Aust. J. Rural Health (2004) 12, 54–60

Blackwell Publishing, Ltd.Oxford, UKAJRThe Australian Journal of Rural Health1038-52822004 Blackwell Science Asia Pty LtdApril 2004122Original Article OVINE JOHNE’S DISEASE IN RURAL VICTORIAB. HOOD & T. SEEDSMANOriginal Article

PSYCHOSOCIAL INVESTIGATION OF INDIVIDUAL AND COMMUNITY RESPONSES TO THE EXPERIENCE OF OVINE JOHNE’S DISEASE IN RURAL VICTORIA

Bernadette Hood1 and Terence Seedsman2

1Department of Psychology and 2Deputy Dean, Faculty of Human Development, Victoria University, Melbourne, Victoria, Australia

ABSTRACT

Objective: This paper explores the psychosocial outcomes for individuals and communities in rural Victoria whoexperienced the outbreak of Ovine Johne’s Disease (OJD).Design: The study uses a qualitative methodology to analyse the minutes of evidence provided by the inquiry intothe control of OJD to identify the psychosocial events, experiences and outcomes associated with the control of thisoutbreak. The inquiry was undertaken by the Environment and Natural Resources Committee of the Victorian StateGovernment.Setting: Public hearings were undertaken by the committee across several rural Victorian communities and the statecapital, Melbourne.Subjects: The transcripts detail 136 submissions from 98 individuals and 23 organisations.Outcome measures: The analysis aimed to provide insight into the impact of the disease on individuals andcommunities and also to explore the factors individuals perceived as associated with these outcomes.Results: While the paper identifies that aspects of stock loss associated with the outbreak caused substantial emo-tional and economic distress, for farmers the most significant finding was the impact of the government control pro-gram on individuals, families and rural communities. The control program was perceived as having very limitedscientific credibility and its implementation was described as heartless, inflexible and authoritarian. Involvementwith the program resulted in farmers reporting emotions, such as, trauma, shame, guilt and stigma. Families becamediscordant and the sense of community within rural townships fragmented. Psychological outcomes of grief, depres-sion and anxiety emerged as prevalent themes within families and communities.Conclusions: These data highlight the need for significant attention to the management of rural disasters, such as,the OJD program.

KEY WORDS: government control programs, rural disasters, rural health.

INTRODUCTION

Ovine Johne’s Disease (OJD) is an incurable bacterialdisease of sheep that alters the absorption capacity of theintestine. The disease is insidious as animals may notshow any signs of contamination for months or even years

Correspondence: Dr Bernadette Hood, Department of Psych-ology, Victoria University, PO Box 14428, Melbourne City MC8001, Victoria, Australia. Email: Bernadette.Hood@vu.edu.au

Accepted for publication July 2003.

OVINE JOHNE’S DISEASE IN RURAL VICTORIA 55

after infection. Once the symptoms emerge the animalsexperience severe wasting and typically starve to deathwithin 6–12 weeks.

Ovine Johne’s Disease was first detected in Victoria(Australia) in 1995 and a control program was imple-mented with infected properties quarantined and stockeradicated. Despite this intervention the disease contin-ued to spread and between 1996 and 1999 a more exten-sive eradication program was established. Propertiesidentified as infected were destocked and animals slaugh-tered. Until November 1999 the government compensatedproducers paying slaughter values on destroyed stock.Farmers who chose not to destock were placed understrict quarantine with substantial restrictions on stocktrading. ‘Suspect’ properties were placed under surveil-lance and subject to monitoring.

In early 2000 the Victorian Government Environmentand Natural Resources Committee (ENRC) was requestedto undertake an inquiry into the economic and socialimpacts of the OJD control program on individual produc-ers, the sheep industry and Victorian regional communi-ties. The authors of the current paper undertook the socialimpact component of this inquiry.

The findings of this social impact study were profoundwith evidence of significant psychological distress forindividuals, families and communities. Such outcomes areclosely aligned with research that has highlighted thenegative impact of rural disasters on individual and com-munity well-being. While the vast body of research hasfocused on the impact of economic losses there has beengrowing realisation that losses other than economic onesare enmeshed in these grief experiences. Perhaps themost widely explored rural disaster has been the Ameri-can farm crisis of the mid 1980s where negative psycho-social outcomes of depression, grief, anxiety and angerwere all reported.1 More recently in Australia, reports onthe impact of the Newcastle Chicken Disease outbreak onthe Mangrove Mountain farming community identified thepsychological outcomes of worry, stress, fear, isolationand stigma.2 Natural disasters, such as, flood, drought andfire, which act as acute or chronic stressors for farmingcommunities, have also been repeatedly linked to stress,depression and suicide:

There was a rancher … who shot himself and his last 10cows after a recent blizzard. Other farmers walk in frontof combines, trying to make their deaths appear accid-ental so their families can receive life insurance.3

These findings of the impact of rural disasters on thepsychological well-being of farming communities occuragainst a background of increasing awareness of the more

general psychological vulnerability of farming communi-ties. Research consistently reports high levels of occupa-tional stress among farmers and farming families.4,5 Up to35% of farmers are identified as experiencing some formof psychiatric morbidity with high associated rates ofdepressive and anxiety based disorders.5 The potentialseriousness of these mental health issues for farming com-munities is reflected in the epidemiological data on ruralsuicide. American farmers have a suicide rate three timesthat of the national average,3 while farmers in the UnitedKingdom are rated as the fourth highest at-risk occupa-tional group for suicide.6

Despite the knowledge that rural communities aregenerally ‘at-risk’ populations for psychological illness,there remains relatively little attention in published workon the specific factors associated with rural disastersthat contribute to psychological distress. The purpose ofthis paper is to highlight the psychological impact of theOJD experience on individual’s and their communitiesand to explore the factors that underpin these negativeoutcomes.

METHODS

Data for this qualitative analysis were drawn from theMinutes of Evidence – Inquiry into the Control of OvineJohne’s Disease in Victoria.7 The database represents thetranscripts of a series of public submissions in relationto the social and economic impact of the eradicationprogram. The transcripts detail 136 submissions from 98individuals and 23 organisations. Individual submissionswere supplied by farmers, veterinarians, shearers andprofessional counsellors. Organisations that providedsubmissions included Animal Health Victoria, VictorianFarmers Federation, Australian Veterinary Association,Sheep and Goat Compensation Advisory Committee andthe Office of Rural Communities. Individual woolgrowersrepresented approximately 60% of the submissions. Pub-lic hearings were undertaken across several rural Victoriancommunities. The minutes of evidence from all hearingsconstituted 466 pages.

Using the principles of qualitative analysis, andspecifically those of grounded theory, the data were ana-lysed using the inductive coding techniques describedby Strauss and Corbin.8 All transcript material wascoded with labels generated to identify categorical unitsof meaning. The process of coding and recoding wascontinued until categories appeared saturated and alltranscript material was classified. Categories were thengrouped together to form thematic clusters. A hierarchicalstructure emerged with three primary categories that were

56 B. HOOD AND T. SEEDSMAN

labelled: events/experiences/outcomes (Fig. 1). Thesecategories were seen to be causally linked with events(OJD and the OJD control program) leading to experi-ences (for subgroups of individuals and communities)that in turn resulted in outcomes ( loss and grief andmental health issues). This emergent structure appearedto provide a meaningful organisational structure for thedata analysis.

RESULTS

Events

Perceived characteristics of the Ovine Johne’s Disease eradication program

I feel like the whole program was very like a brain sur-geon operating with an axe, with very little chance ofsuccess and a lot of trauma to the patient.

A major theme to emerge from the transcripts was thenegative experiences of farmers in relation to the imple-mentation of the control program. The impact of the dis-ease itself was seen by the majority of contributors assecondary to the impact of the government program. ‘Wehave no problem with eradicating the disease but objectstrongly to the way it was being done.’

Farmers targeted several characteristics of the pro-gram for criticism.

Authoritarian framework: Once targeted for destocking,farmers reported a perception of an authoritarian andinflexible implementation policy over which they had nocontrol:

I found that was the most stressful thing in my life – notthe OJD but the monster that was handling it and whatit had turned into.

Pressured decision making: The authoritarian nature ofthe program in addition to diminishing any sense ofcontrol for individuals was seen to pressure individualsinto action.

The forms had to be signed and returned to Melbourneby 31 December (New Years Eve). The forms alsostated that our farm had to be cleared of sheep by 15January 1997.

Lack of support and acknowledgement: The transcriptsalso suggest that affected farmers perceived very littleacknowledgement from the program managers of the impactof decisions on their lives. Experiences were perceived assignificantly devalued.

I addressed the department on this (confusion over atesting result). She would not address the situation andthen left. She said it was not really important. I said itwas my livelihood we are dealing with here.

Lack of confidence in the program: Almost all respond-ents spoke angrily of their lack of confidence in the

FIGURE 1: Causative factors, experiences and psychological

outcomes associated with Ovine Johne’s Disease.

What this paper adds: There is an acknowledge-ment in the literature that rural disasters have asignificant impact on the well-being of indivi-duals, families and communities. The major focusof the previous research has, however, been on theimpact of economic losses with less recognition ofthe other psychosocial loss experiences that accom-pany the experience of rural disaster. This paperachieves a clear description of the experiences forindividuals (trauma, stigma, sense of personalfailure, loss of identity, diminished self esteemand family disruption) and communities (destroyedsocial cohesion, economic disharmony) caught upin the OJD disaster and explores the factors thatindividuals perceive as responsible for these out-comes. The mental health outcomes for individuals,such as, loss, grief and depression are also exploredwithin this paper. This paper highlights the psycho-social complexity of the experience of rural dis-aster for individuals and communities significantlyextending the current knowledge base in thisarea.

OVINE JOHNE’S DISEASE IN RURAL VICTORIA 57

program that they perceived to have impacted so severelyon their lives. Individuals spoke repeatedly of their per-ceptions of the lack of scientific support for the program.

This whole game is just a pathetic witch-hunt … thewhole testing scheme is a waste of time; the testing isinaccurate; the results are poor.

Several aspects of the program came under repeat criticism

Testing programs were considered poorly handled:

Some farms in the district have not been tested at all,others have been tested two or three times … some havetested 500 sheep others have tested only 50 sheep.

Rules around testing and compensation continually changed:

Is it fair if in the ensuing week the department decidesto change it’s policy and allows people to retain their sheepbut does not worry about us or the other 33 families forcedto stop and face a future that is completely unsure?

Lack of reliability of testing results

Perceived lack of scientific base to the program:

I am just angry that the department was happy to go outand kick our heads with the potential to send us brokewithout doing its homework first.

Experiences

Individual themes

The experience of OJD and the management processesassociated with the eradication program had a significantimpact on individuals. Some of the reported effects aredescribed here.

I was unable to think straight, unable to function prop-erly. I felt that all the hard work developing the farm …had all been for nothing … I will never forget having toshoot lambs one to six weeks of age – the smell of bloodlingers in my mind every time I walk past this yard.

Trauma experiences: Many farmers referred directly tothe overall experience as traumatic.

I have experienced devastating bushfires and severedroughts but never been exposed to this sort of trauma.

For several farmers the actual experience of destock-ing was associated with extensive personal and family

trauma, one farmer describes the scene in terms of ‘killingfields’.

I used to think of the killing fields. They were inCambodia. I now know they are here. I can’t go backinto that paddock.

Stigma: A powerful theme to emerge from the transcriptswas the profound sense of stigma associated with farmerswho tested positive to OJD or who were labelled as sus-pect. Farmers spoke of feeling like lepers or criminals orbeing put under house arrest. For some farmers this senseof stigma led them to withdraw from social contact.

I feel as if I have a stigma on me … on Thursday nightsI used to go down to the little pub – that is virtually thelast thing we have in the area – and there is a happyhour … I do not even go there now because I find it toostressful.

Sense of personal failure: The sense of stigma oftenseemed related to farmers interpreting ‘being infected’ asa personal failure.

If the farmers feel that something is going wrong withtheir farms they take it as a personal weakness orfailure rather than the result of the rain stopping orsomething else happening. They tend to take it in a verypersonal way which I think accounts for the high suiciderate …

Loss of identity: For many farmers the experience offarming represents a core component of their sense ofidentity – removing their flock removed this core. As acommunity counsellor states:

The loss of their flocks or quarantine can destroy themeaning in people’s lives – their whole purpose ofbeing and living.

Diminished self esteem: Consequent to the personalstigma and potential feelings of failure many transcriptsidentified the loss of self worth or self-esteem experiencedby farmers.

Can you imaging what it was like for a man who has wonso many awards and was so proud of his stock to ridearound in the paddocks saying ‘and they want to chopoff their heads’.

Family disruption: The transcripts provide significantmarkers identifying the impact of the program on family units.

58 B. HOOD AND T. SEEDSMAN

We see families splitting up, attempted suicides, childrensingled out at school and families having uncertain futures.

The following farmer identifies the degree of despera-tion faced by some families:

My wife has been into the paddock three times with acar full of petrol and a hose and couldn’t commit suicide… that is what is going on.

Community themes

In addition to the impact on individuals the OJD experi-ence impacted significantly on communities resulting indisharmony and fragmentation.

I can only say that there would be no other issue thathas virtually destroyed the unity of our rural community.

Destroyed social cohesion: This was perhaps the mostpowerful theme to emerge. A picture was presented of pre-viously tight rural communities being ‘torn apart’ by the anger,suspicion, blame and shame associated with the program.

I have neighbours who want to fight me, I have hadneighbours who abuse me and people who do not talk tome … we will have to live with that.

Another farmer summarises the impact on her com-munity stating:

I can only say that there would be no other issue thathas virtually destroyed the unity of our rural commu-nity. Farmers have been shamed and farming groupsand regions bitterly divided.

Economic infrastructure: In addition to the disharmonycaused to social relationships by the community experi-ence of OJD, significant evidence was presented toidentify the impact of the program on the rural economicinfrastructure an impact one farmer describes as a ‘chainreaction’.

The value and saleability of all farms were decimated inthis district alone by many millions of dollars. Serviceindustries, shearers, stock agents and suppliers have allshared the suffering.

DISCUSSION

Experiences of loss and griefThe evidence presented clearly identifies that themajority of farmers and communities associated with OJD

experienced major trauma. This trauma emerged from theimpact of the disease and the control program on theirindividual and community lives. For many individualsthis trauma can be contextualised within the paradigm ofloss and grief. Individuals and communities involved withthe OJD program experienced a multitude of loss experi-ences. Economic, relational, community, familial and corepersonal identity structures have all been fragmented.Emotions, such as, anger, denial, hostility and anxiety,are all components of this response. Several of the parti-cipants in the public hearing were able to recognise thegrieving process

… the stages of grief are the same no matter what theloss, and I see a lot of those angry people who have notprogressed from the first blame and anger phase of grief.

Parkes suggests that individuals construct an assumptiveworld.9 This world allows us to interpret and understandour life in safe and predictable ways. Major life events,such as, those experienced by the farmers and commu-nities caught up in the OJD program disrupt that sense ofself in the world. This fragmentation results in a senseof loss and resolution of that loss demands that the indi-vidual reconstruct a new assumptive world that reframestheir changed experiences within a new world view.Worden describes this resolution of grief as a process ofacknowledging the loss and it’s implications, and thenactively seeking ways of reconstructing a meaningfulplace in the world.10 Some farmers demonstrated thisability to ‘reconstruct’ with plans to restock, change direc-tion from stock to crop farming, or re-establish themselvesoutside of farming. This capacity to reconstruct a ‘newworld’ was for many farmers blocked by a range of cir-cumstances. Farmers not compensated for their lossesfaced financial ruin and had no resources to rebuild. Res-olution of grief for many farmers was also impeded astheir grief became disenfranchised. Doka defines disen-franchised grief as that felt by ‘persons who experience aloss that is not or cannot be openly acknowledged, publiclymourned or socially supported’.11 Not only did farmersreport feeling isolated from their communities but theywere often seen as ‘responsible’ for their own position andthat of their neighbours.

Far from social support networks facilitating the resolu-tion of grief, individuals became stigmatised and isolated– patterns that predicate the development of complicatedgrief.

DepressionWhile some of the emotional outcomes for individuals canbe understood within the loss and grief paradigm the

OVINE JOHNE’S DISEASE IN RURAL VICTORIA 59

interview data suggest that significant mental healthissues have also emerged for individuals. The extent ofthe emergence of mental health problems is difficult toassess from the transcripts. Rural communities have beenshown to attach significant stigma to the experience ofmental illness and therefore it is expected that theincidence of mental illness would be significantly under-reported within the context of these public hearing docu-ments.12 Despite these concerns evidence of depressiondoes emerge. In line with previously published findingsfarmers tended to present their mental health issues interms of physical distress.13

At that stage I went to the doctor … he also gave me –for want of the right word antistress tablets calledZoloft. I think you are probably aware of what they areand I did not start taking them.

SuicideReports of both suicidal ideation and suicide eventsare evident in the interview materials. While OJD isnot described as being the sole causative factor the pro-gram is seen to have been a significant stressor impactingon the sense of hopelessness. As one social workercomments:

There have been at least four potential suicides; nonewas carried through. None was due directly to OJDbut three could almost certainly be said to have beenaggravated severely by OJD …

Post-traumatic stress disorderThe professional counsellor/social worker also identifiessymptoms of post-traumatic stress disorder ( PTSD) withinthe farming community. The symptoms of the disorderemerged from farmers’ experiences of slaughtering theirstock.

I used to think of the killing fields. They were inCambodia. I now know that they are here. I can’t goback into that paddock.

Such narratives, while not definitive of PTSD, are notinconsistent with this diagnosis.

CONCLUSION

The findings of the current study emphasise that whilethe disease of OJD impacted significantly on farmingcommunities, the primary source of distress for individuals

and communities emerged from the management controlprogram – the cure was worse than the disease. A lack ofconfidence in bureaucratic processes, a diminished senseof autonomy and a social environment characterised bysuspicion and blame undermined rural networks andresulted in the stigmatisation of individuals and the isola-tion and dislocation of families from communities.

The factors that promote mental health resilience inrural communities were all undermined by the OJD leav-ing individuals, families and communities vulnerable tothe experience of mental illness and social fragmentation.

Healing must therefore acknowledge these multiplelevels of harm and respond from a systemic framework tomanage the profound psychosocial outcomes that havebeen described by these participants.

ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS

The authors wish to thank the Environment and NaturalResources Committee of the Victorian State Governmentfor their permission to use this material for publication.

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