propaganda in the revolutionary war
TRANSCRIPT
Utilization of Propaganda in Boston, Massachusetts during the Year 1776
History 3325: Revolutionary America
by
Bryan A. Widener
This thesis is submitted to the faculty of the History Department
of Missouri University of Science & Technology in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the Bachelor of Arts degree
December 9, 2015
Approved by:
______________________Dr. Larry GraggThesis Advisor
______________________Dr. Michael Bruening
Reader
Bryan Widener
Historiographical Essay
The American Revolution demonstrated to the world that even the mighty British Empire
was not untouchable. In fact, an assortment of untrained, poorly-funded rebels were able to bring
the empire to its knees. Various instruments were used in bringing this extended conflict to
resolution, Patriot propaganda being among them. Working in the field of Revolutionary
America propaganda were many famous people; Thomas Paine, Benjamin Franklin, Samuel
West, John Witherspoon, and at the helm of the Patriot propaganda machine is Samuel Adams.
Many authors have written biographies of individual propagandists, overviews of colonial
propaganda, and some have made the plethora of propaganda sources from the time available.
Authors have discussed different motives for some colonial propagandists, and whatever those
motives might have been, based on the work of these authors, it is undeniable that Patriot
propaganda played a significant role throughout much of the American Revolution.
John C. Miller, author of Sam Adams: Pioneer in Propaganda paints a very vivid picture
of Samuel Adams as a skilled propagandists. Miller informs readers of the significant role that
Adams had in orchestrating efforts to steer and mobilize public opinions. He states in his book
that, “With Adams on the lookout, the Boston committee (committee of correspondence) never
lacked alarming rumors of impending British tyranny….”1 Once the people were alarmed and
desired a town meeting to discuss policies, Adams and his committees jumped into action. Miller
tells us, “the Boston committee sent out circular letters containing political doctrines which
Adams judged proper….”2 According to Miller’s research and statements, Adams seems to have
provided plenty of fuel for the fires of revolution in the colonies.
1. John C. Miller, Sam Adams: Pioneer in Propaganda (Stanford, CA: Stanford UP, 1936), 269. 2. Ibid.
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Scott Cutlip authored Public Relations History: From the 17th to the 20th Century in
which he tells readers that Samuel Adams and his fellow revolutionaries actually developed and
demonstrated six techniques with which they waged a successful propaganda campaign against
Great Britain.3 By organizing, using symbols, using slogans, staging popular events, rushing
stories, and saturating the minds of the people with revolutionary ideas, propagandists steered the
colonists as they saw fit. Cutlip brings up a very important point that I have not seen in any other
source; that supplies severely limited pamphlet printing as the war went on. He states that “as the
war progressed and the economy took a turn for the worse, and as paper became scarce,
pamphlets became fewer.”4 At this time in particular newspapers shined brightly, according to
Cutlip.
While many people believe that the founding fathers motives were often altruistic, Philip
Davidson argues in Propaganda and the American Revolution, that these leaders had “divergent
interests and attitudes.”5 He states that, “few had anything more in mind than increased popular
rights under aristocratic leadership.”6 Davidson thought that colonists easily believed much of
the Patriot propaganda. He thinks that a strong sense of natural rights, which caused a
predisposition to side with the Patriots. Much as no central government existed by which the
British might militarily defeat the Patriots, there existed no central nervous system for the
propaganda machine. Boston resembled as much of a central point as the British could find, but
they had already occupied Boston. Davidson insists that many platforms existed from which the
3. Scott M. Cutlip, Public Relations History: From the 17th to the 20 Century. (Hillsdale, NJ: Lawrence Erlbaum Associates, 1995. 18.
4. Ibid., 27. 5. Philip Davison, Propaganda and the American Revolution 1763-1783. (Chapel Hill, NC: The University of
North Carolina Press, 1941), 44. 6. Ibid
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virtually undetectable and undefeatable Patriot propaganda machine cold disseminate
propaganda as it saw fit.7
It is easy to think that much of what occurs in the realm of propaganda and public
opinion is spontaneous and fast-paced. Russ Castronovo insists in Propaganda 1776 that,
“American Revolutionary propaganda often moved at a glacial pace….”8 Castronovo calls out
author Terence Qualter on his claim that propaganda is, “an elitist phenomenon.” He attempts to
correct this mistaken impression by describing Patriot propaganda in the colonies as an “arrow-
like vector” which “splits into multiple trajectories that are more suggestive of a network or
web.”9 Much like Davidson’s conclusion, Castronovo thinks that the network of Patriot
propaganda existed in a form that Great Britain found essentially overwhelming.
Although many people contributed to the success of the Patriot cause during the
American Revolution, one might be justified in saying that the minds behind the Patriot
propaganda machine contributed as much as many who carried muskets onto the battlefield.
These authors all came to the conclusion that propaganda severely weakened the British efforts
in the colonies and strengthened the morale and resolve of the colonists. So long as the people
had something to fight for the resistance would continue. According to John Miller and Scott
Cutlip, Samuel Adams and his counterparts ensured that colonists never wanted for ideals to
fight for. Authors disagreed on the motives and effectiveness of individual propagandists, but no
author of a source I have read has indicated that propaganda has been anything less than
devastating at the hands of Patriots.
7. Ibid., 48. 8. Russ Castronovo, Propaganda 1776 (Oxford: Oxford UP, 2014), 16. 9. Ibid., 18-19.
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Utilization of Propaganda in Boston, Massachusetts During the Year 1776
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The use of propaganda likely dates back to very advent of words. Spinning words and
images effectively can change the course of events. The revolution taking place in the British
Colonies of North America during the late 18th century epitomized this very concept. A small
group of Patriots conceived the ideas of the Revolution. These Patriots took part in more than
one revolution though, as they not only triggered a successful independence movement in the
colonies, but also mastered the use of propaganda. The patriarchs of Patriot propaganda include
Samuel Adams, Benjamin Franklin, and Thomas Paine. Newspapers, sermons, and pamphlets
were among the most effective tools utilized by men like Franklin, Adams and Paine. A colonist
might easily read numerous forms of propaganda on his way to church, in a tavern, or while at a
social club. In the life of a colonist in the British colonies of America, propaganda was nearly
everywhere. During the span of 1764 to 1776, the Loyalists engaged in the propaganda
campaign, but Patriot propaganda was increasingly effective, particularly from their center of
operations in Boston. With organizational efforts of groups like the Sons of Liberty and
Committees of Correspondence, the Patriot propaganda machine was far too powerful for
Loyalists to compete. Due, in no small part, to the successful implementation of the Patriot’s
propaganda campaign, the once soft whisper of rebellion matured into the thundering roar of
revolution.
It is justifiable to claim that Samuel Adams had no equal in the realm of revolutionary era
propaganda. Adams, more than any other person, realized that controlling public opinion was
incredibly important and provided a powerful weapon in the propaganda war. Adams boasted a
Harvard education, in which he studied divinity and then abandoned the ministry. He
subsequently studied law, but did not become a lawyer. Adams then lost money in various
business investments as he failed in his administration of a brewery. In 1743, as part of his
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education, Adams defended his thesis, “it is lawful to resist the Supreme Magistrate, if the
Commonwealth cannot be otherwise preserved.”10 Historian John C. Miller states that Adams
showed a great deal of courage in defending a collection of revolutionary ideas which were
strongly opposed by the “blue-blooded conservatives who attended Harvard commencements.”11
These conservatives were said to be appalled with Adams’ disregard for, what they perceived as,
“British supremacy.” Adams was not the sole architect of controversial presentations which
contained ideas that opposed the British monarchy, but his thesis does demonstrate that he had
thoughts of resisting monarchy at a relatively early age. With such ideas in mind, the young
Adams would become an invaluable asset to the Patriot cause in the years to come.
Though he was not much of an orator, Adams was virtually unrivaled at political
manipulation via pen and paper. Aside from his skill at writing politically motivating pieces, he
was an also a talented organizer. He was nicknamed “Sam the Publican” among many of the
Loyalists. It turns out that Adams did serve as a tax collector. In exchange for an elevated
reputation, he often went easy on taxpayers. As he likely knew, this would undoubtedly benefit
him in the form of favors and credibility among the people.12
Organization was crucial to the success of the Patriot’s revolution. With this in mind,
Adams became known as the founder and leader of the “Sons of Liberty” movement in 1765 in
direct opposition to the Stamp Act. He was instrumental in the operation of the Boston division
of the organization. Adams was well aware of the effects of physical intimidation and
implemented a recruitment policy accordingly.13 He found that taverns were the perfect 10. “Harvard University. Commencement Theses, Questiones, and Orders of Exercises, 1642-1818: an
inventory,” Harvard University Library, accessed November 3, 2015. http://oasis.lib.harvard.edu/oasis/deliver/~hua03010.
11. John C. Miller, Sam Adams: Pioneer in Propaganda (Stanford, CA: Stanford UP, 1936), 16. 12. J.L. Bell, “You Won’t Believe How Samuel Adams Recruited Sons of Liberty,” Journal of the American
Revolution, accessed October 14, 2015, http://www.history.com/topics/american-revolution/samuel-adams.13. Ibid.
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establishments in which he could find exactly the sort to “persuade” the Tories and Patriots who
lacked motivation.14 The sort of people who frequented taverns were, in Adams’ words,
“tippling, nasty, and vicious.”15 These types of people could use their size and demeanor to
intimidate the opposition into seeing things from the Patriot’s perspective.
While many propagandists directed events on a grander stage, in the world of
international affairs or provincial levels, Samuel Adams became more concerned with a grass-
roots movement. He believed that the power of revolution, in fact, lay in the hands of the
common people. It appears Adams believed that in order to be free, the people must organize,
communicate effectively, and take action themselves. At this time in the colonies, to speak
openly against the king or to take action against the monarchy might be construed as treasonous.
Thus, for a people to take action and speak-out, there must have been an unambiguous reason to
do so. Though political force will aid them in their efforts, the people must be forceful in their
actions should they desire to be free. Adams saw to it that colonists never lacked fuel for the fire,
“All are not dead; and where there is a Spark of Patriotick fire, we will enkindle it.”16 Historian
Philip Davison asserts that, “the number of his essays and controversial articles must have run
into the hundreds.”17
During the height of the revolution Samuel Adams filled the Boston Gazette with
political propaganda. Patriot utilization of the Boston Gazette led to it becoming known as the
“most factious paper in America where Boston Patriots “spit their venom.”18 One great example
of how Samuel Adams could turn a simple story into a significant portrayal of ill-will and
14. John C. Miller, Sam Adams: Pioneer in Propaganda (Stanford, CA: Stanford UP, 1936), 39. 15. Ibid. 16. Philip Davison, Propaganda and the American Revolution 1763-1783. (Chapel Hill, NC: The University of
North Carolina Press, 1941), 5.17. Ibid. 18. John C. Miller, Sam Adams: Pioneer in Propaganda (Stanford, CA: Stanford UP, 1936), 37.
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vileness is evident in the October 7, 1771 issue of the Boston Gazette. Adams made it known that
governor Thomas Hutchinson received 2250 pounds sterling from Lord North for services to the
king. This is where Adams shone; he turned the fact of a simple payment for services into a
conspiracy in which Hutchinson betrayed the colonists. Adams explained that this money “may
hereafter be used for support of a standing army and ships of war” for use against the colonies,
which most colonists feared. He doesn’t stop there though; Adams goes on to say it might also be
used for “hirelings, pimps, parasites, panders, prostitutes, and whores.”19 If this had simply been
left as a story about Hutchinson’s pay, one might have thought it excessive or not enough, but
little else might have entered a colonist’s mind. I am speculating, as I cannot say if the average
colonist might have read more into the story or not. After Adams added some content, it is easy
to see how a colonist might have become quite infuriated at the story. Again, on October 14,
1771, Adams wrote another piece for the Boston Gazette. This piece, titled “Ambition saw that
stooping Rome could bear A MASTER, nor had Virtue to be free.” This piece attempts to draw a
parallel between the subjects of Rome and the subjects of the British Empire. In short, Adams
states that a slave can only became a slave if he allows himself to be made so. He says that, “If
therefore a people will not be free; if they have not virtue enough to maintain their liberty against
a presumptuous invader, they deserve no pity, and are to be treated with contempt and ignominy.
Had not Casar [sic] seen that Rome was ready to stoop, he would not have dared to make himself
the master of that once brave people.”20 So here too, he used great imagery to steer the public
mind toward revolution. Adams used words and imagery perfectly to make his points and guide
the people of the colonies. He knew that public attitudes and opinions often were a result not of
events, but the interpretation of events.
19. Samuel Adams, Supplement to the Boston Gazette, October 7, 1771.20. Samuel Adams, “Ambition saw that stooping Rome could bear A MASTER, nor had Virtue to be free,”
Boston Gazette and Country Journal, October 14, 1771.
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During the approximately twenty-year span preceding the Declaration of Independence,
propagandists were relentless, yet no central network existed through which these efforts were
applied. Samuel Adams stood well aware of the need to organize in order to effectively control
public opinion. He therefore orchestrated an organization called the “Committees of
Correspondence” in an effort to unify the thirteen colonies and provide an instrument, one with
more authority than the previously founded “Sons of Liberty,” through which he and his fellow
Patriots might direct public opinion. The first committee formed in Boston in direct response to
the Sugar Act. Although the first such committee formed in 1764, it grew at the behest of Adams
in 1772. In 1773, the Continental Congress instructed all colonies to officially organize their own
Committees of Correspondence. One very prominent example of how ideas were shared among
colonies by the committees is the political pamphlet State of the Rights of the Colonies. This
publication consisted of a long list of grievances that the Boston Committee of Correspondence
disseminated across the colonies. By doing so, other towns in Massachusetts held town meetings
to discuss the claims. These committees were also tasked with communicating politically
sensitive information from colony to colony.21 A day in 1773 marked an instance in which this a
committee enacted this duty. On this occasion the Boston Committee printed John Dickenson’s
“Letters from a Farmer in Pennsylvania” despite the letters carrying with them explicit
instructions that they not be copied, or printed for circulation.22 They had received these letters
from Benjamin Franklin, though why he forwarded them to the Boston Committee of
Correspondence is unknown. He very likely knew that this Committee, with Adams leading,
would ignore these stipulations and print them anyway. In 1775, King George III even
proclaimed his “disapprobation of all committees of correspondence,” referring to their actions
21. Scott M. Cutlip, Public Relations History: From the 17th to the 20 Century. (Hillsdale, NJ: Lawrence Erlbaum Associates, 1995O. 27-29
22. Russ Castronovo, Propaganda 1776 (Oxford: Oxford UP, 2014), 48
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as “traitorous correspondence.” He continued by stating that they “promoted sedition far and
wide.”23 The Committees of Correspondence must have been threatening indeed if the King
made his displeasure formally known; in fact, they were termed “furnaces of propaganda.”24
Benjamin Franklin progressed in life to become one of the most famous Americans
throughout the world. Although his formal education ended at the age of ten, the colonies
entrusted Franklin with the most delicate matters of international diplomacy. Josiah Franklin and
his second-wife gave birth to their youngest son Benjamin, in Boston January 6, 1706. In 1718,
he began his apprenticeship under his brother in Boston’s New England Courant print shop.
Franklin ran away to New York and then to Philadelphia after fighting with his brother, only to
return to the printing business in 1723. After only a few months as a printer he travelled to
London, only to return to Philadelphia again, but this time he established his own print shop and
began to publish “The Pennsylvania Gazette.”25 Franklin began to pen his own pieces, vying for
various local reforms in the areas of societal morals. He wrote against things such as excessive
drunkenness, gambling, and slothfulness. He became more and more interested in public affairs
as he grew older, accomplishing a great number of things while holding several political
positions in service to the people of the colonies. In 1757, he travelled to England to protest the
reach of the Penn family’s influence in the Pennsylvania colony. Franklin remained in England
for five years to advise the government on colonial affairs. In 1762 he returned to Pennsylvania
in order to negotiate peace with the Paxton Boys as they marched toward Philadelphia with a list
of demands. Fortunately for the colony, he met them in Germantown where he successfully
engaged in his negotiation. He resolved the conflict, but it cost him his seat on the assembly.
23. Ibid., 65. 24. Scott M. Cutlip, Public Relations History: From the 17th to the 20 Century. (Hillsdale, NJ: Lawrence
Erlbaum Associates, 1995), 28. 25Benjamin Franklin, The Autobiography of Benjamin Franklin 1706-1757 (Auckland, New Zealand: The
Floating Press, 2009), 4-5.
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Franklin then returned to England in 1764, where he protested the Stamp Act quite adamantly.
The undesirable Stamp Act drove up the cost of paper, thereby making the distribution of news
more costly. England saw this as a way to increase revenue after a costly war with the French,
while the colonists perceived it to be a British effort to censor the Patriot media. Eventually,
Franklin took on the role that he is most known for, the colonial commissioner to France. 26
Where he saw British Allies he tried to tear them away, and where he saw potential for allies to
the Patriot cause, Franklin worked to develop that potential. Historian Oliver Thomson states that
Franklin carried out “one of the most thorough campaigns of diplomatic isolation by propaganda
ever mounted.”27
Public opinion shifts at a slow pace, as often seen today. Among the various forms of
propaganda utilize, Paul Revere demonstrated the power of images. Patriots utilized the killing
of a small handful of their brothers to the fullest extent possible following the Boston Massacre.
The Boston Massacre took place on March 5, 1770 an attack brought on by antagonistic tactics,
but Patriot propaganda quickly portrayed it as a slaughter of innocent people at the hands of evil
British troops who supposedly had the express purpose of restricting the liberties of Bostonians.
Although not true, it fit the narrative, and it remains in the minds of many people today. Paul
Revere’s engraving of the Boston Massacre, copied from Henry Pelham’s sketch “The Fruits of
Arbitrary Power,” illustrates the use of Patriot propaganda perfectly. In it, the colonists are
standing at ease and unarmed. A little dog is amid the innocent colonists, colonists who are
gunned down ruthlessly and without hesitation by tyrannical Redcoats. For at least two weeks
26. Ibid., 4-7. 27. “Propaganda – Revolution, war, and propaganda 1917,” Encyclopedia of the New American Nation,
accessed October 21, 2015, http://www.americanforeignrelations.com/O-W/Propaganda-Revolution-war-and-propaganda-to-1917.html
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following the event, Patriot media fought Loyalist media for control of the news.28 This key piece
of propaganda most certainly fanned the flames of anti-British sentiment. People began to take
greater notice of the British military presence and demanded the occupation be brought to an
end.
28. Todd Andrlik, Reporting the Revolutionary War: Before it was History it was News (Naperville, Illinois: Sourcebooks, Inc., 2012), 58-59.
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29
In reality, the Boston Massacre resulted from antagonistic actions by colonists, who
numbered around two-hundred. They intended on attacking the British barracks at Battle Square
but were unsuccessful in their attempt. While returning from Battle Square the mob saw British
Sentry Hugh White being harassed in front of the Customs House. The mob joined in on the
29. Paul Revere, The bloody massacre perpetrated in King Street Boston on March 5th 1770 by a party of the 29th Regt., Library of Congress, Washington D.C., accessed October 1, 2015, http://www.loc.gov/pictures/ resource/ppmsca.01657/
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assault and soon British reinforcements arrived, led by Captain Thomas Preston. The mob gained
at least another hundred members and soon began to display weapons while lobbing rocks at the
British soldiers. Out of fear for his life, one British private opened fire without taking aim. Two
more soldiers began to open fire until ordered to cease by Captain Preston. The soldiers were not
guilty of anything more than defending themselves, but that did not prevent the Patriot
propaganda machine from producing a product to further the cause of the revolution. Samuel
Adams used the incident to remind colonists of the dangers of a standing army and urge for the
removal of British Troops from Boston, and the Paul Revere illustration is, even today, the
commonly accepted narrative. Only John Adams and John Quincy were willing to see things for
what they were and defended the British soldiers proving their relative innocence.30
Likewise, loyalist propagandists used images to further their efforts. A 1774 print by
famous cartoon illustrator Philip Dawe, depicted Patriots gleefully tarring and feathering John
Malcom, a stamp distributor during the time of the Stamp Act in the colonies. The illustration
depicts four Patriots gleefully pouring tea down John Malcolm’s throat in front of the Liberty
Tree with a single onlooker behind. In the background are five Patriots aboard His Majesty’s
vessel dumping tea into Boston Harbor.
Dawe’s depiction of the “Bostonians Paying the Excise-Man, or Tarring & Feathering,”
is most certainly correct in that the people were angry and sought their own breed of justice.
However; there is far more contextual background than the portrait allows for. According to
accounts in the January 27, 1774 Massachusetts Gazette, the young boy who Malcolm so
maliciously pursued, had bumped into his feet with a sled. Malcolm, out of anger, began to
30. Todd Andrlik, Reporting the Revolutionary War: Before it was History it was News (Naperville, Illinois: Sourcebooks, Inc., 2012), 58-59.
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follow the young boy, berating him and waving his cane in the air as if to strike the child. George
Robert Twelves Hewes pressed Malcolm on his intentions of hitting the young lad with his cane.
Malcolm angrily struck Hewes on the head after he had grown tired of the questioning, which
caused him to lose consciousness. Later that evening, a mob arrived at Mr. Malcolm’s home,
lowered him onto a sled and paraded him through town to the Liberty Tree. Many gentlemen of
the town suggested that the people let justice take its course rather than resort to vigilante justice.
Following the acquittal of the soldiers involved in the Boston Massacre, members of the mob
believed that they had no choice, should they wish to see justice served. Led by senior members
of the Sons of Liberty, the mob tarred and feathered Malcolm. The mob beat Malcom with
sticks, whipped him and then threatened to hang him at the Liberty Tree. They then threatened to
cut off his ears, which led him to finally issue an apology.31
One need only know the date of both events to see that the Boston Tea Party (March 5,
1770) did not happen in unison with the tarring and feathering of John Malcolm (Jan 25, 1774).
These two events took place nearly four years apart, but the illustration portrays both events
occurring simultaneously.32 A crowd of various genders and social classes surrounded Malcolm,
not a mere five men. There is no evidence to show that the persons involved in this punishment
were so exceedingly elated during the act, but there is also no evidence to the contrary. So it
seems that the artist speculated, or more likely, depicted the colonists in a manner beneficial to
the Loyalists’ cause. This valuable artwork is the epitome of Loyalist propaganda. It contains
many elements of various times and captures many shades of the perceived Patriot personality.
Patriots were depicted as simple and evil in numerous ways. Such a portrayal likely painted the
image of colonists in the minds of Loyalists and people in England.31. Alfred F. Young, The Shoemaker and the Tea Party. (Boston, MA: Beacon Press, 1999), 46-51 32. “The Bostonian’s Paying the Excise-Man, or Tarring & Feathering” (portrait print), Library of Congress,
October 3, 2015, http://www.loc.gov/pictures/resource/cph.3g14078/
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33
Ministers also proved skilled at disseminating propaganda. Faith remained an important
aspect of life to a sizeable portion of the colonists; thus sermons had a deep and lasting effect.
According to an article in the DePaul Law Review “the political sermon effectively
communicated ideas better than other forms of public communication.”34 Obviously, most people
33. Ibid.34. Mark A. Knoll, “The Election Sermon: Situating Religion and the Constitutional in the Eighteenth
Century,” DePaul Law Review 59, no.4 (Summer 2010): 17, accessed November 6, 2015,
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attended church to hear the messages of the Lord via his appointee, the minister, and thus the
messages that they heard carried considerable weight. Many ministers considered a separation of
the political domain and spiritual domain as blasphemous. Political leaders should be godly
people, and their undertakings should be carried out with godly intent. Most ministers of 1776
preached in a manner which implied, if not directly stated, that God’s laws should govern man’s
laws. Under God’s guidance, it is a colonist’s duty to ensure the good of all.35
On May 29th, 1776 Reverend Samuel West preached a sermon in Boston which contained
a great deal of Patriot propaganda; it blended religion and politics perfectly together. This date
marked the anniversary of the election of the Massachusetts-Bay Colony’s Council. It made
sense that propagandists utilized this sermon to commemorate an election during revolutionary
times. Rev. West makes many statements in his sermon which tend to lend credibility to the
Patriot movement. The last line of West’s sermon demonstrates that he wanted the colonies to
declare independence. His presentation of this sermon took place as the Second Continental
Congress debated the potential Declaration of Independence; thus a perfect platform from which
to vie for support of such a declaration. He expresses his support, much like Samuel Adams’
college thesis, for independence by asking how the people can be expected to remain obedient
and dutiful when they are strangers to the nature of the duty. In fact, under judgement of the
circumstances and under God’s principles which demand adherence to public authority, the
people are obligated in kind to resist tyranny. God’s demands with natural law that all people,
leaders especially, should seek to do good in all things. If a person does the opposite, and instead
causes harm and acts in evil, then the people have a right to demand amends for damages. It is
just in such cases, according to Reverend West, to inflict punishment in kind.
http://via.library.depaul.edu/law-review/vol59/iss4/535. John Wingate Thornton, The Pulpit of the American Revolution: Or, The Political Sermons of the Period
of 1776 (Boston, MA: Gould and Lincoln, 1860). iii.
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Some leaders in history have acted in a manner unbefitting God and his teachings.
Reverend West makes a point of these people by stating that, “A revelation, pretending to be
from God, that contradicts any part of natural law, ought immediately to be rejected as an
imposture [sic]….”36 When a people fall into agreement with or go beyond the law of nature
then, they are no longer free but have entered into a state of the vilest slavery of sin and base
passions. “The servants of sin and corruption are subjected to the worst kind of tyranny. Hence
we conclude that where licentiousness begins, liberty ends.”37
Following Reverend West’s sermon up to this point, he presents the people with an
opportunity to reflect on this statement: “The only difficulty remaining is to determine when a
people may claim a right of forming themselves into a body politic, and assume the power of
legislation.”38 He responds to this question by asserting that when a people find themselves
undeniably oppressed, they then have a right and a duty to remove their chains of slavery and
declare themselves liberated. One significant point he makes is that before a people can declare
themselves free, they must unite and assess their power. Only when a people are strong enough
can they in fact take a stand for their liberties and hold ground in doing so. When this has been
firmly established, then they must “renounce all submission,” and “set up an independent state,”
according to Reverend West.39
Another man who preached a politically centered sermon in 1776 is John Witherspoon.
Witherspoon earned his Doctorate of Divinity in Edinburgh, Scotland and served as president of
Princeton University in New Jersey from 1768 until 1792. Witherspoon also represented New
36. Samuel A.M. West, A Sermon Preached Before The Honorable Council, And The Honorable House of Representatives Of The Colony of the Massachusetts-Bay, In New-England (Boston, MA: John Gill, 1776), 272.
37. Ibid., 273 38. Ibid., 278-279 39. Samuel A.M. West, A Sermon Preached Before The Honorable Council, And The Honorable House of
Representatives Of The Colony of the Massachusetts-Bay, In New-England (Boston, MA: John Gill, 1776), 280.
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Jersey as a member of the Second Continental Congress. His sermon proved far less assertive
than Samuel West’s, but it contained a great deal of propaganda. He draws a clear analogy
between religious revival and the empowerment of the colonies through violence against
oppressive persecution. Witherspoon noted that during the Protestant Reformation, cruelty and
suffering contributed more to strengthen the movement than it did to hinder it.40 Likewise, the
colonists were fueled by their oppression at the hands of the British Empire. In this way, the
British brought the rebellion onto themselves. By standing together in-arms against the British,
the people were prepared for the defense of their rights and liberties.41 Witherspoon conveyed the
message, “I am satisfied that the confederacy of the colonies, has not been the effect of pride,
resentment, or sedition, but of a deep and general conviction, that our civil and religious liberties,
and consequently in a great measure the temporal and eternal happiness of us and our posterity,
depended on the issue…. I call this claim unjust, of making laws to bind us in all cases
whatsoever, because they are separated from us, independent of us, and have an interest in
opposing us.”42 Logistically, a wise and prudent administration of colonial affairs by England is
virtually impossible. The time that must elapse before receiving news of colonial events is
undeniably long, and longer still the time that elapses before errors can be corrected.
Witherspoon insists that because of this inefficiency, many injustices and partialities must occur
both in England and at home in the colonies. As a result of these blatant inefficiencies, the
colonies have been forced into union against the Empire. His sermon received extra attention in
colonial newspapers, such as the November 4, 1776 Boston Gazette and Country Journal.
40. Ibid., 543. 41. John Witherspoon, A Sermon Preached At Princeton, On the 17th of May, 1776 (Philadelphia, PA: R.
Aitken, 1776), 543-545. 42. Ibid., 549-550
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Much of the effective propaganda of that time could be found in newspapers, which
differed from those of today with respect to circulation and length of individual issues. Nearly all
newspapers were limited to four pages and circulation of issues numbered in the hundreds in
most cases. Some historians suggest that the average colonial newspaper sold approximately
three-hundred copies in a week.43 Despite the low numbers printed, the issues were often read
aloud at various meeting places such as taverns and handed down from one person to another. In
this way, hundreds of papers might reach thousands of people. Political reporting is nothing new;
most colonial newspapers were biased as is the case in most media today.
Interestingly, there is no record of any newspaper in Boston being exclusively pro-
British; Patriots controlled the Boston press. There were many factors which might have
contributed to this, but almost undeniably the Stamp Act forced the hand of printers to further the
Patriot cause. By England placing a tax on the very means by which a publisher in the colonies
makes a living, his paper, publishers predictably pushed back by supporting the Patriot cause.
Seemingly, the Boston Gazette and Country Journal served as the most influential Whig
newspaper in the colonies. The printer, Benjamin Edes, committed himself to the Patriot cause
and “throughout the controversy was in close touch with the Boston radicals.”44 Edes also
functioned as a member of the Sons of Liberty “Loyall Nine.” Isaiah Thomas published the
Massachusetts Spy, another key component of anti-British propaganda and the Patriot political
machine. Thomas stated that the word “Spy” in the publication title referred to the intended
purpose of the newspaper. It acted “…to assist in detecting, and exposing to the public view,
those miscreants who, for the sake of public or private advantage to themselves, would sacrifice
both their King and Country. And to help, as much as possible, in maintaining and supporting 43. Philip Davison, Propaganda and the American Revolution 1763-1783. (Chapel Hill, NC: The University of
North Carolina Press, 1941), 226. 44. Ibid., 227.
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that LIBERTY for which our Fathers suffered in transferring it to us.”45 The July 19, 1775 issue
of The Massachusetts Spy contained an address to the people of Massachusetts which stated that
Lord North aims “to fight you into a mean submission to arbitrary power; even so far as
voluntarily to put on all the shackles of the most abject slavery…. That mean and sordid
legislative assembly intended, by duress, to extort from you a confession that your persons and
property were, and ought to be, entirely at their disposal.”46 Out of a desire for anonymity the
author signed this piece using a pseudonym, yet the name appeared obvious enough for fellow
Patriots to understand its meaning. A great number of educated colonists, especially politicians
were well-versed in the history of previous governments throughout the world. Occasionally,
some of these people would use symbolism in writing in an effort to make a point. In this
instance, the author used the pseudonym “Lycurgus” the name of a legendary Spartan politician
of the ninth century B.C. and alleged author of the Spartan Constitution.47 The Newport Mercury
from Rhode Island, published by Solomon Southwick, is reputed to have be one of the best
newspapers in the colonies. It encompassed nearly all of the colonies in its scope; very few of the
essays printed in this publication originated locally. This publication demonstrates that Patriot
propaganda existed outside of Boston, but Boston remained the center of operations for the
propaganda machine. It also offered a great cross-sectional view of the Patriot press, and a
sampling of the Loyalist press.48
45. Isaiah Thomas, “Proposals For Continuing and Enlarging The Massachusetts Spy,” The Massachusetts Spy, December 7, 1770
46. Anonymous, “To the in habitants of the colony of MASSACHUSETTS BAY, FRIENDS and FELLOW CONTRYMEN,” The Massachusetts Spy, July 19, 1775.
47. Craig R. Cooper, Edward M. Harris, and Ian Worthington, Oratory of Classical Greece, Volume 5: Dinarchus, Hyperides, and Lycurgus. (Austin, TX: University of Texas Press, 2001), 155
48. Philip Davison, Propaganda and the American Revolution 1763-1783. (Chapel Hill, NC: The University of North Carolina Press, 1941), 229
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Pamphlets were an incredibly effective means with which Patriots reached the common
people of the colonies. The elites of colonial society believed that common people had no place
in the world of politics, yet Paine wrote his pamphlet titled Common Sense in a simple and
straightforward manner. This revolutionary pamphlet extended a welcoming hand from the
political world to commoners in the colonies. Author Christopher Hitchens stated, “Of Common
Sense it can be said, without any risk of cliché, that it was a catalyst that altered the course of
history.”49 Robert Bell, of Philadelphia, published Thomas Paine’s pamphlet titled Common
Sense on January 10, 1776. Mr. Paine, who arrived in America from England only 14 months
earlier, lived the life of a bankrupt Quaker and corset maker who had been twice fired from the
position of excise officer. Thus, a previously unsuccessful Englishman who happened to become
successful in the colonies, authored this ground breaking propaganda. His work entered into
circulation at a very opportune time for Patriots. During the first years of the Revolutionary War,
colonists lacked direction and disagreements occurred frequently. It appeared, at this point, that
many colonists were either undecided or of the opinion that remaining part of the Empire did not
serve their best interests. Where one once thought a person must be either crazy or foolish to
fight the British for independence, Common Sense led many to believe fighting for independence
to be the correct course for the colonies.50
Thomas Paine approached revolution from an angle unseen before his time. He argued
that the very idea of Monarchy is illegitimate and contradictory to itself. He claimed that a
monarch will always seek absolute power, which has no place in a representative government,
and representation is exactly what many colonial people desired. Paine also asserted that kings
and queens, by definition, must isolate themselves from the common person, yet duty demands 49. Christopher Hitchens, Thomas Paine’s Rights of Man: A Biography. (New York: Atlantic Montly Press,
2006), 3050. Bernard Bailyn, “The Anatomy of Common Sense,” Historical Viewpoints
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that they be very aware of the affairs of the common person. Possessing an obligation which is
directly opposed by the definition of the position, causes a figurative implosion thereby
destroying the legitimacy of the crown. Paine didn’t stop at attacking the crown, but continued
on by pointing out issues with the English Constitution. He said in Common Sense that the
English Constitution is “imperfect, subject to convulsions, and incapable of producing what it
seems to promise.”51 He stated that the complexities of the constitution cause each person to
believe the imperfections lie in different areas of the document, and to layout its faults would
take years and result in little, if any, progress. Paine constructed an analogy of any who might
love the English Constitution…. For “as a man who is attached to a prostitute is unfitted to
choose or judge of a wife, so any prepossession in favor of a rotten constitution of government
will disable us from discerning a good one.”52 Before the pamphlet Common Sense, one likely
would not have dared to openly make such revolutionary claims as Paine had against King
George III and the constitution; it now seemed like common sense to many. Perhaps this is why
Paine’s fellows urged him to adopt this title for the publication, rather than his intended title
Simple Truth. Thomas Paine, once a loyal British subject, urged any and all to fight for
independence. Perhaps more than virtually any other source of Patriot propaganda, Thomas
Paine’s Common Sense makes logical claims as to why fighting the British in this conflict is just
and proper.
Paine claims that no nation “in a state of foreign dependence, limited in its commerce,
and cramped and fettered in its legislative powers, can ever arrive at any material eminence.”53
So, according to Paine, the only way that the colonies might become truly prosperous is to
become independent; the nation’s growth is stagnant under British oversight. In addition, Paine 51. Thomas Paine, Common Sense, (Philadelphia, 1776), 12. 52. Ibid., 17.53. Ibid.
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states, “it matters very little now what the King of England either says or does; he hath wickedly
broken through every moral and human obligation, trampled nature and conscience beneath his
feet; and by a steady and constitutional spirit of insolence and cruelty, procured for himself a
universal hatred. It is in the best interest of America to provide for herself.”54 The time for
petitioning the king is over; he believes that the colonies would have benefited more if they were
to dispatch a manifesto to foreign nations declaring the oppressions that they have been subjected
to at the hands of the British.55
Common Sense effectively achieved what Paine had intended. Even colonists who were
not fond of Paine had to admit the success of this pamphlet he had written. John Adams wrote a
letter to Thomas Jefferson in 1819 in which he said, “What a poor, ignorant, malicious, short-
sighted, crapulous mass is Tom Paine’s ‘Common Sense.’ … And yet history is to ascribe the
American Revolution to Thomas Paine.”56 Shortly after publication, Common Sense became
available in all 13 colonies. There exists a great deal of confusion as to the actual circulation
numbers. Paine claims in The Rights of Man that the demand for Common Sense must have been
no less than 100,000.57 He believed this to be the case, at a time when the total population of the
colonies numbered approximately 2.2 million,58 so 100,000 would have been a sizeable portion
of the population. Based on the nature of printing at the time and the fact that Thomas Paine
“was at no time in contact with the printers across the colonies who set the print in type…” we
know that he could not accurately speak to the dissemination of his pamphlet.59 Based on 54. Ibid.55. Ibid., 79. 56. Trish Loughran, “Disseminating Common Sense Thomas Paine and the Scene of Revolutionary Print
Culture,” in The Republic in Print: Print Culture in the Age of U.S. Nation Building, 1770-1870 (New York: Columbia University Press, 2007), 56.
57. Ibid., 66. 58. Population in the Colonial and Continental Periods, Table 1. Estimated Population During Colonial and
Continental Periods: 1610 to 1790, accessed December 8, 2015, http://www.2.census.gov/prod2/decennial/documents/00165897ch01.pdf
59. Ibid.
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publisher records and existing purchase records, it is clear that Common Sense became quite
popular, but did not have circulation numbers anywhere near what Paine claims. Russ
Castronovo, in his book Propaganda 1776, states that a printing house with a skilled workforce
could print a newspaper or broadside in a few hours.60 The initial printing of 1,000 copies sold in
a week, followed by a second 1,000, a large printing of 3,000, and then a significantly smaller
printing with Benjamin Franklin purchasing a couple hundred himself. From what information
that has been made available, it appears that a great many copies were in fact distributed; there
were 16 editions published in total, many by different publishers throughout the colonies. As a
result, it becomes nearly impossible to determine the exact number of pamphlets printed, but it is
safe to say that the number does fall short of 100,000.61 Regardless of the specific number of
pamphlets printed, Paine had impacted the colonies in a way that they likely had never been
before. Common Sense dispersed across the colonies like firestorm. It could be found in
bookstalls, coffeehouses, and taverns. Conveniently enough it found its way to these places on
the exact same day that an anti-colonial speech, given by King George III, had arrived from
London. As historian and author Trish Loughran says in her book, The Republic in Print: “This
coincidence lent the pamphlet’s arguments a surreal sense of timeliness….”62 Paine’s Common
Sense did not have its impact limited simply to its own circulation numbers. His pamphlet
received a good deal of praise in the colonial press. There exists many laudatory comments about
Paine’s Common Sense in 1776 (refer to appendix for full excerpts). These comments refer to
ideas put forward by this pamphlet as common dinner toasts and even state these ideas as
wonders and miracles.
60. Russ Castronovo, Propaganda 1776 (Oxford: Oxford UP, 2014), 16.61. Loughran, 67-68. 62. Ibid., 68.
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Loyalists most certainly fought back with rebuttals to Common Sense. One such
publication is a Thomas Hutchinson’s pamphlet, Strictures Upon the Declaration of the
Congress at Philadelphia. In his 32-page rebuttal to the Declaration of Independence, published
July 1776, he dismissed Common Sense as a simple “list of imaginary grievances.”63 Along with
the accusations he made against Paine’s publication, Hutchinson also rejects the legitimacy of
the Declaration of Independence. The entirety of the Declaration is split into sections while
Hutchinson attempts to dismantle and demerit it. Hutchinson very distinctly points out the
contradictions of the colonists’ claim “that all men are created equal, that they are endowed by
their creator with certain unalienable Rights....” He continues, “Only I could wish to ask the
Delegates of Maryland, Virginia, and the Carolinas how their Constituents justify the depriving
more than a hundred thousand Africans of their rights to liberty and the pursuit of happiness, and
in some degree to their lives, if these rights are so absolutely unalienable.”64 Hutchinson has a
very clear motive, which is to discredit any attempts by Patriots to justify a rebellion against the
British Empire. It seems that he effectively made several points which brought him closer to
achieving his goal. After being forced from Boston, why would the Massachusetts House of
Representatives adjourn with astute objections and a petition for return to Boston after having
conducted business as usual in Cambridge?65 “The people of the colonies, Boston in particular,
refuse to do business and fatigue the governor, and then complain because the King does the
same to them. How ridiculous then do those men make themselves, who offer it to the world as a
ground to justify rebellion?”66 Mr. Hutchinson does not lash out unjustifiably in his rebuttal, in
fact, he makes many well-supported arguments to further his claim that the Declaration of
63. Thomas Hutchinson, Strictures Upon the Declaration of the Congress at Philadelphia, Excerpts, (London, 1776), 1.
64. Ibid., 2 65. Ibid., 3 66. Ibid.
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Independence and the Patriot movement, are illegitimate. His reference to the contradictions
made by the colonists with respect to unalienable rights, which they deprive people of
themselves, is a very significant point. If colonists can claim wrongs done by the crown and his
ministers are unjust, yet commit the very same themselves, how can their claims hold any
legitimacy? When the British displaced the governing body of Massachusetts, but it continued to
operate normally in the new location, but then on a whim decided that operation could not
continue… how then could obstruction be originating from England? Unfortunately for Thomas
Hutchinson, and his fellow Loyalists, he published this rebuttal anonymously and addressed it to
Lord North in England. If this publication made it into the hands of colonists, it had nominal
circulation and most certainly little, if any, impact.
Another, much less formal, pamphlet attacked Paine’s Common Sense. Reverend Charles
Inglis had his pamphlet The Deceiver Unmasked; Or, Loyalty and Interest United: In Answer to
a Pamphlet Entitled Common Sense published in 1776. It is very direct and at times abrasive.
Inglis previously lived as a British Anglican who led a congregation at Trinity Church in New
York City. His congregation consisted largely of Loyalists, and he himself remained loyal to the
king of England. From the very beginning Inglis makes his thoughts clear as he refers to
Common Sense as “one of the most artful, insidious, and pernicious pamphlets I have ever met
with. I find no Common Sense in this pamphlet, but much uncommon frenzy.”67 Inglis clearly
recognizes the power that Thomas Paine has in uniting the people under the banner of revolution.
Inglis delineates seven evils existed which embodied the Patriot’s desire to separate from
the glorious British Empire:
1) To prolong this conflict is to desire more wounded and dead.67. Rev. Charles Inglis, The Deceiver Unmasked; or, Loyalty and Interest United: In Answer to a Pamphlet
Entitled Common Sense, (New York, 1776), iv.
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2) By continuing to fight, colonists oppose peace itself.
3) If reconciliation were to occur then agriculture, commerce, and industry would be
restored to desired levels.
4) To remain in the British Empire would ensure protection of trade beyond what any
other nation on Earth could offer.
5) The incurrence of costs associated with protection of trade would be much lower as a
part of the British Empire.
6) Trade bounties existed as a part of the Empire, and the number of goods that would
flow into the colonies as a result of open trade with the rest of the Empire are beyond
compare.
7) Upon reconciliation and the restoration of peace, emigration to the colonies would be
restored and growth exhibited.
Inglis assures that these are very real benefits as compared to the false grievances made
by Paine in Common Sense.68 If the colonists were to persist in their collective efforts to fight
against the British Empire, then there would undoubtedly be consequences too numerous to
predict. He lists six such consequences.69
1) All of our (colonist’s) property throughout the continent would be unhinged. The
greatest confusion and violent convulsions would take place.
2) Thousands who have taken the oath of allegiance to the King… must be compelled to
renounce that allegiance or abandon their property in America. Thousands more
would be reduced to a similar situation; who although they took not that oath, yet
68. Rev. Charles Inglis, The Deceiver Unmasked; or, Loyalty and Interest United: In Answer to a Pamphlet Entitled Common Sense, (New York, 1776), 59-62.
69. Ibid., 63-69.
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would think it inconsistent with their duty and good conscience to renounce their
sovereign.
3) Every avenue to an accommodation with Great Britain would be closed…. The sword
would not be sheathed till one had conquered the other.
4) Devastation and ruin must mark the progress of the war.
5) A republican form of government would neither suit the genius of the people nor the
extent of America.
6) Assuming an American republic were formed, how would America afford the
expense necessary to support it?
Inglis’ pamphlet, shared a similar fate to Thomas Hutchinson’s rebuttal to Common
Sense. The ‘Sons of Liberty’ raided Inglis’ print-shop and destroyed his equipment and nearly all
copies of his pamphlet. The effects of propaganda could only be felt if it could reach people, and
in this case it did not reach many, thus it had almost no impact. Furthermore, there existed a
great many difficulties when it came to appealing to the minds of those on the frontier and the
lower-class elements near the cities, in some cases. The colonies lacked communication during
the initial years of the revolution. Diversity in faith, morals, and life-goals were a significant
problem in uniting people of the colonies under the banner of revolution. Even many leaders of
the revolution had different interests and attitudes, yet they had the idea of increased popular
rights under aristocratic leadership in common.70 One excellent example of this is the fact that
the Tea Act only truly affected those who drank a great deal of tea, often recreationally, thus
primarily the independent wealthy northern merchants were affected. Poorer people were
affected to a degree, but much less so than those who had become accustomed to drinking tea
70. Philip Davison, Propaganda and the American Revolution 1763-1783. (Chapel Hill, NC: The University of North Carolina Press, 1941), 44.
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frequently. So, propaganda related to the Tea Act had a relatively centralized focus. At first,
propaganda related to taxes on luxury goods had little impact. As the years went on, a series of
progressive acts like the Sugar Act and Stamp Act made things much easier for the Patriot
propaganda machine. Colonists once loved their homeland of England, but years of irritation and
Patriot propaganda led to an eventual wariness and hatred for the land that they once loved.71 In
most of the colonies it seemed clear to the Patriot propagandists that the power of revolution lay
in the hands of the common people. Thus, the common people must be reached by whatever
means necessary. Much of the patriot propaganda had to fit this mold.72
Loyalists in particular had a difficult time organizing and mobilizing any significant
efforts in the British Colonies of North America regarding propaganda. As stated earlier, the
printers and newspapers were dominated by the Patriots. Without access to equipment with
which they might print books, pamphlets or newspapers it becomes nearly impossible to affect
colonists with any form of print media. Boston Churches were predominantly pastored and
congregated by Patriots, thus Loyalists were further restricted in their collective means of
carrying out an effective propaganda campaign. Distance from England severely limited Loyalist
propagandists in that they could not efficiently relay messages to and from their home country.
One great example of how distance played a significant role in the war of propaganda is detailed
in the attempt by Loyalist and Patriot messengers to communicate the events of Lexington and
Concord on April 19, 1775. The Loyalists and Patriots set out for England at approximately the
same time with news of what had transpired there. The Patriots thought ahead and sent their
fastest ship, thereby arriving with their side of the story two weeks before the British ship.73
71. Arthur M. Schlesinger, Prelude to Independence: The Newspaper War on Britain 1764-1776. (New York: Vintage Books, 1965), 4.
72. Edmund S. Morgan, The American Revolution: Two Centuries of Interpretation. (Englewood Cliffs, NJ: Prentice-Hall, Inc., 1965), 107.
73. Oliver Thomson, Easily Led: A History of Propaganda. (Gloucestershire, U.K.: Phoenix Mill, 1999). 212.
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Without knowing that another ship would arrive in two weeks, it is easy to see how this would
affect news stories and thus the minds of the people. James Otis, a member of the Massachusetts
Assembly, once stated that one could “as well prove that the British House of Commons in fact
represent all the people of the globe as those in America.” To think otherwise Otis thought to be
“absurd,” or as he put it, “the work of a political visionary.”74
In his book, Public Relations History, Scott M. Cutlip denotes that modern public
relations and propaganda have been shaped considerably by Samuel Adams and other
revolutionary-era propagandists. There are six steps of powerful propaganda formation and
dissemination techniques that Cutlip claims these founding fathers nearly perfected:75
1) Organizing for the purpose of executing actions (e.g., Sons of Liberty, Committees of
Correspondence).
2) Utilizing symbols that are easily identifiable (e.g., Liberty Tree, Don’t Tread On Me
flag).
3) Utilizing slogans which simplify complex events (e.g., “Taxation without representation
is tyranny”).
4) Staging catchy events with which they might crystallize public opinion (e.g., Boston Tea
Party).
5) Rushing the story so as to get their account to the public first (e.g., “Horrid Boston
Massacre”).
6) Conducting a saturation campaign using all available media (e.g., Sermons, pamphlets,
demonstrations, broadsides, newspapers, etc.).
74. John R. Howe, The Role of Ideology In the American Revolution. (New York, NY: Holt, Rinehart and Winston, 1970), 97.
75. Scott M. Cutlip, Public Relations History: From the 17th to the 20 Century. (Hillsdale, NJ: Lawrence Erlbaum Associates, 1995. 18.
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Propaganda is an unusual field, because relatively inexperienced or uneducated people can
succeed in it just as well as the experienced and educated. Thomas Paine exemplifies this, as he
began as twice-married, lowly immigrant and virtually had been unsuccessful in his previous
endeavors. He rose quickly in the colonies, only two years after his arrival. Despite all of his
shortcomings, Paine’s Common Sense entered into in a league all its own with respect to its
effects on the minds of the people. Samuel Adams was a Harvard graduate, yet he failed in
virtually everything he did following his academic career. After all of his failed undertakings, he
rose from the ashes and became the veritable champion of revolutionary propaganda.
All of the propaganda in the world would not make a difference if the people did not
believe that sufficient means existed with which they could take action. No militia or Continental
Army could exist without popular support, at least no militia or army that stood a chance of
success in battle. Samuel Adams saw the Committees of Correspondence as a means of
establishing confidence in one another. This points back to the overwhelming significance of a
network of communication between communities. If one community knew that neighboring
areas were increasingly in agreement, then they had all the more reason to support, or not to
support a cause. If Boston made it known that they would soon be raising forces to fight the
British, or organizing for a particular cause, then Cambridge and other areas are more likely to
follow in suit. In this way, every community could be assured that they would receive
tremendous support in their area. So, following this logic, it becomes important to spread the
Patriot ideology outside of a single centralized area. As more communities became aware of the
Patriot ideology, they could communicate their position on such ideals. This is where Samuel
Adams’ expertise came into play. Adams repeatedly emphasized the need for a self-conscious
public union of sentiments.76 Though Adams did not act alone in making such communication 76. Richard D. Brown, Revolutionary Politics in Massachusetts (Cambridge, MA: Harvard UP, 1970), 78-83.
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more feasible. Benjamin Franklin created a post roads system in 1753 with the intention of
making communication between colonies easier. In such a vast area of the world, swift
communication became imperative. No road networks existed at this time, and it took
approximately two weeks, in the absolute best of conditions, for news to make it from Boston,
Massachusetts to Charleston, South Carolina.77
During the middle-to-late 18th century, colonists of the Americas began to speak quietly
of the growing oppressive actions of their parent state. Murmurings of oppression and lack of
representation eventually grew into musket-fire and cannon-blasts. Propagandists like Thomas
Paine reached out to the common people with Common Sense in a way virtually unheard of at the
time. Ministers like Samuel West preached of a divine obligation set forth by God Himself, an
obligation to oppose evil and oppression. Benjamin Franklin printed politically-aligned
newspapers, satire, advertised pamphlets like Common Sense, and pushed for local reforms while
he mustered foreign aid with which to embolden the colonists. Again, Franklin held the
responsibility of implementing transportation infrastructure with which colonies may better
communicate with one another. All of the leading propagandists had a place, but Samuel Adams
stood head-and-shoulder above them all. His talent for organizing and motivating the colonists
were instrumental to the Patriot propaganda machine, and to the revolution as a whole. Without
his Sons of Liberty and Committees of Correspondence, the social consensus may have been
quite different and following that logic, the war itself may have had a different outcome. By the
actions of these propagandists, the seed of propaganda had been planted in the minds of many
colonists. This led to many of them taking up ink-and-quill and muskets alike, to fight for their
supposed rights and liberties; rights and liberties that they might not have known they had were it
77. Scott M. Cutlip, Public Relations History: From the 17th to the 20th Century (Hillsdale, NJ: Lawrence Erlbaum Associates, 1995), 27-28.
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not for those leaders of propaganda who told them so. Where once the British Empire
symbolized economic stability and freedom, propaganda had transformed that symbol into one of
excessive taxation, illegal search and seizure of properties, home-invasion by oppressive and
overtly hostile British troops, and economic slavery. At one time, Samuel Adams stood alone at
Harvard defending his thesis, “it is lawful to resist the Supreme Magistrate, if the
Commonwealth cannot be otherwise preserved;”78 and now, thanks largely to his work in Boston,
a majority of the thirteen colonies were now at his side defending it as well.
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