production, social reproduction and gender in the micro-scale enterprise: a case study from rural...

Production, Social Reproduction and Gender in the Micro-Scale Enterprise: A Case Study fromRural Scotland, c 1928-c 1960Author(s): Craig YoungSource: Area, Vol. 28, No. 2 (Jun., 1996), pp. 199-210Published by: The Royal Geographical Society (with the Institute of British Geographers)Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/20003657 .

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Area (1996) 28.2, 199-210

Production, social reproduction and gender in the micro-scale enterprise: a case study from rural Scotland, c 1928-c 19601

Craig Young, Department of Environmental and Geographical Sciences, The Manchester Metropolitan University, John Dalton Building, Chester Street, Manchester MI 5GD

Summary There remain few empirical studies by geographers of the links between production and social reproduction, and their importance for gender. Previous studies have neglected the small business and historical contexts. This paper presents a case study of a micro-scale business to illustrate the importance of the geography of business and household work strategies, how they complemented each other, and the implications for gender relations.

Recently there has been more interest among geographers and others in ' household work strategies' (Pahl 1984) and their links with the formal and informal economy. This has been inspired by the impact of economic restructuring on households, the influence of feminist perspectives, and an awareness of the need to take economic activity other than paid work in the formal economy seriously. Thus household work strategies, and the links between labour markets and the division of domestic labour, have received more attention (for example, Dyck 1989; Hanson and Pratt 1989; Klausner 1986; Pinch and Storey 1992; Pratt and Hanson 1991; Roberts, 1994a; Rose 1989; Watson 1991). However, there are very few empirical studies by geographers, and those that do exist have neglected rural areas, historical examples (though see Rose 1987; McDowell and Massey 1984) and the small business owner (though see Pinch and Storey 1992). More empirical work is needed to evaluate the represen tativeness of other research, to reveal the specific arrangements that are developed

within households, and to challenge stereotypical views of intra-household relations. Recent research has been concerned with a need to explain, not just describe, the development of household work strategies. This has involved a criticism of previous

methods of understanding for treating households as ' black boxes ', stereotyping or ignoring social relations within households and making various assumptions about their economic behaviour (for example, seeing households as profit maximising units or assuming all members of households have common goals) (Pratt and Hanson 1991; Pessar 1994). Households have been assumed to react in a mechanistic fashion to the needs of capitalism and patriarchy.

More recently, however, household strategies have come to be interpreted as demonstrating that people can choose how they order their lives in the face of constraints (Roberts 1994b). Attempts at explanation have moved beyond the economic to consider a range of factors including symbolic elements such as gender ideology (Pessar 1994; Wheelock 1990; Pratt and Hanson 1991). This paper presents a case study of one micro-scale business and household which operated in early

mid twentieth century rural lowland Perthshire, Scotland (Figure 1). The term



200 Young

'micro-scale firm ' refers to those businesses with very low levels of capital and labour, which had simple management structures and were usually single plant operations, and includes the self-employed combining their own capital and labour (Crossick and Haupt 1984a; Blackford 1991; Young 1994, 1995b). Sources for the study of the micro-scale enterprise and of households in the past are lacking. This study makes use of a surviving business account book, supplemented by the use of oral history2. First, the interactions of the household strategy with the formal and informal economies are described to illustrate their complementarity (Wheelock 1992). Secondly, the role of gender ideology in impacting upon, and being reproduced through, the household strategy is analysed. This focus allows analysis of important questions as yet little studied (see Pratt and Hanson 1991). Was the household a concensual unit with a single set of goals which were economically determined, or did the household strategy facilitate using the household as a resource to allow actors to make choices which fulfilled their own (economic, social and personal) needs? Was the household strategy simply a response to the ' needs of capital or men' (Pratt and Hanson 1991)? What were the spatial outcomes of the household strategy and did they influence or reflect the active roles of individuals in reproducing social processes? Did the household strategy require or allow a lessened necessary commitment to waged work, thereby linking domestic arrangements to wider gender divisions of labour? The analysis illustrates the importance of considering these questions further within the small business and historical contexts rather than generalising from one example to the experience of all firms and households. It seeks to give an insight into the importance of the processes involved without making claims about the typicality of this particular case.

The case study in context

Household and business strategies are related in complex ways to, among other things, local labour market characteristics, societal norms and the local business ' culture ' (Hanson 1992; Pinch and Storey 1992; Rose 1993). These form the context

within which household strategies are negotiated to achieve personal goals. Lowland Perthshire's economy was dominated by mixed agriculture combining cash cropping of grain and potatoes with the finishing of cattle and sheep. Industry was dominated by textile production and was largely undiversified, though there was a significant small business sector of craft producers, services and retailers (for a description of this level of enterprise see Young 1994). Settlements varied from agricultural villages to market towns with some industry, and the area was influenced by the cities of

Perth and Dundee. Though care must be taken when interpreting such gendered sources as the census

and trade directories (Higgs 1987), it is possible to identify a marked sexual division of labour (Mclvor 1992). 65 per cent of the formal female waged labour force in Scotland was employed in domestic service, textiles, clothing and agriculture in 1901. Over the century there was a contraction of employment in the textile industry and a dramatic reduction in domestic service. The employment of women in agriculture had been declining since the nineteenth century (Devine 1984). Thus in lowland Perthshire the most common occupations for women were declining. Among the more traditional rural crafts, women as business owners were rarely found (for example, Leslie's Directory various years). However, before 1951 part-time work and the numbers of married women in the formal economy in Scotland increased



Production, social reproduction and gender in the micro-scale enterprise 201

Pitcairngreen

Methven + Dundee Perth + +Dne

+ Glasgow-+ Edinburgh

SCOTLAND

0 50 km

0 30 miles

Figure 1 Location map

particularly in the ' white blouse ' occupations and services. This probably had a limited impact on rural lowland Perthshire with most of these opportunities restricted to Perth. However, as Mclvor (1992) suggests there was probably a lower proportion of rural women in the formal economy. What is probably more significant in this rural area was casual employment. There was, for example, plenty of harvest

work available, both for potatoes and cereals, but farmers still had trouble attracting women workers. Agriculture as a result was highly mechanised and relied on migrant labour even by the mid twentieth century. Soft fruit picking was another seasonal option locally available which women did pursue.

Historically, the family was very important for the survival of the small enterprise (Nenadic 1994; Crossick and Haupt 1984a). However, women's roles, though vital in the micro-scale enterprise, were in general restricted by ' the ideals of domesticity and separate spheres (which shaped) bourgeois identity . .. the wife's place was to be resolutely detached from the corrupting world of business, and placed in the moral private sphere of home and family ' (Crossick and Haupt 1984a, 20). Within Scotland this ideology was a powerful influence on women's participation in public life and their experiences in the labour market (Breitenbach and Gordon 1992; Mclvor 1992).



202 Young

Research on craft businesses in lowland Perthshire in the nineteenth and early twentieth century shows few women pursuing trades, but often involved within the household in book-keeping and associated tasks (Young 1991). This bourgeois ideology played an important part in the construction of gender roles in the small firm in Scotland, particularly in small villages in the rather conservative rural society.

The firm considered here consisted only of its owner, Mr. Harry Young (1898-1992), born in the Perthshire village of Methven, who owned a molecatching business which served the surrounding agricultural district for over thirty-five years. There were no employees. The size of the firm was not unusual for trades in this area, but the longevity of the business was (Young 1994). Young and his wife Isabella (1899-) also known as Bella formed the core of their household which was located in Pitcairngreen for over sixty years. Pitcairngreen was a small village with some local services situated within five miles of the City of Perth. Though it was surrounded by farms, it also lay within a few miles of several textile works. The trade of

molecatching was still a common one in Scotland in the early-mid twentieth century. It was important as one of a number of service trades which supported the highly efficient agricultural sector. The biographies of these individuals are important in that they tell us something of the context within which they were socialised according to the class and societal roles of their parents. Young's father was also a

molecatcher, but his son's initial work experience began with an engineering apprenticeship at the age of twelve in a textile works near Pitcairngreen. This was interrupted by the First World War. After being discharged on medical grounds

Young worked in Glasgow for a period in engineering, before being laid off in the recession. With work hard to find, Young returned to Perthshire, taking odd jobs, before taking up molecatching with his father, who in turn had followed his elder brother into the trade. Soon the business passed to Young, who worked independently from 1928.

Bella Young, formerly Gorrie, also came from a small business background, her father Maxwell Gorrie being a master tailor in Pitcairngreen, as well as being a noted boardwalk singer and campaigner for the Liberal Party. During the First World War she was called up to do war work in the cotton mills producing gun cotton, and afterwards she worked as an assistant in a photographer's shop. Her recollections of her working life present it as a positive experience, but waged work was not pursued after marriage in 1928 (this was the norm where circumstances allowed for women at

marriage in the inter-war years-see Mclvor 1992). This was despite the fact that local opportunities for employment were available, such as farm work and fruit picking, and textile jobs which may have been suitable due to her war work

experience, all within walking distance of the house. Work in service industries was available in Perth. Both members of the household thus came from a common

background of the very small business world, and both came from within the local rural socio-economic structure. Their own values and beliefs would therefore have reflected the values and beliefs of that context, expressed in notions of independence and aspiration to middle class values (see the extended discussions in Crossick and

Haupt 1984b).

Business and household strategies

How, then, did the household strategy and the formal and informal economies complement each other? What were the temporal and spatial constraints on




1000 -

-0- MC cash inc.

_ MC real inc. 1 800 - - MC real inc. 2

600 -

0

tO 400

jd

200

0- . , I . ,

1920 1930 1940 1950 1960 1970 Year

Source: H. Young, account book, private holding.

Figure 2 Molecatching income-cash and real, 1928-66

day-to-day life which influenced the organisation of business and household? An

understanding of the role of the business in providing income for the family is important to begin to understand these constraints. Figure 2 shows total and real

cash incomes for the period 1929-1964 generated by payment for catching moles3. Income showed a general increase with the exception of some poor years. However, annual income (not profit) was never high, and even in the 1960s totalled less than

1,000 per year. The implication of this is that the business in itself did not generate

sufficient income to support the household, though for nearly forty years it did

provide reasonably stable earnings. As Harry Young noted 'we lived poorly of

course, always did. All the workin' folk did anyway ... money was aye scarce, we were never well off '.

Figure 3 displays income from molecatching on a monthly basis for two

representative years. The pattern is of low or even no income for ten months of the

year, and two large monthly incomes in May and November of each year. This

pattern represents occasional cash settlements from some customers throughout the

year, and a twice yearly settling of accounts at the term days for the majority. As Harry noted

a lot o' my accounts was six monthly ... an' the only way ye could get it oot o' them was to meet them in Perth ... I went aboot aince a six month usually, an'

get all the money they were due to me . . . Like o' the estates an' that, they were six monthly accounts. Ye rendered yer account to the factors office-that money

was aye sure . .. That wisnae yer ordinary weekly pay-that was six monthly pay.

Course, we'd hae a lot o' money at that time.



204 Young

500

400

U) 300

0 200

100

v - . . . . . . . . . . _.

>%c-g 0<g z > c fi C '< >XU

Month 1959-1960

Source: H. Young, account book, private holding.

Figure 3 Monthly income from molecatching, 1959-60

The nature of the cash income generated had important implications for the

organisation of business and household activities. One outcome was a strategy

common among nineteenth and early-twentieth century tradespeople (Young 1994),

that of pursuing a variety of occupations, including mixing self-employment as a

business owner with wage labour. Harry Young also generated cash income by

helping out at the local mill, at hunts, at harvest, acting as a relief postman and

working part-time at a local garage. Diversification of income was a response to the

limited income from business, a measure of security against poor years for

molecatching and a response to the nature of molecatching itself. In some years this

diversification accounted for over 30 per cent of total cash income, an average annual

contribution of 12 per cent (1943-63). Figure 4 shows a composite annual

time-budget of the various activities undertaken, representing schematically the

typical pattern for the period 1942-60. This allows the identification of temporal and

spatial constraints on business organisation. While molecatching was the main

activity it was seasonally constrained. During the winter bad weather was the main

restriction, particularly when snow cover or frozen ground prevented digging. In the

period July-September access to fields was restricted due to mature crops and

harvesting activities. To some extent this was countered in later years by visiting an

increasing number of hill farms which were not affected by the harvest, but this

period was still a slack time of year. Reconstruction of the spatial nature of the firm's

market revealed that it was very local, consisting of farms and estates largely within

fifteen miles of the household (see Young 1996). Other forms of income were

pursued in different times and places to fit in with these and other constraints. Wage labour was pursued during slack periods (with the exception of garage work all year round on a part-time basis) which also reflected the seasonal nature of hunting,




. . . . .. . . ... . ,..... . . . . . . . . . . . . . . ...... ...... :-:::::: :: :: :Hill farms only . Molecatching

, , , . ., ,. . . . . . . . . . . . . .. . .

.........>8> Mill

/ Garage

Harvest

.... ..... - - : S* - -S-:.S -S-f: S*-.-. --.-I.... --- . S.:....

.......... .. .... P

|u-:i - , ~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~..... .'-.:'1......... P s

Hunts

Jan. Feb. Mar. Apr. May Jun. Jul. Aug. Sep. Oct. Nov. Dec.

Source: reconstructed frorn H. Young, account book and oral tradition.

Figure 4 Composite annual time-budget of Harry Young for sources of cash income, 1942-60

harvesting and Post Office holidays. All this work was carried out within a few miles of the village

So far only cash income derived from the formal economy has been considered. What other forms of ' work ' were pursued, and how were these incorporated in a household work strategy which complemented the business? It is important not to think of the household or ' home ' as a distinct social or spatial category which can be separated from ' work '. It was also a site for production, reproduction and consumption. Accounts for the business were maintained within the home by Harry

Young, but did not involve Bella Young (in contrast to similar firms in this area in which wives often assisted with management, book-keeping or tasks (Young 1991)). More importantly, a variety of activities outside of the formal economy were undertaken there providing alternative sources of income. Gardening was an important part of Harry Young's life. It brought a degree of social prestige, with frequent wins for produce exhibited at local Flower Shows. In addition it fulfilled the important economic function of ' domestic self provisioning' (Pahl 1984), as Harry noted:

I've always had a garden. All my life. We grew all the vegetables. We needed it at that time. All that length o' the garden was cultivated from top to bottom. There

was no grass on it, all tatties an' neeps. Because, well, we had very little money at that time.

Contacts formed through business were an important source of informal inputs into the household economy: ' if I was needing a bag o' tatties or somethin ', neeps or anything like that, I got them (from farmers). Or, say, manure for the garden . . . that didnae cost me anything'.

If account keeping and the garden were maintained as a male preserve, much of the rest of the household work strategy fell to Bella Young. Within the gendered domestic division of labour, Bella was largely responsible for caring for their one son,



206 Young

and looking after two elderly relatives who lived with the family at various times. She played an important role in caring for the home. She was also closely involved in domestic self provisioning through food processing. In this way her economic activities made an important contribution to the household strategy-' I kept the house and cooked and baked everything. Everything was home baked and all the jam was made. Never bought in anything'. This contribution played an important role in supplementing the limited income from the business, but Bella's role was also important in meshing the household and business strategies together. An important goal of the household strategy was to organise the work required to cope with the nature of the income generated by the business, to spread the two main inputs of cash over the whole year. Here it is possible to see clearly how the household strategy

complemented the business. As Bella noted

I knew to save for the time when he wouldn't be workin', so we were quite well off ... we saved against that. You see, we were always prepared for time off ... I was thrifty and made everything.

As Harry noted ' ye learned to save-that would spin ye out in the lean time. But we wis never hard up '. Bella's role within the household strategy was therefore a vital one in terms of meshing together the formal, informal and household economies.

A final form of ' work ' which took place within the home and the local community was voluntary work in local social activities. Both the Young's were committee members of various institutions including the Women's Rural Institute, the church and the Guild, and the Village Committee. Harry was a senior elder of the church, and treasurer of the Village Committee for over twenty years. Within Pahl's (1984) typology of work such activity forms an important part of social reproduction. Thus by broadening the definition of ' work' it has been possible to examine the links between the formal and the complementary economy, between business strategy and household strategy, to identify how the organisation of the business links into that of the household. It was the interaction of the formal and the complementary economy

which helped ensure the continuation of both units.

Household work strategies and gender ideology

In addition to representing an economic response to the situation of the household and the business it is clear that this household strategy was influenced by other factors. In a situation where both the business and the household were economically

marginal, an important part of the household strategy could have been that Bella undertook waged employment outside of the household. This, however, was not

done, and it is necessary to examine intra-household relations to understand what it was that influenced this decision not to work within the formal economy, despite the local opportunities that were available (particularly seasonal agricultural work). In addition to economic factors Wheelock (1990) suggests a model of family ' self respect ' which influences negotiations over the gender division of work strategies, allowing personalised lifestyle choices to achieve non-economic goals. It is clear that issues of ' respectability ' played an important role in the Young's household, though perhaps more particularly with Bella Young. Living poorly, but never being 'hard up ' was in important part of self-identity and social standing which the household work strategy, business strategy and notions of thrift combined to achieve. Failure to survive through careful management and business was socially unacceptable, as




Harry noted: ' you went " on the parish" (ie state income support) if you were poor ... we were never reduced to it. Plenty o' folk did ... That was an awfae disgrace

on anybody that was " on the parish ". Terrible '. Household work strategies were therefore influenced by a shared goal to maintain independence from the state and respectability in the community. Maintaining independence would have been aided considerably by Bella Young engaging in waged work, but the goal of respectability

with regard to middle class values about married women's roles was important. Explanations which stereotype intra-household relations tend to relate women's

non-participation in waged labour to men's patriarchal domination within the household and the fact that women's time is committed to domestic roles restricting their choices (Pratt and Hanson 1991). However, within this household there was a tension between Harry and Bella regarding her engagement in the wage economy. A

Harry noted ' she wouldnae work outside after we wis mnarried. I couldnae get her to go out '. Far from seeking to restrict her to the domestic sphere Harry identified a clear economic need for more waged income. Bella resisted this pressure and remembers her one engagement with waged work after marriage-' I earned once.

Money. The guest house was overflowing, and they asked if I would let a couple into one of my bedrooms . . .And I got ?5 from the guest house. And that's all I ever earned '. However, there is a clear association between ' work ' and ' earning' stated here. Despite a very large contribution to the household work strategy, caring for children and relatives, supporting the business and engaging in voluntary work, in the ideology of the time none of this for Bella Young involved 'work' as she understood it. For Bella, her understanding of the role of married women was a very important factor in her contribution to the household work strategy and the decision not to engage in waged work:

no wife worked in those days. They kept house and you went and made a social life. It was committees, that type o' thing. We worked a lot for that, many hours.

And we had dances an' lots o' things. Activities. But I never worked after I was married.

In this way Bella appealed to an ' idea of culture ' (Mitchell 1995) to make sense of the way she had organised her life. She made reference to her own conception of how society and the economy should have been (because obviously married women did

work in this period) to explain her actions. Though there was tension within the household, she was able to draw on the household as a resource (Pratt and Hanson (1991) which allowed her to fulfil her personal goals, based on her own perception of accepted social roles. In this example, household strategy was a response to the rather

marginal economic situation of the business and household, the responsibility taken for domestic tasks by Bella Young, and a means of fulfilling non-economic goals.

The spatial outcomes of household strategies, and their role in the way that social processes are reproduced through everyday practices, are little studied (Pratt and

Hanson 1991). The gendered experience of space and activities reflected the masculine and feminine roles adopted by the couple (see also Hanson 1992). Harry's daily existence involved experience of a much wider sphere, both spatially, socially and in terms of engagement with the market. As noted above, the market of the firm was very local, but needs to be seen in the context of life in a village where the Youngs rarely went to Perth (only five miles away). By contrast, the scale of Bella's experience was limited to the household and activities largely within the village. For

Harry, the much wider engagement with the public sphere was expressed through



208 Young

his business, making him a well known figure in the district (even just as ' the molie '), and his long service on the Village Committee and as a church elder added to his status in the community. Dealing with farmers on a daily basis and attending

markets brought him into contact with the wider business community. Bella's experience involved a more limited public role and a much more geographically limited experience, reflecting her evaluation of society's expectation of a married

woman's role. Day-to-day practices in the business and the household were organised with reference to an idea of culture regarding gender identities and, in turn, those practices recreated accepted gender roles and identities for the individual and society as a whole. One clear spatial outcome was Bella's non-involvement with the waged economy and the wider world of work beyond the village. These roles and identities were also intimately linked with the mutually complementary organisation of household and business.

Conclusion

This paper has sought to broaden the range of studies of the interactions between home and work by considering a micro-scale business in historical context. The household strategy studied was developed to complement the economic inputs from the business and the informal sector to ensure the survival of the household and the business. The household strategy was not just developed as a simple response to economic pressures or the needs of patriarchy. It also allowed for individual choice in the face of constraints to develop a strategy which fulfilled personal goals, in this case linked to notions of respectability and gender ideology. Temporal and spatial restraints were important in the formation of the strategy, and there were specific spatial outcomes in terms of practice and the way that practice was inter-twined with gender identities. Negotiation and strategy within the household influenced this woman's participation in the labour market. Further research would be needed to see if such processes helped account for the gender division of labour apparent in the labour market as a whole.

This case study demonstrates the importance of considering these points in this particular context. Comparison with the few other studies available, however, illustrates the need to contextualise these findings with further more comprehensive analyses. It is likely that the household strategy adopted in this case study would be found in other micro-scale enterprises in rural Scotland. Research on women's work in nineteenth and early twentieth century craft businesses within lowland Perthshire shows a similar pattern of women not being directly involved in the trade, but playing a complementary role within the household and taking on some business related work such as book-keeping (Young 1991). Certainly the following of multiple occupations and mixing waged work with self-employment was also found in this area (Young 1994) so similar household strategies to complement these activities are likely. In the coal mining communities of north-east England, however, even up to the 1950s, a more extreme separation of tasks occurred with mining being an exclusively male activity, and women engaging in the domestic work which was vital to keep a miner working (McDowell and Massey 1984). Among the Cornish tin

miners the possession of a house and smallholding was also a vital part of survival strategies through domestic self-provisioning. As that industry declined, however, a radically different strategy was employed, with male miners engaging in international

migration and returning wages to their households, and in the twentieth century entire families emigrating to emerging mining areas (Rose 1987). In the sweated rag




trade of London, actual productive activity was more likely to be carried out by

women in the home, while in the north-west cotton towns married women were more

likely to be engaged in factory work or taking in paid domestic work such as laundry

(McDowell and Massey 1984). Historically, then, the household strategies adopted varied in their response to the prevailing economic and social circumstances. A great

deal of research still remains to be done to uncover the specific strategies adopted and their implications for socio-economic relations in different locations.

Notes

1 Elements of this paper were presented at the Conference on Business History 1994 held at the Centre

for Business History, Erasmus University, Rotterdam, the Netherlands and are contained in the

conference proceedings (See Young 1995a, reproduced with permission). 2 To reduce the number of detailed references note that information on the business or the household

derives from either Account Book of H Young, Pitcairngreen (private holding), or from interviews

conducted by the author between 1984 and 1987.

3 Real income corrects for inflation. The first half of the graph for real income is in 1929 prices corrected

by using a cost of living index, the second is in 1949 prices using a retail price index, derived from

British Labour Statistics Historical Summary (HMSO, London), Table 89 and Economic Trends (1986)

Annual Supplement 11, 114.

Acknowledgements

I would like to thank the editors and the referees for their helpful comments on an earlier draft of this

paper, and my grandparents for taking part in the study.

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