devoted to paper, its properties, chemical and physical agents ofdeterioration, and its proper care and conservation. Details of acid migra- tion; the destructive elements of light, heat, and humidity; biological agents; adhesives; fasteners; and pollution are discussed. Chap- ter 3 is devoted to film and audio and visual tape, although the majority of the discussion is centered on the use and preservation offilm, both black and white and color. Videodiscs are mentioned briefly for their value in the storage and retrieval of information; their du- rability, according to the authors, currently is being tested. The fourth chapter delves into the complexities of machine-readable records exacerbated by the rapid change in technol- ogy. The last chapter is about record storage and describes safe short-term storage (in of- fices, laboratories) and long-term archival storage. Proper storage materials a re de-

scribed along with the other environmental conditions that will extend the life of the rec- ords. There is a substantial bibliography of both archival and conservation techniques and a list of archival suppliers. A time-line for record preservation is presented that will as- sist an investigator plan and implement a pro- gram for record creation, storage, and preser- vation. In addition, the book is illustrated with interesting photographs ofearly and con- temporary field researchers, as well as others that show the results of extreme paper dam- age.

Research in materials conservation and preservation continues at a rapid rate; this is one of the limitations of such a book. Although the authors say that the University Museum Archives will furnish updated lists of archival materials and suppliers, there is no indication that the manual will be updated periodically. Therefore, in addition to the assistance pro- vided by this useful manual, one should con- sult an archivist or appropriate materials con- servator for current information.

This book has the potential of making a val- uable contribution to future research in an- thropology because investigators now have the information necessary to give greater and informed attention, at the outset of a project, to preserving field records.

Rules, Exceptions, and Social Order. Rob- ert B. Edgerton. Berkeley: University of Califor- nia Press, 1985. 338 pp. $27.50 (cloth).

DENNIS H. WRONG New York University

The view that social order rests on general acceptance of binding rules of conduct is a venerable one. But in recent years it has been widely criticized for implying that human beings submit too docilely to social rules and for ignoring that they often evade and manip- ulate rules in their own self-interest. Indeed, far from exacting a rigid and universal con- formity, rules often paradoxically coexist with “rules for breaking rules”-the specification of situations in which exceptions to the rules are permitted and sometimes even mandated. However, reaction against the normative, “oversocialized” theory of human nature and social order has been excessive, according to Robert Edgerton, for “rules so strict that no exceptions are permitted” also crop up in a good many societies. Edgerton sets himself the task in this book of surveying the cross-cul- tural evidence on both exceptions and uncon-