prosodic effects of affixation in philippine languages

8/8/2019 Prosodic Effects of Affixation in Philippine Languages

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The Prosodic Effects of Affixation in Philippine

LanguagesCarla Maria Katrina TantiangcoUniversity of the Philippines, Diliman

[email protected]

Michael Wilson RoseroUniversity of the Philippines, Diliman

[email protected]

JC Dawn LimUniversity of the Philippines, Diliman

[email protected]

ABSTRACT

This paper is a study of the prosodic effects of affixation to

the stem it attaches to, an area which has been somewhatignored by previous studies. The paper will not only focus

on the contribution of the affix to the root but also on the

internal change that occurs as it undergoes affixation.Particularly, the paper will describe the movement, or thelack thereof, of stress in this morphological process. Thepaper will also detail the semantic contribution of stress to

the derived word e.g. arl -> arlin and araln. The shift instress plus the suffix [-in] usually suggest the meaning of

prone to while the shift stress accompanying the suffix[-an] usually suggest the meaning a place for What ismore important is the observation that both the affix and

the stress can only trigger a meaning which speakers finduseful to their culture.

1.0 INTRODUCTION

1.1 RationaleAside from being phonemic in roots such as ral and arl,stress also marks a difference in meaning in affixed formssuch as arlin `v. to study and araln `n. a thing or subjectto be studied. It is clear that stress is being utilized by

speakers of the language to express a semantic contrast andif this is the case, it is important to understand how.

1.2 Scope: Objectives and LimitationsThe paper will focus on the prosodic effects of affixation as

roots and stems undergo the derivational process. It willidentify the phonological and semantic patterns that

affixation brings.

This paper will be limited to suffixation to establish a basefor further research. An analysis of suffixed forms withtheir prosodic features will be undertaken and theconclusions from this research will be tested through asurvey which will be conducted at a later date.

1.3 Previous StudiesThe two main studies done on this topic is from 1978, byZorc [2], and 1988, by French [1].

Zorc briefly discusses the morphological use of accent inPhilippine languages.

He classified affixes into SAME-ACCENT AFFIX, PENULT-LENGTH-AFFIX, PENULT-SHORTNESS AFFIX and REVERSE

AFFIX (plus zero-accent affix, which is not found inTagalog). He also grouped the words according to the

derived form and not from the root.

French uses the metrical grid theory and concludes that the

stress of the root is separate from the stress of the prefix.

French touches on the subject of (secondary) stress

differentiating kanan from knan. Her paper describesthe phonological whys of the movement but refrains from

discussing semantics.

Note that these studies are only brief sections in the

published literature. There is without a doubt a need toexpand the existing knowledge regarding the roles of stress

in affixation.

1.4 MethodologyAn elicitation list of 200 words was drawn up to produce

data for this research: 100 roots with stressed penultimatesyllable and 100 roots with stressed ultimate syllable.

The suffixes [-an] and [-in] were subsequently added to the

roots. The derived forms were then listed down with the

corresponding movement or non-movement of the accent.The meanings of the resulting words were then analyzed.

A list of possible environments (sentences) was alsoproduced to determine where and how the words are used.

The words and sentences are consulted with other native

speakers.

2.0 Prosodic Effects of Affixation

2.1. Stress in MorphologyBased on the word list produced for this research, a clearpattern was found in roots whose stress fell on thepenultimate syllable (hereafter referred to as P.S.W.) and in

roots whose stress fell on the ultimate syllable (hereafterreferred to as U.S.W.)

If the stress of the root remains in the same position after it

has undergone suffixation (i.e. if the root is a P.S.W.) andthe suffixed form is still a P.S.W.), the resulting word is a

verb:


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1. [a.wit] song1.1 [a.wi.tin] sing (something)

1.2 [a.wi.tan] sing (to someone)

2. [kan.ta] song2.1 [kan.ta.hin] sing (something)2.2. [kan.ta.han] sing (to someone)

On the other hand, if the stress of the root shifts as it

undergoes suffixation (i.e. if the root is a P.S.W. and thesuffixed form is an U.S.W.), the resulting word does not

become a verb and takes on a different meaning

3. [na.kaw] to steal / stolen3.1 [na.ka.wan] steal (from someone)

3.2 [na.ka.win] steal (something)

3.3 [na.ka.wan] robbery

3.4 [na.ka.win] easily stolen

4. [i.nom] to drink4.1 [i.nu.man] drink (from)

4.2 [i.nu.min] drink (something)

4.3 [i.nu.man] drinking party

4.4 [i.nu.min] something to drink (noun)

A broad generalization would be: retention of the stressposition after suffixation results in a verb while a shift instress position after suffixation results in a noun or a

stative.

However, the forms nakawn and inmin have differentmeanings, which make the input of both the affix and stressunclear. In addition to that, the forms awitn and kanthin

are not attested.

2.2 Semantic Change due to StressWhat is clear from the 200 word list is that not every rootcan take both [-an] and [in] and not all resulting forms of

suffixation carry both penultimate and ultimate stress

positions.

2.2.1 About the SuffixesIt is first necessary to determine why some roots can takeboth [-in] and [-an] and why others cannot take one or the

other.

Note the root sampl:

5. [sam.pal] to slap5.1 [sam.pa.lin] to slap (someone) (once)5.2 [sam.pa.lan] (not attested)

The form sampaln is widely accepted. It is easilyunderstood as to slap (someone) (once)

The form sampaln is not attested and not accepted by

speakers as grammatical.

The ungrammaticality can be explained by comparing

sampl with wals and kagt:

6. Walisn mo ang kalat sa sahigSweep the dirt off the floor

7. Walisn mo ang sahigSweep the floor

8. Kagatn mo ang mansanasBite the apple

9. Kagtan mo ang mansanasTake a bite out of the apple

How are these forms related?

Sentences 6 and 8 give a very straightforward command.The action is directed at the dirt (that needs to be swept)and on the apple.

Sentences 7 and 9 express a more locative interpretation.Sentence 7 is asking the addressee to deprive the floor of its

dirt through sweeping. Sentence 9 is asking the addresseeto randomly select a space on the apple from where toimplement the bite.

This is supported further by the following examples:

10. Kagatn mo ditoBite it here

11. ?Kagatn mo ditoTake a bite here

Unlike kagat and walis, words like sampl and suntk

are usually or prototypically directed at something. Thelanguage and its speakers at present do not find it necessaryto assign a meaning to sampaln and suntukn, and

therefore adjudge these forms to be ungrammatical.

To drive home the point, a discussion of the stems halkandykap and their extant derived forms is required:

12. [ha.lik] kiss12.1 [ha.li.kan] to kiss (someone)12.3 [ha.li.kin] *

13. [a.kap] embrace13.1 [ya.ka.pan] *13.2 [ya.ka.pin] to embrace (someone)

The act of kissing, as perceived by the language,necessitates a doer and a victim or beneficiary. The victimor beneficiary is viewed not as a directly affected entity but

as a landmark to which the kiss is planted. Thus, the affixan. In contrast, the act of embracing conceptualizes anembracer and one who gets embraced, a directly affected

entity. No use has been found for yakpan. A kiss can befurther specified while an embrace is always a generalaction (of putting ones arm around someone else).

The root carries with it all the meanings that the language

and its speakers find useful to express. The affixes realizethose meanings.


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2.2.2. Stress PlacementAside from the distinguishing verb and noun forms, stressalso adds its own flavor to the root. Note the root nkaw

(sample [3]) whose resulting forms from the [-in]

suffixation are distinct.

This distinction is not always as clear. Note the root antk:

14. [an.tok] drowsiness14.1 [an.tu.kan] *

14.2 [an.tu.kin] to become drowsy

14.3 [an.tu.kan] *

14.4 [an.tu.kin] a usually drowsy person or

easily given to drowsiness

The root antkcannot take the suffix [-an] but it can takethe suffix [-in] and receive stress in penultimate and

ultimate position.

In this case, stress differentiates the process of becomingdrowsy from the state or property of being (usually)drowsy. Similar with nakawn, antkin describes a quality

inherent to the object or person.

This particular meaning is available for words like sampland suntkbut with amusing effects

15. [sun.tok] punch15.1 [sun.tu.kin] punch (someone) (once)15.2 [sun.tu.kin] always being punched or

easily given to being

punched

Because it can be compared to the form antkin, the

meaning of suntkin can be derived. Someone who issuntkin is someone who is easily punched or, in Filipino-

English,punchable.

This meaning is obviously inferred as with a number of

other examples:

16. [ha.li.kin] ?prone to being kissed17. [hap.lu.sin] ?prone to being caressed18. [ya.ka.pin] ?prone to being hugged19. [ha.wa.kin] ?prone to being touched

However, note the root ral and byad:

20. [a.ral] to study20.1 [a.ra.lin] study (something)

20.2 [a.ra.lin] lesson

21. [ba.yad] to pay / payment21.1 [ba.ya.rin] *21.2 [ba.ya.rin] bills / payables

The words araln and bayarn do not follow the same

pattern as antukn. They are somewhat more similar toinmin (sample [4.4]) and functions only as a noun.

Nonetheless, if the meaning of suntkin can be inferred

from antkin, it should not be a farfetched idea to try andrelate the meaning of the three deviating forms to the othersuffixed forms.

Is it not that araln is something prone to being studied?Bayarn is something that is payable (recall punchable) and

an inmin is something which is drinkable and is prone tobe drank.

The suffixation involving [-an] also present similar curious

cases. Suffixation and shift of stress triggers differentmeanings:

22. [la.ban] fight22.1 [la.ba.nan] to fight (something)22.2 [la.ba.nan] duel / match

23. [hawak] hold23.1 [ha.wa.kan] to hold (something)23.2 [ha.wa.kan] handle (noun)

24. [ku.lay] color24.1 [ku.la.yan] to put color (on something)

24.2 [ku.la.yan] ?a place to dye something

25. [bili] buy25.1 [bi.li.han] market (buying place)

25.2 [bil.han] to buy (something) (fromsomeone)

The most popular interpretation of [-an] plus stress shift isthe meaning similar to samples [23.2] and [25.1].

Note the following examples:

26. [wa.li.san] a place for/to buy brooms27. [ta.hi.an] a place for sewing28. [sa.gi.an] a place for/to buy bananas29. [su.la.tan] a place for writing

The [-an] plus stress-shift results in a locative meaning

for the resulting form.

By looking at labann (sample [22.2]), it can be seen thatthe resulting form does not always carry a locativemeaning. This is similar to nakawn (sample [3.3]) wherein

it functions as a description of an event.

The following samples also show this meaning:

30. [sun.tu.kan] a boxing match31. [sam.pa.lan] an incident of slapping32. [tu.la.kan] an incident of pushing33. [da.ya.an] an incident of cheating

It is evident here that stress serves as a trigger for aninherent property of a word to surface.


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What is lacking in klay is an inherent meaning in the root

to either represent a location or an incident.

A speaker can always infer the meaning of resulting forms

as seen in the following example:

34. [ba.sa] read34.1 [ba.sa.han] read (to someone)34.2 [ba.sa.han] ?a place to read

The inferred meaning of [34.2] would be a place for

reading but this is hardly used by speakers.

The inference is possible because one can always assign a

place for reading. One can also assign a place for coloring

but the reality of the speaker does not require them toassign such places and thus, these forms are not lexicalized.

3.0 Summary

The following statements are found to be supported by thedata list produced for this research:

a. If the position of stress in the root remains afterundergoing suffixation (e.g. P.S.W. to P.S.W.),

the resulting form is a verb

b. The suffix [-in] plus a change in stress positions(e.g. P.S.W. to U.S.W.) results in a noun oradjective-like property whose meaning usuallymeans prone to being x

c. The suffix [-an] plus a change in stress position(e.g. P.S.W. to U.S.W.) results in a noun whose

meaning is usually a place of / for or an

incident of

It is important to keep in mind that the inherent meaningsin the root are the only meanings that can be triggered bysuffixation and changes (or lack thereof) in stress position.

4.0 Further Studies

The focus of this paper has been the prosodic effects ofaffixation and its effects on changing the word class and

meaning of the root or stem.

The conclusions here follow sound logic but a perceptual

experiment in the form of a survey needs to be performed

to check if a significant number of speakers can recognizewhat has been described here.

5.0 References

[1] French, K. 1988. Insights to Tagalog: Reduplication, Infixation, and Stress from Nonlinear Phonology.Arlington: SIL and University of Texas at Arlington.

[2] Zorc, David R. 1978. Proto-Philippine Word Accent:

Innovation or Proto-Hesperonesian Retention? Papers ofthe Second International Conference on Austronesian

Linguistics, Fascicle 1 ed. by S. A. Wurm and LoisCarrington, 67-119. Canberra: Department of Linguistics,Research School of Pacific and Asian Studies, The

Australian National University.

prosodic effects of affixation in philippine languages

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