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From Confrontationto CollaborationCivil Society - Government - World BankRelations in Brazil

21645John Garrison June 2000

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From Confrontationto CollaborationCivil Society-Government-World BankRelations in Brazil

John Garrison

The World BankWashington, D.C.

Copyright © 2000The International Bank for Reconstructionand Development/THE WORLD BANK1818 H Street, N.WWashington, D.C. 20433, U.S.A.

All rights reservedManufactured in the United States of America

First printing June 2000

A free publication.

This document was prepared by the NGO and Civil Society Unit of the World Bank's Social Development Department. It isnot a formal publication of the World Bank. It is being published informally and circulated to encourage discussion andcomment within the development community

The findings, interpretations, and conclusions expressed in this paper are entirely those of the author(s) and should not beattributed in any manner to the World Bank, to its affiliated organizations, or to members of its Board of ExecutiveDirectors or the countries they represent.

Copies of this paper are available from:

NGO and Civil Society UnitSocial Development DepartmentThe World Bank1818 H Street, N.WWashington, D.C. 20433 USA

Fax: (202) 522-1669E-mail: [email protected]: www.worldbank.org/ngos

Cover designed by Melody Warford, Stone Soup, Inc.Photo credits: top photo, staff of CNPT/IBAMA; middle photo, Melody Warford, Stone Soup, Inc.; bottom photo,Curt Carnemark.

(j The text and cover are pnnted on recycled paper.

Contents

Foreword vPreface viAcknowledgments viiAcronyms and Abbreviations viiiExecutive Summary xiii

1. Background on the Civil Society Sector IOverview 1Community Organizations 3Social Movements 5Charitable Organizations 6Church 6Professional Associations 7Foundations 8

2. Nongovernmental Organizations 10Origins 10General Characteristics 13Staffs and Budgets 16Networking Efforts 18Taking Up the Civic Banner 21Challenges of Consolidation 23

3. Relations among Civil Society, Government, and the World Bank 25Civil Society View of the Bank 25Mutual Misperceptions 27Bank-Civil Society Commonalities 28Bank Stakeholder Participation Policies 30Forging A Tripartite Dialogue 34Growing Relations and Operational Collaboration 37CSO Funding 42Disadvantages and Advantages of Tripartite Collaboration 46

4. Conclusion 51

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iv From Confrontation to Collaboration: Civil Society-Government-World Bank Relations in Brazil

Notes 52

Attachments 58A. References 58B. Comments by Civil Society Organizations' Representatives about the World Bank 61C. Civil Society-World Bank Consultation Meetings 64D. World Bank Materials on Participation and Social Analysis 66E. List of Brazilian Civil Society Organization Directories and Studies 67

World Bank Addresses in Brasilia 68

Boxes1. The Legal Status of the "Nonprofit Sector" 42. Rural Landless Movement 53. Corporate Philanthropy 84. Rede Brasil Monitors Bank Portfolio 215. Anti-Poverty Campaign 226. Planafloro: From Impasse to Collaboration 307. World Bank Participation Policies and Initiatives 318. Wolfensohn Meets with Brazilian CSOs 379. Pursuing Sustainability in the Amazon 4010. Northeast Rural Poverty Alleviation Program Incorporates Participation 4111. Conselho da Comunidade Solidaria 42

Tables1. Legal Founding Dates of 143 NGOs 112. Principal Activities of NGOs 143. Government Funding of NGOs 184. Bank Mechanisms Geared to Funding CSOs 445. Government Small-Grant Funds Geared to Funding CSOs 45

Figures1. Principal Beneficiary Populations of NGOs 132. NGO Budgets, 1990 and 1993 16

Foreword

This report vividly portrays what the World Bank has all sides, especially the government and the civil soci-known for some years, that Brazil has a vibrant and ety, which are the two principal interlocutors, are learn-increasingly influential civil society sector. A civil soci- ing to collaborate well and constructively. Perhaps mostety that is multifaceted, resourceful, and largely suc- surprising are the high levels of funding within Worldcessful in promoting organizing and small-scale Bank cofinanced projects that are channeled to thedevelopment efforts at the grassroots level. Although civil society sector through government-managed small-nongovernmental organizations (NGOs) are most often projects funds in such areas as the environment, health,cited by Bank documents dealing with civil society, the and rural poverty. The study cites a variety of sources,study appropriately describes how other, larger sectors and growing evidence from several proven Braziliansuch as community-based organizations (CBOs), social partnership experiences, that stakeholder participa-movements, and professional associations play a key tion policies and approaches can improve the perfor-role in the so-called Third Sector in Brazil. Further, the mance of development projects as well as increasestudy describes the emerging social agenda of the pri- their social impact. Finally, the report reminds us thatvate sector, particularly corporate foundations, and its despite the important advances in terms of tripartitegrowing partnership with government through the inno- relations, there is still a good deal of common groundvative projects being implemented by the Conselho da that needs to be cultivated so all sides-government,Comunidade Solidaria. civil society, and the World Bank-can join forces more

The paper also documents well the advances that effectively to promote the social development of Brazil.have been achieved in government-civil society-WorldBank relations over the past several years. Many of these Gobind Nankaniadvances are ground-breaking and demonstrate that Brazil Country Director

v

Preface

This study on the civil society sector in Brazil and the in civil society and government may find it useful. Itsevolving relations among govemment, civil society, and purpose is fivefold:the World Bank was based on a variety of sources includ-ing bibliographical searchers, project desk reviews and * Provide a brief overview of the civil society sectorsite visits, focus group meetings, and individual inter- in Brazil with emphasis on NGOs.views. The research began in mid-1996 with the host- * Describe the view CSOs have of the Bank.ing of Bank-Civil society consultation meetings held - Analyze the advances made in relations among thethroughout Brazil, and was concluded in 1999 after par- civil society, government, and the Bank.ticipation in several annual meetings of leading civil * Demonstrate the advantages of promoting closer col-society organization (CSO) networks. It involved con- laboration among the three sectors.tact with dozens of Bank staff and government offi- * Describe some of the necessary steps to furthercials, and hundreds of CSO representatives throughout improve these relations.Brazil.

The report is primarily geared to World Bank staffand particularly to task managers, but audiences with-

vi

Acknowledgments

John Garrison, Social Development and Civil Society Chris Parel, Daniel Gross, Warren Van Wicklin,Specialist at the Brasilia Country Management Unit, Katherine Bain, Claudia Fumo, Angela Furtado,wrote this study. He relied on the support of countless Christopher Diewald, Anthony Anderson, Neila Soares,persons who offered their assistance through the pro- Luiz Carlos Ros,Jairo Arboleda, and Mario Marroquin.vision of information, criticism, and suggestions.Reflecting the heterogeneous nature of the study, a wide Special acknowledgment also goes to Neuza Queirozarray of persons representing the three major sectors and Julia Conter, who helped with assembling somecontributed important insights or reviewed the various of the data and preparing the final version. This studydrafts. These include: was made possible by the support and funding of the

Brazilian Country Management Unit. Finally, a wordCivil Society: Leilah Landim, Aureio Vianna, Zander of thanks goes to the staff of the Bank's SocialNavarro, Anna Cynthia de Oliveira, Nancy Alexander, Development Department in Washington, especiallyMichael Bailey, Rebecca Abers, and Linda Rabben William Reuben, Coordinator of the NGO and Civil

Society Unit, and Bonnie Bradford, who oversaw theGovernment: Alexandrina Sobreira, Augusto de Franco, publishing of this report. While most grateful for theGustavo Rodrigues, Roberto Carreiro, Carmen Puig, valuable contributions made by the many colleaguesLuiz Carlos Abreu Mendes, Murilo Lobo, and Guilherme above, the author is ultimately responsible for theCosta Delgado analysis, conclusions, and eventual lapses that may

have occurred.World Bank: Gobind Nankani, Antonio RochaMagalhaes, Caroline Moser,John Clark,John Redwood,

vii

Acronyms and Abbreviations

AACC Associacao de Apoio as Comunidades do Campo do Rio Grande do NorteABI Associacao Brasileira dos JornalistasABIA Associacao Brasileira Interdisciplinar de AIDSABIFARMA Associacao Brasileira da Indistria FarmaceuticaABONG Associa,cao Brasileira de ONGsABRINQ Associacao Brasileira dos Fabricantes de BrinquedosAIDS Acquired Immunodeficiency SyndromeALOP Associacao Latinoamericana de Organizac,es de PromocaoAMCHAM American Chambers of CommerceANPOCS Associc,ao Nacional de Pesquisa e P6s-Graduacao em Ciencias SociasANSUR Associac,ao Nacional de Reforma UrbanaAPAES Associac,ao de Pais e Amigos dos ExcepcionaisBNB Banco do NordesteBNDES Banco Nacional de Desenvolvimento Econ6mico e SocialCAPOIB Conselho de Articulacao dos Povos e Organizac,es Indigenas do BrasilCAS Country assistance strategyCBOs Community-based organizationsCCONG Confederaci6n Colombiana de ONGsCEF Caixa EconOmica FederalCEO chief executive officerCETS Centro de Estudos do Terceiro SetorCGAP Consultative Group to Assist the PoorestCIMI Conselho Indigenista MissionarioCJC Centro Josue de CastroCLF Centro Luis FreireCLT Consolidacao das Leis TrabalhistasCMP Central dos Movimentos PopularesCMU Country management unitCNAS Conselho Nacional de Assistencia SocialCNBB Conselho Nacional dos Bispos do BrasilCNPQ Conselho Nacional de Desenvolvimento Cientifico e TecnologiclCNS Conselho Nacional de SeringueirosCNSS Conselho Nacional de Servico SocialCOFECON Conselho Federal de EconomiaCOIAB Coordenac,ao das Organizac,oes Indigenas da Regiao AmazOnica BrasileiraCONAMA Conselho Nacional do Meio Ambiente

viii

Acronyms and Abbreviations ix

CONANDA Conselho Nacional dos Direitos da Crianca e do AdolescenteCONCRAB Confederacao das Cooperativas de Assentados do BrasilCONIC Conselho Nacional de Igrejas CristasCONSEA Conselho de Seguranc,a AlimentarCONTAG Confederacao Nacional dos Trabalhadores na AgriculturaCOOTRARON Cooperativa de Trabalho Multiplo de RondoniaCPDC Caribbean Poverty and Development and CenterCPT Comissao Pastoral da TerraCSO Civil society organizationCUT Central Unica dos Trabalhadores EDI Economic Development Institute

(World Bank)DESCO Centro de Estudios y Promoci6n del DesarrolloDGF Development Grant FacilityETAPAS Equipe Tecnica de Assessoria, Pesquisa e Acao SocialFACS Fundaci6n Augusto Cesar SandinoFAP Fundo de Apoio a ParceriasFASE Federacao de Orgaos de Assistencia Social e EducacionalFENABRAVE Fedracao Nacional de Distribuic,o de Veiculos AutomotoresFETARN Federac,o dos Trabahadores Rurais do Rio Grande do NorteFGV Fundac,ao Getulio VargasFICONG Programa de Fortalecimento Institucional y Capacitaci6n de Organizaciones

no GubernamentaisFLONAS Floresta NacionalFNU Federacao Nacional dos UrbanitariosFOE Friends of the EarthFORECOM F6rum Empresa-ComunidadeFORUM BRASILEIRO Forum Brasileiro de ONGs e Movimentos Sociais para o Meio Ambiente

e o DesenvolvimentoFORUM CAMPO Forum Nacional pela Reforma Agraria e pela Justica no CampoFORUM DCA Forum Nacional Permanente de Entidades Nao-Govemamentais de Defesa dos

Direitos da Crianca e do AdolescenteFORMAD Forum Mato-grossense de Meio Ambiente e DesenvolvimentoFOS Federacao de Obras SociaisFUNBIO Fundo Brasileiro para a BiodiversidadeGEF Global Environment FacilityGESC Gestao para Organizacoes da Sociedade CivilGIFE Grupo de Instituic,oes, Fundac,es e EmpresasGSO Grassroots Support OrganizationsGTA Grupo de Trabalho AmazonicoIAF Inter-American FoundationIBAM Instituto Brasileiro de Administracao MunicipalIBASE Instituto Brasileiro de Analises Sociais e EconomicasIBOPE Instituto Brasileiro de Opiniao Pablica e EstatisticaICNL International Center for Non-Profit LawIDAC Instituto de Ac,ao CulturalIDB Inter-American Development Bank

x From Confrontation to Collaboration: Civil Society-Government-World Bank Relations in Brazil

IDF Institutional Development FundIEA Instituto de Estudos AmazonicosIECLB Igreja Evangelica de Confissao Luterana do BrasilIEE Instituto de Estudos EspeciaisIFC International Finance CorporationIMAZON Instituto de Homem e Meio Ambiente da AmazoniaIMF International Monetary FundINCRA Instituto Nacional de Colonizacao e Reforma AgrariaINESC Instituto de Estudos S6cio-EconomicosIPEA Instituto de Pesquisa Economica AplicadaISA Instituto S6cio-AmbientalISER Instituto de Estudos da ReligiaoISPN Instituto Sociedade Populacao e NaturezaLBV Legiao da Boa VontadeLOAS Lei OrgAnica de Assistencia SocialMAB Movimento dos Atingidos pelas BarragensMNDH Movimento Nacional de Direitos HumanosMNMMR Movimento Nacional de Meninos e Meninas de RuaMNU Movimento Negro UnificadoMST Movimento dos Trabalhadores Rurais Sem TerraNGO Nongovernmental organizationNGOWG NGO Working Group on the World BankNOVIB Netherlands Organization for International Development Co-operationNRPD Northeast Rural Development ProgramRPAP Northeast Rural Poverty Alleviation ProgramOAB Ordem dos Advogados do BrasilOECD-DAC Organization for Economic Co-operation and Development-Development

Assistance CommitteeOED Operations Evaluation Department (World Bank)OXFAM Oxfam Great BritainPACS Polifticas Alternativas para o Cone SulPAD Project Analysis DocumentPADIC Programa de Apoio a Iniciativas ComunitariasPAIC Programa de Iniciativas ComunitariasPDA Projeto Demonstrativo do Programa PilotoPIC Public Information CenterPID Project Information DocumentsPLANAFLORO Plano Agropecuario e Florestal de RondoniaPMACI Programa de Meio Ambiente e das Comunidades IndigenasPNMA/PED Programa Nacional de Meio Ambiente/Projetos de Execucao DescentralizadaPOLIS Instituto de Estudos, Formacao e Assessoria em Politicas SociaisPREM Poverty Reduction and Economic Management Network (World Bank)PROCERA Programa de Credito Especial para a Reforma AgrariaPRODEAGRO Projeto de Desenvolvimento Agroambiental de Mato GrossoPROSANEAR Programa de Abastecimento de Agua e Esgotamento Sanitario para as

Populac,es de Baixa Renda em Areas Urbanas

Acronyms and Abbreviations xi

PT Partido dos TrabalhadoresPTA Programa de Tecnologia AlternativaPUC-SP Pontificia Universidade Cat6lica de Sao PauloREDE BRASIL Rede Brasil sobre Instituicoes Financeiras MultilateraisRESEX Extractive Reserve SubprogramRITS Rede de Informac,ao do Terceiro SetorRNP+ Rede Nacional de Pessoas Vivendo com HIV/AIDSSAPRI Structural Adjustment Participatory Review InitiativeSAR Servico de Assistencia RuralSBPC Sociedade Brasileira para o Progresso da CienciaSEAIN Secretaria de RelaQc,es Internacionais - Ministerio do PlanejamentoSEPURB Secretaria de Politicas UrbanasSGP Small Grants ProgramSMU Sector management unitUNCED United Nations Conference on the Environment and DevelopmentUNDP United Nations Development ProgrammeUNICEF United Nations Children's FundUNIPOP Instituto Universidade PopularUSAID United States Agency for International DevelopmentUSP Universidade de Sao PauloW.0DR World Development Report (World Bank)

WWF World Wildlife Fund

Executive Summary

Our experience in Brazil demonstrates that beyond the prob- zations falls between two ministries, justice and sociallems of thefree market and the limits of government action, security. On the other hand, a new law drafted by a jointcivil society has been responsible for important transfor- government-civil society working group and recentlymations, not only in how politics is exercised, but in the promulgated by the Brazilian Congress should provideforging of an international policy agenda. a more enabling legal environment for the sector. There

is growing research by leading social scientists thatHebert "Betinho" de Souza demonstrates the economic strength, political lever-

Speech given at the United Nations age, and social value of civil society as an essential ele-(New York, August 1994) ment in a country's development.

NGOs are one of the most visible sectors withinThe term civil society has emerged in Latin America in civil society. They have certainly been its most impor-the last two decades. Its meaning varies greatly depend- tant interlocutors for the World Bank in recent decades.ing on who is utilizing it: a government official, a Although there are no exact figures, recent studiesWorld Bank task manager, or an NGO technician. In have placed the number of NGOs in Brazil at over 5,000.Brazil, the term civil society has a political connotation Brazil has witnessed an impressive growth of NGOs inand refers to the vast nongovernmental sector composed the past 20 years, as the great majority were estab-of community organizations, social movements, NGOs, lished with the onset of the political opening in 1979.charitable organizations, professional associations, Reflecting the strong regional concentration of the coun-churches, and corporate foundations. The emergence try, 53 percent of all NGOs are located in the southeastof strong national social movements is a recent phe- region of the country. NGOs have their origin in threenomenon in Brazil closely tied to the redemocratization institutions-church, academia, and political parties-of the country, best exemplified by the visible and activist and most were created by strong, single-minded lead-Movimento Nacional de Trabalhadores Rurais Sem Terra ers. Over the past decade, NGOs have undergone(MST). Another emerging sector within civil society is profound changes in their conceptual paradigms andthe corporate foundations, which recently established organizational structures, becoming more self-affirm-its first national association, the Grupo de Institutos, ing, specialized, and results-oriented. NGOs work inFundacoes, e Empresas (GIFE). As with the undefined many different areas (there are 27 terms used to describesector it represents, there are no firm estimates on how the types of services provided), but the most commonmany CSOs exist in Brazil. tern utilized to describe their work is assessoria. Reflecting

The various laws and government agencies that over- the major demographic shift in Brazil over the past threesee the sector were established over 50 years ago and decades-rural-to-urban migration-the principal ben-are clearly not adequate for the evolving and dynamic eficiary population selected by NGOs is the urban poor.nature of the civil society sector. The definition in the The great majority of Brazilian NGOs were estab-Codigo Civil Brasileiro is overly generic, and jurisdic- lished with donations by nongovernmental interna-tion for registering and monitoring nonprofit organi- tional donor agencies and, as a result, most are still

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xiv From Confrontation to Collaboration: Civil Society-Government-World Bank Relations in Brazil

heavily dependent on foreign funding. The adoption environment to indigenous issues participated in theof the Real Plan in 1995 and the decrease in foreign focus group-style meetings. Among the many and var-assistance contributions, especially from Europe, hit the ied opinions expressed about the Bank, several drewNGOs hard, many reporting a 30 percent budgetary broad agreement:reduction over the ensuing years. As a matter of fact, The overall image of the Bank is negative and gen-many NGOs are threatened with severe cutbacks, if erally associated with large infrastructure projectsnot closure, at the same time that new sources of gov- that do not seem to benefit local populations andernment, multilateral, and private sector funds are often have unforeseen social and environmentalbecoming available to them.

One of the principal characteristics of NGOs is their impacts.* The Bank is perceived as being slow and overly

ability to network around common issues. Many large bureaucratic.cities and states in Brazil have established NGO coali- Thean ea e asb d

* The Bank is generally seen as inaccessible and outtions, and there are a number of well-known nationalNGO networks, such as the National Association of of touch with grassroots reality.NGOs networks, suchrazili NGOationalAssoexpatondd * The Bank has more recently adopted positive envi-NGOs (ABONG). Brazilian NGOs have also expanded ronmental protection and social developmenttheir networking efforts overseas, having actively par- .i.ticipated in the many United Nations summits. A sem- polcies.inal event in this regard was the 1992 United Nations On the other hand, most representatives of CSOsConference on the Environment and Development present at these meetings admitted that they have lim-(UNCED) in Rio de Janeiro, during which Brazilian ited overall knowledge of the Bank and that much ofNGOs hosted the Global Summit, a nongovernmental their perception is based on press coverage of specificconference that attracted over 25,000 participants. NGOs Bank-financed projects. Most stated that these meetingshave also established a network to monitor the invest- constituted their first contact with the World Bank andments of the multilateral institutions in Brazil, namely welcomed the opportunity to learn more and enterthe World Bank and the Inter-American Development into a dialogue with the Bank.Bank (IDB). The Rede Brasil has 51 institutional mem- These consultation meetings also highlighted the factbers and has closely monitored a dozen Bank projects that CSOs and the Bank often have exaggerated mis-in Brazil, including Itaparica, Planafloro, Prosanear, perceptions of each other, which are not generally basedNortheast Education, and Prodeagro. on firsthand knowledge. Recent experience in several

More recently, Brazilian NGOs have begun to be Bank-financed projects has demonstrated that wheninvolved in civic campaigns at the national level. NGOs substantive dialogue takes place among CSOs, theplayed an important organizational role in the successful government, and the Bank, many long-standing con-campaign to impeach President Collor on corruption ceptual disagreements give way to consensus aroundcharges in 1992. This impetus led NGOs to organize a specific issues. The lesson seems to be that CSO, gov-national anti-poverty campaign in 1993 that mobi- ernment, and Bank staff have a better chance of con-lized an estimated 2.8 million volunteers to form local structive engagement when focused on a specific programcivic committees throughout Brazil. It is estimated that or project than when they remain deadlocked on larg-16 million destitute persons received food, clothing, er policy questions.health care, and jobs. It is becoming clear that CSOs and the Bank have a

In order to ascertain the view CSOs have of the World lot more in common than generally thought. They areBank, a series of consultation meetings were held in not only both global actors that practice the same devel-1996 in Brasilia and six state capitals in all five geo- opment trade and largely target the same beneficiarygraphic regions of the country, Over 85 representatives lower-income population, but are both being pressuredof social movements, NGOs, and donor agencies that to demonstrate more results and effectiveness in theirwork in a variety of fields ranging from education and work. A convergence is actually under way, in which

Executive Summary xv

the Bank is reaching down to the grassroots sector ticularly in projects that generate conflict) placed in athrough its stakeholder participation policies and its position of having to intermediate between the gov-small-grants funds, and CSOs are striving to reach the ernment and civil society, but this is neither an appro-macro level by scaling-up of services and increased priate nor a desired role. Not only is the Bank unsuitedcollaboration with governments. for this role, but its mandate should, at most, be to serve

These commonalities are becoming clearer as CSOs, as a catalyst for improved relations.governments, and the Bank are developing formal mech- Still others in both sectors are pleased with the grow-anisms for dialogue and operational collaboration. The ing intersectoral relations, since they feel that CSOs willBank and CSOs are intensifying the number of consul- not replace the state in the provision of social services,tation meetings that began at the global level, but which but rather have strong complementary functions thatare now being decentralized to the hemispheric and strengthen the role of the state. They point to the factnational levels. As a result of the 1988 Constitution, that while the Bank has expertise on content, or "hard-federal, state, and municipal govemments in Brazil have ware," elements of development and a longitudinal view,established j oint government-civil society policy coun- CSOs have experience with process, or "software," aspectscils in major areas such as health, children's rights, and and a more localized knowledge. The government rep-rural development. There are even increasing numbers resents the weight and resources of the official sector,of CSO technicians being elected to office or working and CSOs bring social legitimacy and grassroots par-with government agencies at the highest levels. The area ticipation. Recent studies on this growing collaborationthat has perhaps witnessed the most significant advance have demonstrated that there are certain thematic areas,in intersectoral collaboration is in funding. It is esti- such as environmental protection, AIDS prevention, andmated that over a six-year period (1997-2002) the Bank rural poverty alleviation, that seem more predisposedwill channel approximately $806 million through gov- to intersectoral collaboration and can maximize theirernment-operated small-grants funds to CSOs, espe- benefits.cially community organizations. 1 There are other In conclusion, despite the problems and questionsexamples of successful CSO-government partnerships that characterize the growing phenomenon of Govern-at the national and subnational levels. One of the most ment-Civil Society-Bank collaboration, recent experi-apparent is the Conselho da Comunidade Solidaria, ence clearly demonstrates that it can be a win-winwhich is sponsoring six innovative pilot programs in proposition to all three sectors, and can enhance thethe areas of education, volunteerism, and strengthen- economic and social impact of development projects.ing of the civil society sector. The Bank should take several steps in order to further

On the other hand, analysts at both ends of the the recent growing number of instances of collabora-political spectrum feel that this growing collaboration tion in Brazil. These measures include:has gone too far or generated unresolved problems.Those on the government side, for instance, question * Adopting a more proactive information dissemina-the participation of CSOs (with full voting rights) in tion strategy, including the more regular translationthe numerous govemment-citizen policy councils, since of Bank documents into Portuguese.they were never elected for this role. Others within the * Consolidating and expanding mechanisms for dia-civil society sector are hesitant about greater collabo- logue and consultation, including undertakingjointration with government, lest this lead CSOs to be co- Government-Civil Society-Bank training workshops.opted, lose their watchdog function, or even replace the * Incorporating proven social analysis and stakeholderresponsibilities of the state as enshrined in the Brazilian participation methodologies into more Bank-financedConstitution. The Bank, however, is sometimes (par- loans in the Brazil portfolio.

1. Background on the Civil Society Sector

Overview of developed societies. He goes further by stating thatthe art of association is not only important politically,

Much like the vast and undefined sector it refers to, the but key to the very health of the economy as docu-term civil society has many meanings, depending on mented in case studies of six industrial countries. Inwhom one is talking with: a government official, an his book Trust: The Social Virtues and the Creation ofNGO technician, or Bank staff. Its definition also varies Prosperity, he writes that "the vitality of liberal politicalaccording to country context and hemisphere. Classic and economic institutions depends on a healthy andEuropean political thinkers first coined the term, but it dynamic civil society"(Fukuyama 1995).6is in Latin America that the terminology took on a What these authors and others seem to be pointingmore political connotation and became more widely to is an exponential growth of citizens' movementsused in the past several decades. In Brazil, the term that utilize civic action to seek greater democracy, gov-civil society gained ascendancy during the latter years ernment transparency, and social equity. As a recentof the military regime in the 1980s, and at that time report by Civicus, a global citizens' coalition, stated,was used to refer to groups that opposed the regime. "The breath-taking peaceful revolutions in EasternOther terms frequently used to refer to this sector are Europe, the democratic transitions in so many coun-sociedade civil organizada,2 movimentopopular, NGO sec- tries of the South, and the dramatic changes in Southtor, nonprofit sector,3 informal sector, and more recently Africa all bear witness to the strength of civic action."the Third Sector.4 As a matter of fact, one researcher As the World Bank's 1997 World Development Reportassembled a list of 47 different terms to denote the Third (WDR), on the role of the state, argued:Sector (Adil 1996). In addition to the more specificacronym NGO, the term civil society organizations (CSOs), In most societies, democratic or not, citizens seekwhich encompasses all the subsectors, will be used representation of their interests beyond the bal-throughout the paper to refer to all the different sorts lot: as taxpayers, as users of public services, andof organizations described above. increasingly as clients or members of NGOs and

Leading researchers worldwide are beginning to take voluntary associations. Against a backdrop ofa closer look at the characteristics and impact of the competing social demands, rising expectations,civil society sector. Well-known economist Albert and variable government performance, theseHirschman coined the term social energy to describe expressions of voice and participation are onthe grassroots resourcefulness being generated by the the rise (World Bank 1997a, p. 113).proliferating movement of CSOs he studied in LatinAmerica during the 1980s.5 More recently, Robert Putman There is now a study under way to better understandhelped to popularize the expression "social capital" as and measure the size, nature, and economic weight ofhe analyzed the importance of civic traditions in the the nonprofit sector in more than two dozen countries.consolidation of democracy in Italy and the United States The 27-country study titled "The Comparative Nonprofit(Putman 1993). Even Francis Fukuyama, well known Sector Project" is being undertaken by Lester Salamonfor having espoused the "end of history"7 as a result of ofJohns Hopkins University. The first phase of the studythe demise of socialism, defends the key role played by examined the role of the Third Sector in six leadingcivil society, or the third sector, in the overall well-being industrial countries, including the United States, and

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2 From Confrontation to Collaboration: Civil Society-Government-World Bank Relations in Brazil

now the second phase is researching the impact of this social "safety net" for the region's destitute majority, whichsector in developing countries, including half a dozen the government has historically been unable to providein Latin America. Partial findings of the study have for.demonstrated, for instance, that the Third Sector in 22 The Brazilian government has also begun to take noteof the countries studied created 19 million paid jobs, of the potential of the civil society sector for promot-which represents 30 percent of all public-sector posts ing social development. President Fernando Henriqueand 5 percent of all jobs. Further, the volunteer labor Cardoso has himself set the tone for this new govern-leveraged by nonprofit organizations in these coun- ment posture of recognizing the need for governmenttries represents 28 percent of their combined popula- to work closer with the civil society sector in order totions. Financially, the sector generated over $ 1.1 trillion tackle Brazil's pervasive social problems. A documentannually, making it the equivalent of the eighth largest prepared by the presidency-sponsored Conselho daeconomy in the world. (Salamon and Anheier 1998) Comunidade Solidaria stated that:As the authors state, "The non-profit sector continuesto be the lost continent of the social sector in our mod- The strengthening of the Third Sector, in whichern society, invisible to the majority of political leaders, are included the nonprofit and public-orientedbusinessmen, for the media, and even to many people civil society organizations, constitutes today awithin the sector itself' (Gazeta Mercantil 1998, p. 4). national strategic-policy in light of their capacity

In Brazil, the study is being coordinated by Leilah to generate projects, assume responsibilities, under-Landim of the Instituto de Estudos da Religiao (ISER), take initiatives, and mobilize resources necessarywho has been a leading researcher of the Brazilian NGO for the development of the country 9and nonprofit sectors. Her preliminary findings are thatthe Third Sector in Brazil has grown by 44 percent in Multilateral organizations have also begun to payfive years, employing 1.1 million persons in 1995, up attention to the civil society sector. The IDB adapted thefrom 775,500 in 1991. This is nearly double the num- term civil society in the mid-1990s and established aber of federal employees (600,000).7 While historical- Civil Society Unit at its headquarters in Washington.ly the areas of greater concentration have been education This unit funded a series of conferences and countryand health, which employed 38 percent and 20 per- consultations in Latin America to better understand andcent of all Third Sector personnel in 1991, the most support greater civil society-government interaction. 10recent growth has occurred in the areas of social ser- The World Bank has also begun to focus increasinglyvice, rights advocacy, culture, and leisure. As Landim on the civil society sector, although it generally utilizeswrote, "Politically, socially, and economically, the Brazilian the term NGO to broadly refer to it. There is increasingnonprofit sector is fragmented and heterogeneous. Its Bank literature on the subject. The most complete Banknumerous organizations are extremely varied and dif- publication printed to date on how to work with NGOsfer significantly from each other in terms of the roles stated that "the building of social capital and the emer-they play in Brazilian society."8 gence of a strong civil society are essential ingredients

NGO leader and anthropologist Rubem Cesar in achieving long-term, sustainable development atFernandes has been one of the first to examine the role the national level" (World Bank 1995, p. 64).and impact of the sector in Brazil and other Latin The 1996 Human Development Report, producedAmerican countries. In his book Private but Public: The by UNDP and the Brazilian government's applied eco-Third Sectorin LatinAmerica (1994), Femandes provides nomic research institute, IPEA, came up with the fol-one of the first roadmaps to the vast and heteroge- lowing broad definition for CSOs (UNDP and IPEA 1996).neous civil society sector in Latin America. He not only They have the following six characteristics in common:examines the better-known sectors such as trade unionsand NGOs, but describes the vast submerged sector * They are structured entities.within civil society This sector, referred to as "below * They function outside the formal govemment sphere.the water line," is composed of thousands of informal * They do not generate or distribute profit.and nonlegalized groups that have largely served as the * They are self-governing.

Background on the Civil Society Sector 3

* They involve individuals in significant volunteer ety organizations of public interest, and introducesactivity safeguards against fraudulent nonprofit entities, and

* Theyproducegoodsorservicesforthecollectivegood. (2) establishes the convenio de parceria, or "cooperative

As further indication of how important the sector is agreement" modality, which allows for more stream-being perceived to be, the UNDP and IDB offices in lined and effective government-civil society contrac-Argentina are undertaking a research project to deter- tual partnerships. This new "civil society" law (Leimine the size and depth of the civil society in that coun- 9790/99) was passed by the Brazilian Congress in Marchtry by region. For this project, they have developed a 1999, and a regulatory decree was signed by the Presidentsurvey instrument called the Civil Society Development a few months later. It should also be noted that sever-Index (CSDI), which is intended to be used in the al laws enacted last year by the government had alreadysame way as the UNDP's Human Development Index, brought some measure of flexibility to the govern-to determine the vitality of the civil society sector in ment-CSO relationship. The new law (Lei 9608/98),any given country or region. The CSDI contains three enacted in February 1998, encouraged greater volun-types of classification (structure, process, and results) teer work in CSOs by more clearly regulating the rightsand 11 institutionalprogrammatic indicators. I 1 and responsibilities of volunteers. A law (Lei 9637/98)

Brazil is known to have a vast and multifaceted civil adopted in May 1998 established the concept of orga-society sector, one of if not the most active and visible nizacoes sociais (OS), or social organizations with pub-in Latin America. On the other hand, reflecting the dif- lic functions, which allows the government to privatizeficulties in defining the sector worldwide, the size and some of its agencies as well as permitting CSOs to receivecharacteristics of the civil society sector in Brazil are public funds more easily (Mendes 1998).largely unknown. The only more reliable indicators For the purposes of this paper, the term civil societyavailable, which allow one to attempt to determine the is used as a broadly defined sociological term to definesize of the sector, are maintained by the government's the nongovernmental and nonprofit sectors in Brazil,income tax agency, the Secretaria da Receita Federal. which are composed of a myriad of groups. The majorUntil a few years ago, the Receita Federal had 219,559 subsectors of the civil society in Brazil include com-nonprofit entities registered. Approximately 50,000 of munity groups, social movements, professional associ-these were "beneficent, religious, and assistencial asso- ations, church institutions, charitable organizations,ciations"; 44,000 were sports clubs; 30,000 were reli- corporate foundations, and NGOs. Each of these sec-gious bodies; and 8,000 were trade unions (box 1). tors has its own origin, institutional characteristics, pro-These figures are, at best, an approximation, and the grammatic objectives, and societal role. It should benumbers are most likely considerably larger. noted that these categories are largely descriptive and

Because of the continued confusion in the legislation not mutually exclusive, as many of the organizationsgoverning the nonprofit sector and the lack of any effec- belong to more than one category A brief descriptiontive provisions for tax-exempt charitable contributions, of each of these sectors is provided below with greaterseveral initiatives are under way to unify legislation attention given to the NGO sector, since this is the groupand establish a more enabling legal environment for the that has been the most visible and active interlocutorcivil society sector. The principal research and advoca- of the World Bank in Brazil.cy effort has been carried out by the Conselho daComunidade Solidaria (funded by the IDB) in collab-oration with the association of corporate foundations Community Organizations(GIFE) and the national network of NGOs (ABONG).After a year of intense planning meetings and numer- Community organizations are the principal buildingous drafts, the conselho, through the president's office, blocks of Brazil's civil society. They are often referred tointroduced a bill that features two important mea- in Bank literature as community-based organizationssures: (1) a new organizational classification system that (CBOs). Although the estimate is in the tens or evenrecognizes the NGOs for the first time as organizay6es hundreds of thousands, there are no reliable numbersda sociedade civil de interessepuiblico (OSCIP), or civil soci- on how many community organizations exist in Brazil.


Box 1. The Legal Status of the "Nonprofit Sector"

The legislation that regulates the civil society sector is not In 1993, after several scandals involving politiciansclear and is considered by most legal scholars to be inad- channeling funds through bogus charitable organizations,equate, thus further contributing to the ambiguous and including high government officials in the Collor admin-largely submerged nature of the "nonprofit sector" in Brazil. istration, the CNSS was abolished. A new law, Lei OrganicaThe sector is defined and regulated by several different gov- de Assistencia Social (LOAS), was approved: it establishedernment agencies that in turn apply inconsistent defini- the National Social Service Council (CNAS), to be locat-tions and criteria, often leading to confusion and redundancy ed in the Ministry of Social Security and Assistance (MPAS).The best-known legal definition of the nonprofit sector can This new law and council were approved after ample debatebe found in the Codigo Civil Brasileiro, or Brazilian Civil involving government, church, business, legal, and civilCode, enacted in 1916, which has been extensively amend- society representatives. Today the council has 18 members,ed over the years. Article 16 of the code defines nonprof- 9 of these being from key civil society sectors such asit organizations, as "sociedades civis sem fim lucrativo." trade unions (CUT), church (CNBB), and NGOs (ABONG,

Another attempt at regulating the nonprofit sector was INESC, and MNMMR). One of the first steps undertakencarried out by the Conselho Nacional de Servico Social by the council was to have all organizations apply for new(CNSS), established in 1943, which carried out the func- registrations under new, more stringent criteria. As oftion of setting up a national registry of nonprofit organi- 1998, approximately 4,700 organizations are registered atzations. A third agency involved in regulating the nonprofit the CNAS and, of these, 4,125 have the Certificado desector is the Ministry of Justice. It grants a certificate of Entidades de Fins Filantr6picos. This certificate entitles"utilidade publica," or public utility, which in conjunction the organizations to receive grants from government agen-with the CNSS registration provides several financial and cies and apply for duty-free importation of equipment.tax benefits. Because obtaining the CNSS and Ministry of Further, if the organization also has the public utility sta-Justice certificates was traditionally quite cumbersome and tus granted by the Ministry of Justice, then the CNAS reg-often politically influenced, only a few of the larger, more istry allows such additional benefits as receivingestablished NGOs were ever registered there. 12 On the other tax-deductible donations, receiving contributions fromhand, the law had long been undermined by the fact that Congressional charitable funds and federal lotteries, andmany large, for-profit entities such as insurance companies being eligible to apply for employer payroll social securi-and universities had also obtained these certificates. ty exemption.

During the 1970 and 1980s there was a proliferation defined constituencies such as neighborhood residents,

of community groups as the poor and politically dis- agricultural producers, indigenous people, women,enfranchised populations throughout Brazil formed youth, and so forth. They also have decisionmakinginformal organizations to pressure for rights, demand structures that are generally participatory in nature, withsocial services, carry out self-help community improve- their leadership being elected by the membership base.ment, or undertake income generation activities. The Community organizations are generally single-issueCatholic Church played a key role in this process since organizations with narrowly defined institutional objec-many of these grassroots organizations sprang from tives geared to addressing such problems as lack of landthe estimated 80,000 Comunidades Eclesiais de Base, or ownership, water, housing, and transportation.Christian base communities, the church established dur- Community organizations are normally legalized,

ing these earlier decades. Community groups represent- although the process of registration is somewhat cum-ed a variety of constituencies and undertook many different bersome and onerous. 13 Since they often have fragile

activities. They included women's sewing groups, rural organizational structures, unstable sources of funding,producers' associations, adult literacy groups, urban con- and low levels of institutional consolidation, the activesumer cooperatives, cultural preservation societies, neigh- life span of community organizations generally lasts

borhood associations, and preventive health collectives. only a few years. These groups may also cease to existCommunity organizations are by definition local, when the initiatives they undertake (building a school,

their spatial locus being the community. They are mem- training health promoters, obtaining land title, and so

bership organizations with representative and clearly on) are partially or fully implemented.


Social Movements Trabathadores (CUT), Movimento Nacional dosTrabalhadores Rurais Sem Terra (MST) (box 2),

Social movements are a more recent and growing phe- Confederaao Nacional dos Trabalhadores naAgrAculturanomenon in Brazil. They are generally defined by their (CONTAG), Conselho Nacional dos Seringueiros (CNS),constituency (landless rural workers, factory workers, Movimento Nacional de Meninos e Meninas de Ruarubber tappers, street children, Afro-Brazilians) or the- (MNMMR), Movimento dos Atingidos pelas Barragensmatic priority (human rights, urban reform, educa- (MAB), Conselho de Articulacao dos Povos e Organiza~bestion, health) as their raison d'etre. Their organizational Indigenas (CAPOIB), Central dos Movirnentos Popularesstrength vary somewhat from the more consolidated (CMP), Movimento Negro Unificado (MNU), and thelabor unions to the newer, less consolidated landless Movimento de Mulheres Trabalhadores Rurais.14

rural movements and street children movement. Among Many of these social movements began as commu-the best-known movements are the Central Unica dos nity organizations that slowly grew into regional and

Box 2. Rural Landless Movement

The most active and visible social movement in Brazil today tion, spawning the creation of a network of schools andis the Movimento Nacional de Trabalhadores Rurais Sem vocational training centers. There are approximately 35,000Terra (MST), or the Rural Landless Movement. Spearheading children in 17 states studying in 620 resettlement schools,weekly occupations of large tracts of unproductive land which are generally built and staffed with local governmentthroughout Brazil, the MST has captured the attention of funds. The Ministry of Education provided approximate-the national press and the government, and has achieved ly R$600,000 to the MST in 1997 to cover the cost of 400generally favorable support from public opinion. In a few adult literacy teachers and classroom materials. The pressinstances MST occupations-such as in Corumbiara reported that the movement was able to raise $20 million(Rondonia) and Eldorado do Caraja.s (Para)-have result- in 1996, $4 million of which came from the governmented in violent confrontations, with the death of dozens of through the PROCERA Program, and $660,000 fromworkers. This notoriety has also been obtained by public- European church agencies and the European Union (Folhaawareness campaigns such as a national march in 1997 and de Sdo Paulo, 199 7a, p.1/5 ).by being featured on a recent prime time novela "Rei do The Cardoso administration has responded to the MST'sGado." Although the MST had its origins in the Catholic mobilization by creating a new ministry called the MinisterioChurch, spawned largely by the Land Pastoral Commission de Desenvolvimento Agrario. The ministry has attempted(CPT), it is today an independent political organization to speed up the government's agrarian reform program bywith a well-known militant posture. The movement claimed resettling over 287,000 families since 1995, although thein 1998 to have a membership of over 140,000 families MST claims this figure is somewhat lower. A recent surveylocated in 1,564 assentamentos, or resettlement communi- of 10,000 resettled families carried out by the Ministry ofties, throughout Brazil, although the government contests Agrarian Policies in partnership with 37 universities hasthese numbers. The movement also is said to maintain over helped to disprove the widely held view that most reset-240 temporary camps, generally by the roadsides of the tled landless workers do not successfully make the transi-country's highways, which contain an additional 45,000 tion to productive farmers. The survey demonstrated thatfamilies awaiting land. In order to guarantee that they remain of the 250,000 families resettled nationally, 94.2 percenton the land once it has been secured physically and while continue to live on their property, 70 percent had previ-they await legal titling, the MST has promoted collective ous farming experience, and their average family month-planting of crops and has spawned the creation of producer ly income is $330, placing them well above the rural povertycooperatives. The Confederacao das Cooperativas de line. 5 The World Bank has also demonstrated its sensi-Assentados do Brasil (CONCRAB) congregates over 70 pro- tivity to the issue by approving a $90 million loan for aduction and marketing cooperatives with a membership market-based agrarianreformpilotproject.1 6 The MST hasof over 8,000 members. Many of these have been quite suc- joined ranks with other rural development groups orga-cessful in boosting agricultural production and establish- nized in the F6rum pela Reforma Agraria eJustica no Campoing profitable rural enterprises. to oppose the World Bank-financed pilot program and sub-

In addition to their agricultural production efforts, the mitted two requests for investigation to the Inspection PanelMST has also been successful in the area of basic educa- in 1998 and 1999.


national movements. They are, by nature, organizations tional characteristics and nature as the needs they ful-with a membership base that is often well organized and fill. They can include orphanages, daycare centers, sportscan be strongly militant. Their membership varies con- clubs, retirement homes, soup kitchens, cultural cen-siderably from several hundred to several million mem- ters, health clinics, youth vocational training centers,bers. As with community groups, their leadership is and schools for the mentally handicapped. Among thegenerally elected, and is often quite strong and charis- best known are the Catholic Church's thousands of socialmatic. The organizational structures vary according to service centers;17 APAES, which are parent-operatedthe movement's size and budget. While the unions (which schools for the mentally handicapped, and Brazil's largestreceive government-mandated worker contributions) charitable organization Legiao da Boa Vontade (LBV),maintain large national organizational structures, the which operates hundreds of schools, daycare centers,newer social movements (which rely largely on inter- and health clinics throughout the country. 18 While thenational donor agencies) maintain much smaller insti- existence of these institutions disproves, in part, thetutional apparatus. The thematic focus of social widely held belief that generosity is nonexistent with-movements is generally twofold: public policy advoca- in Brazilian society, Brazil does lag behind other coun-cy geared to defending the interests of their constituency tries in terms of charitable giving. According to figuresor forwarding a thematic agenda; or providing services released by income tax authorities, the average Brazilianto their membership such as training programs, health donates some $21 a year (compared with an estimatedplans, legal aid, and retirement benefits. $450 in the Unites States), which tends to be consid-

erably less than in other countries. On the other hand,individual donations, which tend to sustain local char-

Charitable Organizations ities, account for 96 percent of all charitable giving inBrazil, thus demonstrating the significance of individ-

Charitable organizations are Brazil's oldest civil society ual giving (Gazeta Mercantil 1998, p. 3). There is veryorganizations, and some were brought over from Portugal little regulatory control of these centers, though, andby Jesuits and other religious orders in the 16th cen- exploitative for-profit or "front" organizations, popu-tury Since then the Santa Casas de Miseric6rdia and larly referred to as pilantropicas,19 at times compete withother religious charities have proliferated throughout the more legitimate centers.the country Charitable organizations are distinguishedfrom community groups and NGOs because of theirparticular institutional goals of providing "front-line" Churchsocial services to lower-income and destitute popula-tions. Like NGOs, charitable organizations generally are The church is included here because of the strong socialnot membership organizations, although they often have role it plays in Brazilian civil society The largest play-volunteer governing councils. These organizations belong er, by virtue of its majority following, is the Catholicto the centuries-old tradition of "mutual-help" practiced Church. Although the Catholic Church has historical-among the poor, which involves thousands of informal ly been a powerful actor in Brazilian society, it has increas-and nonlegalized groups established to provide essen- ingly played a visible social role in recent decades sincetial health, cultural, and charitable services, as described the Vatican II Council.20 The Catholic Church's pres-in the book by Rubem Cesar Fernandes (Fernandes ence is spearheaded by the powerful, 270-member1994). Once again, there are no exact figures as to the National Council of Brazilian Bishops (CNBB), whichnumbers of charitable organizations operating in Brazil, is an ever-present actor in Brazil's public policy arenabut the best estimate (as listed by the Receita Federal) defending positions ranging from constitutional issuesplaces their total number at approximately 50,000. and indigenous policy to educational reform. In addi-

While churches operate the great majority of chari- tion to the Bishop's Council, the Catholic Church main-table organizations, many others are administered by tains dozens of human rights organizations (Justiceneighborhood associations, companies, and even indi- and Peace Commissions and Human Rights Centers)viduals. These organizations vary as much in institu- and over a dozen national pastorais, or social action


secretariats, which are generally thematically or con- Spiritists at about 4 million followers nationwide, andstituency focused. The better known of these are the: an even greater number attending Afro-Brazilian ter-Conselho Indigenista Missionario (CIMI), established reiros, or worship centers (Landim 1998). Since chari-in 1972 and geared to indigenous affairs (13 regional ty is a key tenant of Spiritist creed, these congregationsoffices); the Comissao Pastoral da Terra (CPT), found- have been leaders in establishing thousands of daycareed in 1975 and focused on agrarian policy and rural centers, health posts, vocational training courses, andviolence (21 regional offices); and the Pastoral da Crianca, food banks throughout Brazil.24 The Spiritists played ainitiated in 1983, which provides health prevention and key role in the anti-poverty campaign that NGOs spear-educational programs geared to children and women.2 1 headed in 1993 by operating hundreds of food kitchensThese secretariats generally maintain local diocesan nationwide (box 5).branches throughout Brazil and also have considerablenational weight in the national public policy debate.

The Protestant churches have historically maintained Professional Associationsa lower presence and profile in Brazil's civil society,reflecting their smaller membership base and more recent Brazil has a long tradition of well-organized and activistorigins in Brazil.2 2 The latest figures place Brazil's professional associations. The principal associations rep-Protestants at 16 million, or 10 percent of the country's resent lawyers, journalists, businessmen, economists,population. Although much smaller in overall numbers, and scientists. Among the best-known associations arethe Protestant church has experienced a phenomenal the Ordem dos Advogados do Brasil (OAB), Associacaogrowth rate of nearly 50 percent since 1980. While the Brasileira dos Jornalistas (ABI), Conselho Federal demore traditional and smaller denominations (such as Economia (COFECON), Sociedade Brasileira para oBaptists, Methodists, Presbyterians, Lutherans, and Progresso da Ciencia (SBPC), and the Associcao NacionalAdventists) have generally been involved in establish- de Pesquisa e Pos-Graduacao em Ciencias Sociasing schools and hospitals, the Pentecostal churches (such (ANPOCS). While most of the organizations and busi-as the Assembly of God and Jehovah's Witnesses) have nesses represented by these associations are more appro-been more geared to proselytizing and increasing their priately identified with the profit-making second sector,membership. As a result, the Pentecostal churches (which the associations themselves and many of their membertend to direct their appeal to lower-income classes) have entities have played a visible role in civil society.experienced the most pronounced growth in the last In addition to lobbying for the specific interests ofdecades, especially such spin-off denominations as the their membership, these associations generally partic-Igreja Universal do Reino de Deus.23 Another fairly ipate in larger public policy matters. The lawyers' andrecent and significant phenomenon among Brazil's journalists' associations, in particular, have been keychurches has been the growth of ecumenical relations. members of watershed civil society movements thatThis is best exemplified by the creation of the Conselho began with the political amnesty movement of the lateNacional de Igrejas Cristas (CONIC), which is com- 1970s. More recently, the OAB, ABI, and others wereposed of several mainline Protestant denominations leaders in the national civic movement to impeach(Methodists, Episcopalians, and Lutherans) and the President Collor on corruption charges. As was true inCatholic Church. Reflecting the civic activism of its this case, these professional associations often workedmember churches, CONIC speaks out often on nation- closely with NGOs and labor unions in bringing theiral issues such as poverty, agrarian reforn, foreign debt, societal influence to bear on particular national issues,and corruption. such as the recent national campaign against the pri-

A third strong religious presence in Brazilian civil vatization of the Companhia Vale do Rio Doce.society has been the Espiritista, or Spiritist, congrega- Mention must also be made of the media, some-tions, divided largely among the Kardecistas, or follow- times called the fourth estate because of its increasingers of European thinker Allan Kardec, and the power in modern society. Brazil is no exception, hav-African-originated groups known as Candomble and ing a proficient and influential written and spoken press.Macumba. Recent studies place the number of Kardecista Brazil not only has dailies such as the Folha de Sao Paulo,


Jornal do Brasil, and Gazeta Mercantil, whose quality of tutions. Among the best known of the latter are thereporting and critique rival leading newspapers in Europe Fundacao Getulio Vargas (Rio deJaneiro and Sao Paulo),or the United States, but a vast publishing conglomerate Funda~ao Joaquim Nabuco (Recife), Fundaao Joao(Editora Abril), and a globally competitive television net- Pinheiro (Belo Horizonte), Fundac,o Carlos Chagas (Saowork (Rede Globo). While part of the media has at times Paulo), and Fundacao Oswaldo Cruz (Rio de Janeiro).been seen as too aligned with government interests over On the other hand, unlike the United States andthe past decades, other sectors have played a key watch- Europe, Brazil does not have a strong sector of social-dog role in investigating instances of government cor- ly oriented grant-making foundations. Although fami-ruption and denouncing human rights abuses. The media ly and educational/hospital "operating" foundationshas also been instrumental in documenting and provid- have existed since the turn of the century, only recent-ing visibility to the emerging civil society sector in Brazil. ly have private or corporate "grant-making" foundations

been established (box 3).There have been several more recent developments

Foundations in the area of social philanthropy that promise to sig-nificantly consolidate this emerging sector. First was the

Foundations in Brazil are, juridically, the most formal launching of the balan~o social, or social balance sheet,and structured organizations within the civil society sec- campaign, which was launched by the Gazeta Mercantiltor. They must have formal, independent, volunteer newspaper and IBASE in June 1997. Companies areboards and they are subject to yearly audits carried out encouraged to publish a report on their social contri-by the Ministerio Publico or public auditing agencies. butions and philanthropic activities alongside their annu-The best-known foundations in Brazil are either paras- al financial balance sheets.tatal cultural foundations such as the Fundacao Roquete The second development was the establishment ofPinto and Fundacao Padre Anchieta or research insti- an association of corporate foundations. After several

Box 3. Corporate Philanthropy

Brazil's more recent experience with corporate philanthropy ter the concept of "corporate citizenship" in leading board-originates as a result of two initiatives. First, the American rooms.Chambers of Commerce (AMCHAM), based in Sao Paulo, A study commissioned by the Inter-American Foundationbegan encouraging corporate social responsibility by estab- in 1993 on the emerging corporate philanthropy sectorlishing an award called Prtmio Eco for innovative and provides some interesting data. A survey of 58 leadingsuccessful company-funded cultural and social projects. national and international foundations and companiesOver 800 companies have submitted projects to AMCHAM demonstrated that the great majority are located in thesince the award was established in 1982. These range Southeast (77 percent), and most of these in Sao Paulofrom sponsorship of cultural and charitable events to devel- (56 percent). In terms of organizational modus operandi,opment grants in the areas of education, health, and envi- 50 percent reported being grant-making institutions, 1 5.5ronment. The combined value of the over 1,000 private percent operate their own programs (schools, hospitals,sector social projects submitted to AMCHAM in the last 17 and so forth), and 35.5 percent carry out both functions.years has been estimated at nearly $1 billion, clearly demon- Donations are provided to a wide array of areas, with thestrating the strategic importance of this sector (Landim 1998). three leading being education (36 percent), health (26 per-

The second initiative was the F6rum Empresa- cent), and culture (14 percent). One of the key findings ofComunidade (FORECOM), which was patterned on the the study was that although these 58 foundations fund aBritish Prince of Wales' Business Leaders Forum and its relatively large amount per year (approximately $100 mil-concept of "audit of good practices." The forum was estab- lion), they do not have explicit grant-making strategies andlished during a 1991 visit by Prince Charles, who met practices, but disburse funds largely for charitable orwith the CEOs of leading multilateral and national corpo- marketing reasons. Only 33 percent reported havingrations on the royal yacht Britannia while it was anchored preestablished grant-making criteria, and only 50 percenton the Amazon River. Although FORECOM has not evolved carried out financial audits or programmatic supervisioninstitutionally as expected, it has nonetheless helped to fos- (Lund 1993).


years of meeting informally, a group of corporate and as the sister of late Formula 1 race car driver Ayrtonprivate foundations, encouraged by AMCHAM and Senna. As a matter of fact, recent studies show that morethe Kellogg Foundation, created the Grupo de Institutos, and more individual Brazilians, an estimated 15 mil-Fundacoes, e Empresas (GIFE). GIFE was established lion, made charitable contributions in 1998. An addi-in 1995 in Sao Paulo and is patterned somewhat on tional 21 million donated materials and 12 millionthe U.S.-based Council on Foundations. GIFE has a volunteered their services. This growing individual giv-membership of approximately 40 national and inter- ing combined with expanding corporate philanthropynational foundations, and has as its main goal to foster reportedly generates some $12 bullion dollars a year,the growth and consolidation of the foundation sector directly benefiting some 9 million persons. This growthin Brazil.25 Over the past several years, GIFE has pro- in philanthropy is apparently a consequence of a newmoted national and international seminars, sponsored approach that stresses "civic responsibility" over the tra-training workshops for its members, and participated ditional church- influenced charitable motivation. Asin the national public debate on third sector issues. As Leilah Landim stated: "Brazilians always donated, butmentioned previously, GIFE collaborated with the were motivated by charity Now they are inspired by cit-Conselho da Comunidade Solidaria to draft the new izenship" (Veja 1999, p.154-61).nonprofit sector legislation in order to provide the sec- The fourth initiative in the area of corporate socialtor with a clearer institutional profile and encourage responsibility has been the establishment of the Institutophilanthropic giving. Ethos, which is an association of some 250 small and

The third phenomenon in the field of social devel- medium-size companies. Ethos' principal goal is to pro-opment has been the emergence of individual philan- mote corporate social responsibility by encouragingthropy, spearheaded by generous donations from companies to donate funds and volunteer expertise torenowned musicians and athletes. Such well-known community groups, adopt business practices that arestars as Xuxa, Romario, Netinho, and Ronaldinho are environmentally friendly, counter corruption and childdonating millions of dollars to charitable organizations. labor practices, and disseminate "best practice" exam-Some are even establishing their own foundations, such ples of corporate action.

2. Nongovernmental Organizations (NGOs)

Nongovernmental organizations are some of the small- print and televised media, usually in a favorable light,est yet among the most visible of the institutional sec- although there are recurrent episodes of negative presstors within civil society They have been called a "new stories involving alleged NGO impropriety A furthersociological reality in Latin America" (Fernandes 1985) indication of growing NGO visibility is the increasingand "microorganisms of the democratic process" (Souza number of academic dissertations and books that are1992). The abbreviation NGO first appeared within now being written on the NGO sector. Whether oneUnited Nations circles to refer to policy advocacy orga- admires or dislikes NGOs, and both perspectives arenizations that were nongovernmental.2 6 Although the quite present in the public policy arena, one cannotbureaucratic term stuck and is widely used today through- deny their significant role in recent Brazilian history.out the world, it does not accurately portray the natureof the diverse work carried out by these groups. TheWorld Bank uses the term NGO quite broadly, general- Originsly referring to intermediary organizations as well as socialmovements and community-based organizations. The The Brazilian NGO community is the product of anBank's Operation Directive 14.70 defines NGOs as unprecedented level of organizational ferment at the"groups or institutions that are entirely independent of grassroots level, which began during the early 1960sgovernment and characterized primarily by humanitar- but which was partly interrupted by the military coupian or cooperative, rather than commercial, objectives. of 1964. Tens of thousands of base Christian commu-

The term NGOs in the Brazilian context refers to inter- nities, small producers' associations, rural cooperatives,mediate, nonmembership organizations whose activi- and neighborhood associations sprang up throughoutties range from service provision to public policy advocacy the country Most NGOs were created to respond toThey have also been referred to as "grassroots support demands for community organizing, specialized train-organizations," or GSOs.27 Until now, NGOs were legal- ing, technical assistance, and policy analysis emanat-ly considered sociedades civis sem fins lucrativos, which ing from the base. Others were born out of desire toare recognized in Article 16.1 of the Brazilian Civil Code.28 address broad issues in society such as growing pover-With the passage of the new civil society law in 1999, ty, flawed government development policies, and polit-NGOs can now opt to be legally classified as organiza- ical democratization. With the advent of theoes da sociedade civil de interesseptiblico (OSCIPs), which re-democratization process in the late 1970s, NGOs

more clearly distinguishes them from other nonprofit were able to develop openly once more, this time find-entities. The term NGO, until recently, was not well ing fertile soil on which to proliferate. NGOs were notknown by the Brazilian society at large. Only in 1992, only important players in the groundswell of civil soci-with the visible role played by NGOs in the United ety forces pressing for political amnesty and opening,Nations Conference on the Environment and but benefited decisively from this process. By the earlyDevelopment (UNCED), did the major press and pol- 1980s, NGOs could freely organize and undertake aicymakers begin to take note of their significant role and host of grassroots promotional initiatives. By the mid-growing size.29 Today the term is frequently used in the 1980's they were entering the realm of public policy,

10

Nongovernmental Organizations (NGOs) 11

attempting to influence policies in such diverse areas ly. One leading study placed the number of NGOs inas foreign debt, agrarian reform, and human rights. As the developing world at 35,000 (Fisher 1993). Anotherin other countries throughout Latin America, NGOs in study, carried out by UNDP, has placed the number ofBrazil were both a catalyst and the clearest evidence of NGOs that work in developing countries at 50,000.a budding civil society. NGOs also play a key role worldwide in terms of chan-

Studies have shown that NGOs were generally estab- neling development dollars. It is estimated that overlished by single-minded leaders who previously had 15 percent of all international development funds arebeen community leaders seeking institutional refuge channeled through donor agency NGOs in industrialwithin the church during a period of widespread repres- countries. The UNDP study identified 2,500 "Northern"sion, intellectuals who grew tired of the bureaucratic agencies, which fund $5.5 billion in private donationsconstraints typical of university structures, and politi- and $2.2 billion in government funds annually, to thecal party members who had outgrown ideological ortho- existing 50,000 "Southern" NGOs.doxies and sectarian postures. Many of these persons One of the most striking features of the NGO sectorreturned from exile as the political amnesty movement is its meteoric rise. A study carried out by ABONG ingathered momentum in the late 1970s. What all of these 1996 showed that nearly 60 percent of the 143 lead-social entrepreneurs had in common was a desire to cre- ing NGOs nationwide were established since 1985 andate a new, autonomous institutional space that would 15.4 percent since 1990 (table 1). Only 21 percent ofallow them to provide services directly at the grass- the NGOs are more than 20 years old. The WWF sur-roots level while introducing an element of profession- vey found that only 39.2 percent of the environmentalalism and programmatic content to their promotional NGOs were more than 10 years old and that the greatendeavors. majority were established at the time of the Earth Summit

Although there is growing anecdotal literature on NGOs (UN CED).in Brazil, there are little comprehensive information on Reflecting Brazil's patterns of regional concentration,their numbers and activities. The first two, more com- the greatest number of NGOs documented in the 1988prehensive studies were carried out by ISER in 1988 study (ISER 1988) tend to be located in the southernand 1991. The first study (ISER 1988) identified the half of the country. The Southeast alone accounts forexistence of 1,041 NGOs, located in 24 states and 231 53 percent of all NGOs in Brazil, while the second largestcities throughout Brazil. More recent estimates on concentration is in the Northeast, with 27 percent.Brazilian NGOs place the number at 4,000 or 5,000 Moreover, those organizations with a more national(Landim 1998). Two other surveys, albeit sector-spe- focus and greater reach tend to be located in the Southeast,cific, provide further details about the NGO sector's size. as is the case with applied social research and indige-The first survey was carried out by the Ministry of Health nous rights organizations. The WWF study demon-in 1995 and analyzed 141 NGOs that deal with AIDS strated that this skewed regional concentration is alsothroughout the country and received funding from the partly prevalent in the environmental area where sig-ministry. The other survey was published in 1996 by nificant Amazon support work is undertaken by NGOsthe World Wildlife Fund (WWF) and documented the located in other regions. This is the case, for instance,existence of 725 environmental NGOs. The most recent of such organizations as WWF, FOE, and ISA, whosesurvey was carried out byABONG in 1998 and focusedon its 211 "developmental" member NGOs. Table 1. Legal Founding Dates of 143 NGOs

Counting the number of NGOs is also an uncertain Dates NGOs (Percent)

science throughout Latin America, since there is not 1961-69 4.9

much uniformity in the definitional criteria utilized. 1970-79 16.8

One study, based on the analysis of 32 NGO directo- 1980-84 18.9

ries, placed the number of NGOs in Latin America at 1990-94 15.44,327.30 The difficulty with counting NGOs is also pre- Total 100

sent at the global level, where the estimates vary wide- Source: ABONG 1996.


offices are located in the more developed half of the hemisphere's "lost decade," as Latin America underwentcountry. While NGOs have strong regional character- a decade of economic stagnation and worsening socialistics, it is interesting to note that a large proportion conditions. NGOs grew both in terms of numbers asreport having a country-wide intervention strategy, which well as in institutional growth (as evidenced by the abovenot onlyreflects NGOs'ambitious public policyagendas, table) during this period of societal crisis. Some ana-but also the centralized nature of Brazil's political sys- lysts feel that NGOs mushroomed precisely because oftem. A survey of leading NGOs found that a surprising the political void left by governments limited by bud-46.2 percent maintain national agendas, while 50 per- get cuts and crises of governance. It was further curi-cent reported a statewide scope (ABONG 1998c). ous that while most economic indicators experienced

Although NGOs have had a relatively short history, a downturn during the 1980s, NGO budgets (almosttheir evolution has been marked by several distinct exclusively maintained by foreign dollar donations) ben-stages. During the late 1970s and early 1980s, most efited by the devalued local currencyNGO leaders and activists did not believe in the legit- Many NGOs have also undergone profound changesimate role or permanence of their own sector. Since in terms of their conceptual paradigms since the fall ofmost NGOs were born semi-clandestinely in a time of the Berlin Wall nearly 10 years ago. Long-standingovert political repression during the height of the mil- conceptual notions such as state-centered developmentitary regime, they did not see themselves as an inde- models and dependency-theory critique of capitalismpendent "nongovernmental" sector that was permanent, have given way to more pluralistic and results-orient-but simply a temporary stage in an inexorable transi- ed positions. As Brazil's best known NGO leader, Herberttion to a socialist-model government in which there "Betinho" de Souza wrote in 1995 referring to NGOs:would no longer be a need for an independent watch- "Old ideological barriers reminiscent of the Cold Wardog sector. Beginning in the mid- 1980s, leading NGOs need to be replaced by a more pragmatic search for effec-began to realize that they represented their own social tive solutions to pressing human problems" (Souza,sector with its own positions and interests, rather than 1995, pp.49-50). Another important conceptual changesimply being the "voz dos quem nilo tem voz," or spokesper- is that NGO leaders realize that their sector has a legit-sons of the disfranchised poor. A clear indication of imate independent role to play in Brazilian society, muchthis newfound sense of identity was the creation in 1991 like the nongovernmental sector in the industrial coun-of the Associacao Brasileira de ONGs (ABONG), Brazil's tries. While during most of the Cold War Brazilian NGOsfirst association of developmental NGOs. This stage was either contested or ignored the democratic tradition ofalso characterized by major NGO organizational restruc- the Western democracies, there is a growing apprecia-turing, generally leading to the introduction of strate- tion among many NGOs for the rich legacy of civilgic planning and evaluation mechanisms, and more society in these countries, and particularly of the "asso-clearly defined and prioritized work programs. Rather ciational democracy" of the United States as memorablythan being a balcazo de servicos, or simply responding to described by Alexis de Tocqueville in the mid-i 9th cen-demand for services, NGOs began to hone technical tury.31 Further, not only do a growing number of Brazilianexpertise, better identify their beneficiary population, NGO leaders recognize the permanent role played byand leave the community-organizing activities to the NGOs in developed countries, they maintain increas-local community-based organizations themselves or ingly closer ties with these organizations, often pattern-emerging social movements such as the rural landless ing their own institutional consolidation and fund-raisingmovement (MST). strategies on approaches developed in Europe and the

Another interesting aspect of NGO evolution is that United States.32 While NGOs seem to have discardedthey were born and thrived under adverse societal old orthodoxies and are testing new approaches, manyconditions. While many were established during the consider that their original core objectives have beenproscribed political climate of the military regime, most maintained. A recent independent study on the impactproliferated during the 1980s, commonly known as the of NGO efforts commissioned by ABONG stated:


The change of role, leaving the more political number of second-tier NGOs that primarily provide ser-work of the '70s to the provision of specialized vices to other NGOs (25.8 percent). Two findings thatservices in the '90s, did not represent, on the seem to reflect a growing trend are the NGOs that workother hand, a distancing of the NGOs from their with children and adolescents (63.7 percent) and womenprevious popular mobilization activities. What (41.9 percent). The more recent ABONG survey report-seems radically new is the content of the social ed a further rise of groups working with women orservices provided by the NGOs now structured women's issues to 54.8 percent (ABONG 1998b).within an institutional space capable of influ- NGOs are also generally classified by the types ofencing the formulation and implementation of activities they carry out, such as community organiz-public policies. 33 ing, research and dissemination, social service provi-

sion, technical assistance and training, and public policyadvocacy Reflecting their diversity in this area as well,

General Characteristics a total of 27 different activities was listed in the 1996ABONG study (Landim and others). Table 2 lists the

What has made NGOs effective promotional actors in seven principal core activities reported. The most fre-Brazil is their unique ability to straddle both the micro quent activity cited, by far, was assesssoria, a catchalland macro dimensions-providing services to base term comprising a mixture of technical assistance/capac-groups while also focusing on national policy issues. ity building/training that has been used widely by NGOsThey possess the wherewithal to address structural issueswithout losing sight of grassroots reality and concerns. Figure 1. Principal Beneficiary Populations of NGOsFurthermore, they generally combine grassroots knowl-edge and presence with technical expertise in order to Percent

design and implement development programs that are 0 10 20 30 40 50 60 70often participatory, innovative, and low-cost. Today,NGOs provide services in many areas, including non- Children and __formal education, community-based health, legal assis- adolescents

tance, environmental protection, community organizing, Urban __ _agricultural production, video production and dissem- movements _

ination, public policy formulation, urban microenter-prise assistance, and AIDS education. Urban * _ _ _

Another important aspect of the NGO sector is its groupssingular diversity as exemplified by the 1996 ABONG _survey (ABONG 1996). The study identified no fewer Women * * _ * Ithan 70 terms utilized for the various beneficiary pop-ulations NGOs assist. These included associations (neigh- Other NGOs

borhood, producers), children, trade unions, religiousorganizations, populations at risk (street children, pros- Generaltitutes, AIDS carriers), and ethnic populations (Afro- publicBrazilians, women, indigenous). Figure 1 contains theeight principal beneficiary population groups mentioned Rural tradein order of size. The list demonstrates that, reflecting unions _ _

Brazil's current population distribution, the majority of RuralNGOs direct their efforts at urban populations (52.4 producerspercent and 46.9 percent respectively), while approx-imately one quarter (22 percent and 21 percent) work Note: Multiple answers were accepted.

Universe: 124 NGOs.with rural groups. It is also interesting to note the high Source: ABONG 1996.


Table 2. Principal Activities of NGOs juridical assistance, and public education in the areas

Activities NGOs (Percent) of race discrimination and women's rights. In additionTechnical assistance (assessoria) 41.4 to producing educational materials for low-income pop-Popular education 14.7 ulations, Geledes has also undertaken well-publicizedCitizenship education 14.1

Researc and poicy anaysis 74campaigns to counter racial stereotyping on nationalResearch and policy analysis 7.4Information dissemination 4.9 television programming.Advocacy campaigns 4.2Training 3.3 Research and policy analysis. The Instituto S6cioOther 10.0 Ambiental (ISA) carries out extensive research on indige-Total 100

Universe: 121 NGOs. nous peoples, having produced the most comprehen-Source: ABONG 1996. sive anthropological almanac and satellite image maps

available in Brazil. ISA provides ongoing juridical andpolicy analysis assistance to dozens of indigenous asso-

to define the singular brand of specialized assistance ciations on issues related to land demarcation, devel-they provide. It is interesting to note that two other opment projects, and indigenous laws.activities that scored relatively high and reflect a grow-ing trend are civic education, or educa(ao para cidada- Information dissemination. The Instituto de Estudos,nia, and research. As a matter of fact, a growing number Formacao e Assessoria em Politicas Sociais (POLIS) ofof NGOs are specializing in applied research, the qual- Sao Paulo carries out applied research and populationity and social relevance of which is often equal to that surveys in the areas of urban land titling, public trans-carried out by leading universities. portation, sanitation, city management, and best prac-

Examples of successful efforts in each of the activi- tices. Results of this research are disseminated to hundredsty areas indicated above are numerous, including the of neighborhood associations, labor unions, and munic-following: ipal governments throughout Brazil.

Technical assistance (assessoria). The Rede PTA Advocacy campaigns. The Instituto de Estudos S6cio-(Programa de Tecnologia Alternativa) is a network of Economicos (INESC) closely monitors the legislative23 regional NGOs that provide a wide range of ser- agenda in the national Congress and disseminates itsvices to small-scale producers in the areas of agricul- findings regularly to a network of hundreds of CSOstural experimentation, production, and marketing. throughout the country on such topics as agrarianStretching from Maranhao to Rio Grande do Sul, the policies, human rights, and the environment. INESCnetwork carries out joint seed experimentation pro- also provides input to congressmen on CSO policy posi-grams, sponsors national training workshops, and pub- tions and organizes grassroots campaigns to encouragelishes technical manuals on agro-ecology. passage of laws that favor the civil society sector.

Popular education. The Federacao de Orgaos de Training. Saude e Alegria regularly promotes trainingAssistencia Social e Educacional (FASE), through its seminars geared to hundreds of community leaders ofsix state offices nationwide, has helped establish and Amazonian riverine communities in such areas as healthcontinues to provide nonformal educational and orga- prevention, agroforestry, and environmental education.nizational assistance to hundreds of community orga- Its innovative methodology includes locally producednizations such as slum dwellers' associations, rural radio/video programs and an interactive circus.cooperatives, and women's organizations.

NGOs also have distinct and numerous agendas.Citizenship education. The Geledes Instituto da Mulher These agendas not only vary in terms of thematic areasNegra is a organization established by Afro-Brazilian (such as education, agriculture, gender, environment,women in Sao Paulo that carries out applied research, and human rights), but also in terms of strategic objec-

Nongovemmental Organizations (NGOs) 15

tives, methodologies, and levels. While most NGOs have have conflicts with social movements and communitylocalized and single-focus agendas (for example, to assist groups. While NGOs were initially born out of grass-poor communities in a single region, influence munic- roots social movements and generally maintain strongipal government water distribution policy, or produce ties to community groups and national social move-training materials on sustainable agriculture), many ments, at times NGOs and groups and movements doNGOs have several competing agendas on different lev- diverge over public policy, funding, and other issues.els. Notlongagoitwascommonfornational-levelNGOs In the AIDS area for instance, AIDS NGOs have atto have a half-dozen thematic agendas implemented at times clashed with the Rede Nacional de Pessoas Vivendothe local, national, and even international levels, as com HIV/AIDS (RNP+), a growing social movementexemplified by the Instituto Brasileiro de Economicos consisting of persons living with HIV/AIDS, over thede AnAlises e Sociais e EconOmicas (IBASE).34 But strategic priorities of the AIDS movement. This mis-more recent pressures for specialization have led these understanding seems fueled in part by a competitionorganizations to focus on two or three thematic areas. for funds, since the NGOs tend to be better staffed andThe diversity and complexity of these agendas some- funded than their RNP+ counterparts. The social move-times lead to conflicts among NGOs. For instance, NGOs ments do seem to have reason to complain in this respect,with agrarian reform agendas have sometimes clashed though a recent survey carried out by four Dutchwith NGOs having environmental protection agendas: donor agencies in Brazil demonstrates that 80 to 90 per-the resettlement needs of landless workers in the Amazon cent of their funds is allocated to NGOs, while only 10and conservation generate competing pressures. In the to 20 percent is earmarked for social movementsindigenous area, it is common for church-related and (ABONG 1998a).academic-geared NGOs to diverge over such issues as In other areas, conflict between NGOs and their socialthe appropriate approach to indigenous acculturation movement allies are generally over the naturally evolv-and land demarcation policies. ing issues of autonomy and leadership. As social move-

It is also common for NGOs at various levels to have ments grow in strength and sophistication, they begindifferent strategic agendas. A case in point was the Bank- to feel that the capacity-building support and policyfunded Planafloro loan, which spawned a local-nation- guidance provided by NGOs, so key in the first phaseal-intemational alliance of NGOs to request an Inspection of organizational structuring, is no longer needed. ThisPanel investigation of the problem-plagued project in has been the case, for instance, in several social move-the Amazonian State of Rondonia. While it was clear ments of the povos dafloresta, or traditional forest pop-that the Washington-based NGOs were largely inter- ulations, such as the rubber tappers and indigenousested in the initiative as a another test case to help define peoples. While NGOs were key to the establishment andthe role of the panel worldwide, loWal NGOs were pri- growth of the Conselho Nacional de Seringueiros (CNS)marily interested in improving project performance on in the mid-1980s, by the time the movement came ofthe ground. Although this specific NGO coalition was age through the leadership and martyrdom of its leader,deemed as being successful in generating pressure on Chico Mendes, many leaders within the CNS balked atthe Bank and the state govemment, the strain of hav- what they considered NGO opportunism and tutelage.ing to coordinate differing agendas clearly appeared at Similar clashes have occurred between the newly cre-times. This was the case, for instance, when the project ated networks of indigenous associations, such as CAPOIBwas restructured in 1996 and the local NGOs decided and COIAB, and traditional indigenous support NGOsto focus their negotiating leverage on the creation of a over issues of representation and leadership.$22 million small-grants fund. Several of the interna- On the other hand, it should be pointed out thattional NGOs involved later felt that the local NGOs set- NGOs and social movements also seem to have a knacktled for less than they should have, leaving many of the for putting aside differences and coalescing into unit-project's original environmental problems unresolved.3 5 ed networking fronts when necessary, as will be dis-

NGOs not only clash among themselves over differ- cussed below. These issues of NGO-social movementent agendas, but it is also not uncommon for NGOs to institutional conflicts are also being effectively addressed


by the creation of joint public policy networks and Figure 2. NGO Budgets, 1990 and 1993forums. This is the case for instance, of the Brazilian PercentNGO and Social Movement F6rum on the Environmentand Development (F6rum Brasileiro), which advertis- 50es in its name that the network is composed of both 40NGOs and social movements. A second example is the 35Forum pela Reforma Agraria e Justica Campo, which 30 01993comprises the landless movement (MST) and small farm- 25ers' national labor federation (CONTAG), as well as lead- 20 -ing NGOs such as IBASE and INESC. 15 -

10 5

Staffs and Budgets 0less 30 30-100 100-500 500-1000 over 1000

The 1991 ISER study revealed an increasing sophisti- (US$1,000)cation of NGOs in carrying out their own development Note: Universe = 102 and 121 NGOs.

Source: ISER 1991 and ABONG 1996.agenda as reflected in their staffing (ISER 1991). Whilemost had begun largely as "one-man bands," the studyfound that the leading 125 NGOs employed 2,660 lion (102 NGOs) in 1990, and $31 million (121 NGOs)staff persons, or an average of 21 staff persons. This is in 1994.similar to the Ministry of Health survey that found that The 1991 ISER and 1996 ABONG studies found thatthe average AIDS NGO has a staff of 20, although 35 NGOs are largely dependent on foreign funding, manypercent of the organizations have fewer than 10 per- reporting that over 90 percent of their budgets origi-sons. The 1991 ISER study showed that NGOs are led nate from overseas. The principal sources of this inter-by a well-educated group of professionals, with 87 national funding are religious agencies, privatepercent having college degrees and 39 percent gradu- foundations, and a few government entities, with theate degrees, percentages many times higher than the majority being Protestant and Catholic church agencies.national average. A study commissioned by four Dutch donor agencies

In terms of budgets, the 1991 ISERand 1996 ABONG (Bilance, ICCO, Novib, and Solidaridad) found that 37studies (figure 2) showed that the great majority, or 88 donor agencies channeled $71.7 million into Brazilianpercent of NGOs, have annual operating budgets of NGOs in 1994 (Netherlands 1997). The largest flow ofunder $500,000, and only approximately 7 percent have development doll,rs came from Germany (40 per-budgets over $1 million. It is interesting to note that in cent), followed by the Netherlands (28 percent), thethe three years which separated these two surveys, the United States (13 percent), Great Britain (8 percent),two ends of the pyramid (those budgets of less than Switzerland (5 percent), Canada (0.9 percent), and Italy$30,000 and those of more than $1 million) decreased, (0.8 percent). It should be noted as well that the rela-thus making NGO budgets more uniform in size. A tionship between NGOs and their donor agencies hasmore recent ABONG survey evidences that the larger not simply revolved around financial transfer of resources.budgets (over $1 million) have climbed slightly to 7 There has traditionally been an "ethos of solidarity" inpercent in 1998 from 6.3 percent in 1994, demonstrating the agency-NGO relationship, characterized by a notionthat a few, more established and "new generation" of North-South partnership. Partnership activities car-NGOs have actually been able to grow during ried out have included: regular consultation meetings;this period of overall downturn in NGO budgets technical assistance exchange on such issues as(ABONG 1998a). fund-raising and project evaluation; and joint devel-

In terms of total numbers, the study found that the opment education and public policy advocacy cam-combined budget of these leading NGOs was $28 mil- paigns in Europe.3 6


There is growing evidence that the long-standing threshold and be able to have regional and even nation-dependence of NGOs on their traditional international impact. It has become clear to many NGO leadersal donor partners has reached its limit and can no longer that they need to branch out and develop new inter-sustain the growth of the NGO sector. While NGOs national and (especially) local sources of funding inexperienced substantial increases in their operating bud- the private sector, government, and multilateral orga-gets and staffs in the 1980s, in recent years they have nizations, as well as test other revenue-generatingsuffered serious budgetary shortfalls leading to pro- approaches such as dues-paying membership bases andgram and staff reduction for many, and even closure selling of services.for a few. Well-known NGOs such as IBASE, ISER, CLF, Unlike their developmental counterparts, the WWFand FASE have all had to adopt drastic cost-cutting study found that the environmental NGOs largely sub-measures over the last several years, ranging from sist on local funding. While a surprising 52.8 percentclosing programs and reducing employees, to closing of their combined estimated annual budget of $84 mil-down offices. lion comes from their membership37 and 28 percent is

Retraction in NGO budgets has occurred for sever- raised from selling services or products, only 15.7 per-al reasons. First, nonofficial donor agencies are experi- cent is received from international donations. Moreencing a historic shift in their budgets and changing recently, an increasing number of developmental NGOsfunding priorities for a variety of reasons. These include have reported being able to offset their dependence ona paradigm shift away from "political solidarity" to international donor agencies by accessing funds fromprogrammatic result-based giving; shrinking budgets the government and corporate sectors, as well as sell-because of growing economic hardships at home; gen- ing services and publications. Some NGOs, such aseralized "donor fatigue"; and official foreign assistance IBASE, have literally inverted their dependence on for-moneys being diverted to new areas such as Eastern eign sources from 70 percent to 30 percent over the pastEurope and Africa. As a matter of fact, many of the tra- five years. A few, such as the rural development NGOditional donor agencies are undergoing institutional AACC in Rio Grande do Norte, have been able to reducereengineering processes involving shifts in funding their foreign dependency considerably by leveragingpriorities (both programmatic and geographic) and sig- funds from government agencies and other localnificant changes in organizational structures, which is sources.38 Another cogent example is the Rondonianot too different from the changes being felt by the NGO Forum, which went from complete dependencyBrazilian CSOs. This is the case, for instance, of three on foreign funds to establishing a consultants' cooper-donor agencies that have historically funded CSOs in ative that allows individual members to be contractedBrazil: Oxfam/UK, ICCO, and the IAE by government agencies while avoiding cumbersome

Second, NGO budgets (which were largely dollar- contractual provisions.3 9

based) were adversely affected by the adoption (in July The latest survey carried out by ABONG in 19981994) of the Plano Real, which abolished the currency indeed demonstrates a historic shift in NGO fundinggap. ABONG reported that its members experienced patterns, with a greater proportion of funding comingan average 30 percent reduction in their budgets in the from government and private sector sources. As tablefour years following the enactment of the of the Plano 3 shows, almost half (47.2 percent) of the 184 NGOsReal. Paradoxically, NGOs budgets rebounded some- surveyed reported receiving government funds. Of these,what with the major devaluation of the Real that occurred 10.6 percent raised over 50 percent of their budgetsin early 1999 in the wake of the global financial crisis from government funds, with a surprising nearly 5stretching from Bangkok to Brasilia. percent reporting 90 percent of income from this source.

Third, the NGOs themselves have reached a level of Within the government sphere, the federal sector pro-growth and absorptive capacity that can no longer be vided the greatest proportion of funds (30.4 percent),sustained by this traditional and limited level of sup- followed by state governments (19.5 percent). Theport. Without new, less traditional, and larger sources survey also demonstrated that 22.2 percent receivedof funding, NGOs cannot break out of the micro-level funds from private companies and foundations, and


Table 3. Government Funding of NGOs ing number of "small grant funds" in Bank-funded

Percent of Budget Percent of NGOs* projects (AIDS/STD, Pilot Program to Conserve the0-10 14.6 Brazilian Rain Forest, PNMA/PED, Planafloro, Prodeagro)10-30 16.0 that finance thousands of NGOs throughout Brazil (table30-90 5.9 5). The IDB, on the other hand, has even more experi-

90-100 4.9 ence funding NGOs directly The Small Projects Fund,No government funds 50.0 managed out of its Brasilia office, has channeled near-Did not report 2.7 ly $10 million to 19 urban NGOs since 1978 in suchTotal 100 areas as education, microcredit, and health. The fund

Source: ABONG 1998c. has a limit of $500,000 per project. For each NGOUniverse: 184 NGOs. poet

project funded, the IDB also funds a parallel technicalassistance cooperation grant to ensure that needed tech-

45.5 percent reported raising some funds through the nical assistance is provided in such areas as programsales of products or services (ABONG 1998). implementation and financial management. Although

As will be discussed later, the growth of government technically a loan, the low interest rate of 1 percentfinancing of NGOs is a significant and important new and the 25-year repayment period practically transformphenomenon. While NGOs have historically avoided this financing into a grant. On the other hand, sincereceiving government funds, there seems to be a grow- the IDB applies many of the same administrative guide-ing acceptance of this modality40 A recent study by lines to these small loans as it does to the larger ones,Dutch agencies published by ABONG reveals that: the approval process has often been quite cumbersome

and lengthy.Many partners have begun to collaborate with In short, it is indeed ironic that at a time when offi-the state, many times for financial reasons. Even cial development agencies such as the World Bank arework carried out through contracts can produce beginning to understand the value of NGOs as key devel-synergies in the achieving of common objectives, opment actors and are exploring the possibility of sup-altering the collaboration between the public and porting them more directly many NGOs are threatenedprivate sectors, or leading the government to improve with deep reductions or closure because of the cutbackits implementation (ABONG 1998a, p. vi). of traditional development aid. While there are fund-

ing opportunities for NGOs emerging within new sec-NGOs have also attracted the attention of Brazilian tors such as the government, private sector, and

government and multilateral development agencies. The multilateral banks, there is a serious issue of timingWorld Bank and the IDB have come to realize that NGOs that could undermine a possible successful transitionmay be important institutional actors to ensure effec- process from traditional to new sources of funding fortive and sustainable development at the local level. A NGOs.World Bank guide to working with NGOs stated that:

By offering a perspective which is unique from Networking Effortsthat of government or the private sector, NGOscan help to provide a more complete and bal- The growth and consolidation of NGOs have also ledanced picture. NGOs have been particularly effec- to a desire to seek greater interinstitutional collabora-tive in drawing attention to environmental tion and integration. The underlying reasons for thisconcerns and in bringing to the forefront the per- seem to revolve around the need to define a commonspective of those whose political voice is weak- identity, learn from similar experiences, and speakest (World Bank 1995, p. 22). with a stronger and more unified voice within the pub-

lic policy arena. The first networking initiatives appearedIn the case of the World Bank, although it has no at the local and regional levels-especially in the

mechanisms to fund NGOs directly, there are a grow- Northeast and Southeast regions of the country-as


NGOs began to sponsor meetings to discuss program- TAG, and CPTmatic and technical aspects of their work. With time, * Forum Nacional de Entidades Civis de Defesa doas NGOs began to notice their expanding presence Consumidor, composed of some 20 NGOs andthroughout the country and take stock of their grow- housewives' associations geared to consumer rightsing impact, they felt the need to seek greater interac- advocacy.tion at a national level.

Beginning in the mid-1980s, Brazil experienced an The most significant national coalescing effort to dateimpressive surge in NGO networking efforts. The first is the founding of the National Association of Braziliantruly national meeting of NGOs occurred in 1985 and NGOs (ABONG). The convening assembly was held inbrought together some 20 to 30 leading organizations August 1991 in Rio de Janeiro and brought togetherto share experiences and explore possible common pub- 135 leading NGOs from throughout Brazil represent-lic policy strategies. Since then, numerous national meeting a diverse array of organizations. The overarchingings have been held to discuss such issues as agrarian purpose of the association as spelled out in the con-reform, the environment, and the changing interna- vening document was to "express the common identi-tional donor landscape. Today many of the larger cities ty of NGOs committed to the democratization of Brazilian(Recife, Rio de Janeiro, Sao Paulo, and Porto Alegre) society and who have a tradition of providing supportand states (Rondonia, Mato Grosso, Rio Grande do and services to grassroots movements." The principalNorte, and Santa Catarina) have permanent networks operational objectives of the association were definedof NGOs known as "Forums de ONGs," which meet as threefold: (1) to promote greater discussion andon a regular basis. Perhaps the most dynamic of these networking among NGOs around common develop-local NGO forums has been in Recife, where approxi- ment themes and strategies; (2) represent and defend themately 20 NGOs have met regularly and carried sever- interest of NGOs before Brazilian society and the gov-al successful policy advocacy and service provision ernment; and (3) promote greater international coop-activities over the past 10 years.4 ' There are also per- eration. Today ABONG has a membership of 211manent national NGO coalitions around thematic areas organizations throughout Brazil and maintains eightsuch as the Amazon, rural development, education, regional forums.AIDS, and human rights. These include: There are three interesting phenomena associated

with the networking characteristics of Brazilian NGOs.* F6rum Nacional Permanente de Entidades Nao- First, despite the continental size of the country, NGOs

Govemamentais de Defesa dos Direitos da Crianca have found it relatively easy to establish national net-e do Adolescente (F6rum DCA), established in 1988, works. While regional differences sometimes lead towhich congregates 67 children's service and human differing agendas and conflicts in some networks,rights organizations Brazilian networks, for the most part, have been among

* Movimento Nacional de Direitos Humanos (MNDH), the most active and consolidated in Latin America.which congregates some 250 human rights centers Second, NGO networks tend to be quite interconnect-throughout Brazil ed and flexible. It is common for there to be great

* Forum Brasileiro de ONGs e Movimentos Sociais intermingling among various networks and a certainpara o Meio Ambiente e o Desenvolvimento, with level of informality among the various coalitions. Forsome 130 environmental organizations nationwide instance, while many NGOs within Rede Brasil are mem-

* Rede Brasil sobre lnstituicoes Financeiras Multilaterais bers of ABONG, the association itself is a member of(Rede Brasil), which monitors multilateral devel- Rede. At other times, organizations that are not formallyopment bank activities in Brazil members of a particular network will nonetheless sign

* Rede Nacional de AIDS ONGs, with over 200 public policy petitions for constituents of that net-organizations work. Third, NGO coalition building tends to be quite

* F6rum Nacional pela Reforma Agraria e Justica no fluid and closely tied to the ebb and flow of the politi-Campo, which also congregates the major rural social cal scenario. Large coalitions will form over particularmovements and organizations such as MST, CON- issues such as burnings in the rain forest, a visible case


of human rights violation, or even the representation Since then, Brazilian NGOs have increased their pres-in a U.N. conference, only to be disbanded shortly after. ence in a variety of international networks that work inOn the other hand, NGOs tend to show an uncanny such areas as AIDS, women's rights, and sustainableability to put aside differences when there is a need to agriculture. As such, leading Brazilian NGOs have attend-launch public policy campaigns in the face of per- ed the most recent thematic United Nations conferences:ceived common "enemies" such as the government or Vienna (1993, human rights); Cairo (1994, populationthe World Bank. This was the case, for instance, in issues); Copenhagen (1995, social development); BeijingRondonia with the variety of organizations (indige- (1995, women's issues); and Istanbul (1996, urban devel-nous associations, rubber tapper cooperatives, envi- opment). One interesting consequence of this height-ronmental NGOs, women's groups) that compose the ened level of globalization is that a growing number ofNGO Forum. While these groups commonly clashed NGO technicians have begun to have the same oppor-over specific programmatic issues, they invariably unit- tunity to travel worldwide as their government and Banked when larger policy issues were at stake. This was counterparts, leading to a more sophisticated transna-demonstrated during the conflict-ridden Planafloro tional perspective. While government officials and theInspection Panel process, when the NGOs always seemed press often question these international linkages, someto muster a united front, often to the chagrin of state even stating that the NGOs are hostages to the agendasgovernment officials who hoped to sow division withof their international donor agencies, these linkagesin their ranks. seem to be driven more by pragmatic considerations.

Brazilian NGOs have also made impressive networking As exemplified by the Planafloro case (box 6), NGOsheadway on the international level. Information shar- realize that they could often have more leverage overing, staff exchanges, and meetings addressing com- the state and even federal governments if they soughtmon topics such as poverty alleviation, human rights, support for their critique of the Bank-financed projectand the environment have been occurring on a regular in Washington and Europe. As a recent book on inter-basis since the late 1980s. From the onset, the level of national networks states: "Transnational value-basedinteraction has been more intense with NGOs in Europe advocacy networks are particularly useful where oneand the United States, but contact has also been grow- state is relatively immune to direct local pressure anding with groups in Latin America, Asia, and Africa. A linked activists elsewhere have better access to theirmilestone in their international outreach efforts occurred own governments or to international organizations.during the United Nations Conference on the Linking local activists with media and activists abroadEnvironment and Development (UNCED) in 1992. can then create a characteristic "boomerang' effect, whichBrazilian NGOs hosted the Global Forum, an NGO net- curves around local state indifference and repressionworking summit held simultaneously with the official to put foreign pressure on local policy elites" (KeckU.N. conference. The 14-day forum brought together and Sikkink 1998, p. 200).some 25,000 NGO representatives-including envi- Reflecting this newvfound global perspective, Brazilianronmentalists, religious leaders, appropriate-technolo- NGOs are beginning to demonstrate an interest in thegy entrepreneurs, grassroots community leaders, and presence and impact of multilateral development insti-scientists-from 167 countries. There were over 500 tutions as witnessed by the establishment of Rede Brasilworkshops, seminars, press conferences, and exhibi- (box 4). In short, we are witnessing a unprecedentedtions held among the green and white tents on Flamengo phenomenon-the globalizafao, or the "international-Beach. Brazilian NGOs played a key role in planning ization," of civil society-where the borders betweenthe event, managing the $12 million budget, and lead- global and local are increasingly becoming more virtu-ing thematic discussions that produced 39 alternative al than real. On the other hand, while these transna-NGO "treaties." Overall, UNCED provided Brazilian tional coalitions represent the emerging of what someNGOs with an opportunity to receive public visibility have called a sociedade civil planetaria, or "global civilwithin Brazil and demonstrate that the NGO sector society," their growth is not certain. Often these coali-had come of age. tions seem fragile and based on single-issue campaigns


Box 4. Rede Brasil Monitors Bank Portfolio

One of the most recent NGO networking efforts has coa- ing visits by project stakeholders to the Banks offices inlesced around the perceived need to better understand Brasilia. Rede Brasil has closely tracked the following Worldand monitor the work of international financial institutions Bank projects: Planafloro, Prodeagro, Northeast Educationin Brazil. The Rede Brasil sobre InstituiZoes Financeiras II, AIDS/STD, Itaparica Resettlement, and PROSANEARMultilaterais (Rede Brasil) is a network of NGOs and social (Belem). Rede has also carried out a public campaign,movements established with the explicit purpose of mon- involving the Brazilian Congress, to obtain access anditoring and influencing the macro policies and funding promote a participatory CAS process in Brazil.4 4 Rede isstrategies of the multilateral development agencies in Brazil, considered one of the most representative Bank-namely the World Bank and the IDB. monitoring networks in Latin America because of the broad-

More recently, Rede has shifted its advocacy strategy to based thematic and geographic coverage of its memberfocusing its attention more directly on the Brazilian gov- organizations.ernment, namely pressuring to increase the oversight role Rede Brasil has strong linkages with North Americanof the legislative branch over multilateral loans. In the and Latin American NGOs and important official repre-process, Rede has also attempted to develop cordial infor- sentation at several key Bank-NGO liaison committees. Itmation exchange relations with SEAIN and other execu- is a member of the NGO Working Group on the Worldtive branch government agencies. Bank (NGOWG), Structural Adjustment Participatory

Rede Brasil was established in 1995 and today has 51 Review Initiative (SAPRI) coordination committee,institutional members, ranging from single NGOs and of the Latin America regional steering committee.(FASE, IBASE) and NGO networks (ABONG, GTA), to Although Rede has a small staff (one executive director andnational trade union confederations (CONTAG, CNB). an administrative assistant) housed in the Brasilia officesThe major activities undertaken by Rede Brasil to date of INESC, much of the research, networking, and advoca-include a study of six World Bank and IDB projects to deter- cy work is carried out by the member institutions such asmine the levels of stakeholder participation;4 2 the publi- FASE, IBASE, AcAo Educativa, and CONTAG. Rede Brasilcation of a guide on the World Bank;4 3 dozens of is funded by OXFAM/UK, the Ford Foundation, Christianregional training and planning workshops; and schedul- Aid, and the MacArthur Foundation.

or one-time events. A recent book edited by civil soci- their role as "contributing towards an alterna-

ety expert Jonathan Fox on the topic did not find evi- tive development project," while 36 percent seedence that Northern-Southern advocacy coalitions are their role as "the elaboration of alternative pub-

necessarily in the process of greater consolidation. It lic policies." They are small, private organiza-

states that "many of the relationships are limited to frag- tions, but they behave as if they were big and

ile fax-and-cyberspace skeletons, and the strong ones public (ISER 1991, p. 21).are often based more on key cross-cultural individuals

than on dense institutional bonds" (Fox 1998, p. 30). NGOs promote public policy activism at the grass-

roots level by teaching the basic tenets of citizenshipand encouraging the poor to exercise their rights as full

Taking Up the Civic Banner citizens. Furthermore, their institutional autonomy-especially in relation to the government-and for-

One of the most apparent results of greater networking ward-leaning social agendas have made them effectiveamong Brazilian NGOs has been their impressive new monitors of government action and advocates of pub-

presence in the public policy arena. This expanded lic sector accountability. Political scientist and current

role reflects the activist nature of their own institution- Minister of Culture Francisco Weffort recognized theal persona. The 1991 ISER survey of NGO leaders states: democratizing nature of NGOs by stating in the nation-

al weekly Veja that NGOs "are a genuine product ofNGOs are small, but they propose to act on wide democracy and reflect a maturation of Brazilian soci-

objectives. No fewer than half of our sample define ety" (Veja 1994). As was demonstrated earlier, NGOs


have of late begun to exercise this public watchdog ment movement began in June 1992 as political lead-role at the national level. The principal public policy ers and a host of civil society representatives held aareas most intensely and successfully addressed by the vigil at the Congress to demand a full accounting of cor-NGOs have been children's rights, indigenous issues, ruption charges against President Collor. What grewwomen's issues, and AIDS. out of this initial effort was the Movimento pela Etica

In the children's area, for instance, a national net- na Politica, composed of 850 professional associations,work of children's service and human rights organiza- unions, NGOs, student and teacher organizations, churchtions coalesced in the Forum DCA successfully lobbied agencies, and community groups organized in hundredsthe Brazilian Congress to pass the first comprehensive of local impeachment committees. Alongside other larg-law on children and adolescent rights and establish hun- er national organizations, such as OAB, CUT, CNBB,dreds of citizen-government policy councils through- and ABI, which organized the colorful and large streetout the country.45 NGOs also played a key role during demonstrations, NGOs convened the planning meet-the country's Constituent Assembly of 1996-1998 by ings, organized letter-writing campaigns, and in gen-encouraging an unprecedented level of grassroots par- eral assisted with the organizational wherewithal for theticipation in the law-making process. NGOs were instru- movement's success in Brasilia and cities throughoutmental in promoting local constituent seminars, Brazil. The impact of this movement, coupled withorganizing citizens' petitions, bringing community lead- strong public opinion sentiment, led to Collor's impeach-ers to testify before Congress, drafting legislation, and ment by the Brazilian Congress in December 1992.lobbying for the passage of laws. The organizational role played by such NGOs as IBASE

This new important civic role played by NGOs was and INESC in the impeachment process represented theno more apparent than with the significant behind- emergence of a new concept in Brazilian politics, thatthe-scenes support it contributed to the impeachment of an independent, nonpartisan citizens' movement thatof President Fernando Collor in 1992 and the subse- demands greater ethical standards and political account-quent Anti-Poverty Campaign (box 5). The impeach- ability from those in public office.

Box 5. Anti-Poverty Campaign

Buoyed by their success in the impeachment of Collor, lead- about the campaign and that 93 percent said they felt theing NGOs associated with other national organizations initiative was worthwhile. Further, the survey found thatspearheaded an unprecedented anti-poverty campaign a surprising 32 percent, or 25.6 million persons, had con-called A,ao pela Cidadania Contra a Miseia e Pela Vida, tributed money or supplies and that 2.8 million personsbetter known as the Anti-Poverty Campaign. Launched had volunteered in local Anti-Poverty Committees.in March of 1993 with the support of President Itamar As with the impeachment of Collor, NGOs played anFranco, who established a national food policy council important role in the Anti-Poverty Campaign, organizing(Conselho de SegurancaAlimentar/CONSEA), the Anti-Poverty local committees, serving on the CONSEA, and publiciz-Campaign grew to unprecedented proportions. it is esti- ing the campaign. Although the Anti-Poverty Campaignmated that over 3,300 local Anti-Poverty Committees were was largely decentralized in its structure, key institution-established in all 27 states of Brazil congregating such diver- al leadership was provided by IBASE in Rio de Janeiro andsified volunteers as employees of the Bank of Brazil, NGOs INESC in Brasilia. The head of IBASE, Herbert de Souzastaffers, housewives, charitable groups, labor unions, and (Betinho), even became the leading figure of the campaign.the military. A charismatic and transcendent figure because of his per-

The campaign was able to distribute millions of cestas sonal bout with the HIV virus and eloquent advocacy forbasicas, or basic foodstuffs; carry out hunger surveys with- the country's disenfranchised majority, Betinho not onlyin low-income neighborhoods; support gardening and water became a national civic leader, but came to symbolize theprojects; and prod local and state governments to improve very ethical nature of the citizen's movement. Althoughsocial services to the poor. The campaign generated an there are no definitive figures on the number of peopleimpressive level of public interest and media attention as reached through the campaign, it is estimated that 16 mil-evidenced by a nationwide survey carried out by IBOPE, lion destitute persons received food, clothing, health care,which reported that 68 percent of Brazilians had heard and jobs.


The NGOs' recent experience with national civic cam- This could be done through the development of apaigns has been important, for it has allowed them to code of ethics and through the publishing of annualincorporate the issue of citizenship into their work. This financial reports. At present few NGOs disseminate theiris a broadly defined agenda that includes democracy, annual financial and programmatic reports or main-social equity, ethnic and gender diversity, and political tain professional and independent boards of directorsplurality. The citizenship banner has also allowed NGOs that can help ensure greater stewardship of their funds.to get away from partisan alliances and sectarian strate- At most, NGOs report to their donor agencies, but thesegies, thus validating them as autonomous public actors are generally in Europe and can thus only carry out lim-who operate independent of the state and political ited monitoring. This trend is changing, though, as moreparties. Although NGOs are sometimes perceived by NGOs are beginning to adopt autonomous boards ofgovernments as being partisan, most often associated directors and are inviting representatives of their ben-with center-left parties such as the Workers Party (PT), eficiary groups to participate in strategic planningwhen one examines their track-record more closely, exercises. Their uncertain legal status also needs to beit become evident that NGOs are generally above the clarified and regularized through improved and strength-partisan political fray and can thus defend larger social ened legislation that regulates the sector and encour-concerns. This is evidenced by the recent administra- ages philanthropic giving.tions of the Workers Party in such cities as Porto The second challenge is for NGOs to demonstrateAlegre, Belo Horizonte, and Brasilia. In these instances, more competency in their work and more effectivenesswhile some NGO technicians joined the incoming in their results. There is no question that NGOs haveadministrations, the majority remained in their insti- been effective community and institutional organizers,tutions and did not feel constrained to criticize as witnessed by their meteoric rise over the past twospecific government policies and programs when decades. The challenge now is to improve their orga-deemed necessary. nizational management and technical skills in order to

expand the reach and impact of their efforts. The tra-ditional informal and antibusiness approach needs to

Challenges of Consolidation give way to more professional management approach-es and specialized technical knowledge. As a leading

As Lester Salamon pointed out in a speech delivered NGO leader from Recife stated, "The most importantduring a hemispheric conference on the Third Sector, role of NGOs in the past was to denounce 'wrongs.'"The Three Faces of the Third Sector" (Salamon 1996), The next phase was to develop proposals for thecivil society organizations, and specifically NGOs, cur- Constitution-but some NGOs became lost at this stagerently face three challenges in order to be able to become because they were generalists. NGOs can't afford to bemore institutionalized, larger, and sustainable. Although generalists anymore."46

he was speaking about NGOs worldwide, the lessons This will require more investment in personnel train-apply well to Brazilian NGOs. Now that NGOs have ing and capacity-building initiatives. Reflecting thisachieved greater public visibility and scrutiny, the first trend, several international donor agencies and Brazilianchallenge they need to meet is to demonstrate more universities have established capacity-building traininginstitutional accountability and transparency in their courses for NGOs and charitable organizations.47 Thereprogrammatic and financial management. As a leading also needs to be greater concern and capacity to assesscivil society researcher, Filvia Rosemberg, states: "It is and disseminate results and impact. Research is alreadyessential that society have adequate information about under way by NGO networks such as ABONG and theirthese civil society organizations, such as their budgets traditional donor agencies to develop practical resultsor financial reports, where they spend their money, indicators and benchmarks. ABONG published in 1998where their funding comes from ... so the recipients of a book assessing the social impact of 12 NGO case-studythe services being provided are protected" (Goncalves experiences written by independent university profes-1996, p.120). sors.48 While the results are inconclusive in some of


the case studies because of the lack of baseline evalua- expand the common ground between donors andtion data, in others it is clear that NGOs have had a sig- NGOs and to reduce potential conflict.50

nificant impact in a thematic area or region. Donoragencies have also launched their own results assess- The third challenge for NGOs is to ensure greaterment programs, pressured by their governments and institutional and financial sustainability The lack ofsocieties to demonstrate the effectiveness of their for- long-term survival strategies is most apparent in bud-eign assistance investments. The Inter-American getary terms, since most NGOs in Brazil continue to beFoundation, for instance, developed its own concep- greatly dependent on foreign donor agencies. But thistual model, the "Grassroots Development Framework," is true of human resources as well, as many NGOs arewith 22 tangible and intangible results indicators.4 9 poorly staffed beyond their founding leaders. WhileSeven of the leading protestant agencies (German, Dutch, many NGOs attract bright young technicians, they oftenBritish, Swiss, and Danish) established the Processo de do not stay for long because of low salaries and insta-Articulacao e Dialogo process, which involved a series bility brought on by cyclical budgetary shortfalls. Theof evaluation meetings with its 200 counterpart grantees civil society sector needs to be seen as a career oppor-in Brazil. tunity rather than a professional way station to gov-

The Bank and other official donor agencies are also ernment or academia. In the budgetary area, NGOs needincreasingly interested in assessing the impact of NGO to branch out and develop new international and (espe-work. A 1997 overview of NGO performance carried cially) local sources of funding in the private sector, gov-out by the OECD/DAC Expert Group on Aid Evaluation ernment, and multilateral organizations, as well asfound that: attempt other revenue-generating approaches such as

developing a dues-paying membership base and rais-NGO impact is hard to assess because most assessing funds through selling of services. Several NGOs andments, lacking adequate baseline data and mon- donor agencies are also beginning to consider estab-itoring, rely on qualitative data and judgement, lishing endowments and permanent local funds to financehave been undertaken rapidly, and have focused NGOs. ABONG, for instance, has received funding fromon project outputs. It recommends that donors several donors, including the IDB, to explore the pos-and NGOs ... together ... examine this issue in sibility of establishing an NGO-geared community foun-some depth, not only in order to unravel com- dation in Brazil.peting claims and assertions, but in order to help

3. Relations among Civil Society,Government, and the World Bank

Civil Society View of the Bank These were focus group-style meetings, thus theywere small and informal, and followed a participatory

Meeting Methodology approach. Each meeting lasted approximately four hoursand had a facilitator chosen from local civil society orga-

At the suggestion of the Bank's Resident Representative nizations. An average of 12 persons participated perin Brasilia and in order to ascertain the views of civil meeting, totaling over 85 participants. As a demon-society organizations about the Bank and the impact of stration of the interest elicited by these meetings, 90its presence in Brazil, a series of consultation meetings percent of those invited participated or sent a repre-with representatives of civil society organizations was sentative. A wide spectrum of organizations, representingheld throughout the country during the months of a variety of thematic areas, was invited in order to pro-May through October 1996. Meetings were held in mote as ample a discussion as possible. The areas includ-Brasilia and six state capitals in all five geographic regions ed agriculture, education, the environment, women'sof the country: Cuiaba (Center-West); Rio de Janeiro, rights, health, human rights, microcredit, Afro-BrazilianSao Paulo (Southeast), Porto Alegre (South), Recife issues, development policies, street children, indige-(Northeast), and Belem (North). The meetings had three nous issues, and urban development. In order to guar-underlying objectives: antee wide institutional representation, a complementary

.Inform civil society organizations about the Bank set of actors were invited: NGOs, social movements,-aInform its ll soieratyiorgamzatns about theaBank nongovernmental donor agencies that have funded Bank-• eand its operaeptions ind opinionsofthe Brazil.t soc civil society dialogue (OXFAM/JK, Ford and the Inter-Hearthe percepiztions andut the opinions oftecvlsc- American Foundations), and social scientists who haveety organizations about the Bank.

* Consult them on how to improve dialogue as a way expertise in this area.of promoting more collaborative Government-Civil Below is a summary of the many comments madeSociety-Bank relations. by the meeting participants. For a complete record of

participants' comments, see Attachment B and for a listThe meetings were divided into two parts: a pre- of participants see Attachment C. As stated before, the

sentation on the Bank and a discussion by meeting term civil society organizations (CSOs) will be usedparticipants on their view of the Bank (guided by a throughout the remainder of the paper as a broaderset of questions distributed before hand). The presen- descriptor to refer to community groups, NGOs, socialtation on the Bank was given via 50 transparencies and movements, and so forth.divided into three parts: (1) origins and characteristicsof the Bank; (2) Bank policies on poverty alleviation, Participants'CommentsCSO interaction, stakeholder participation, and infor-mation disclosure; and (3) the Bank's country strategy The comments made by the meeting participants areand portfolio. grouped in four major topics: policy issues, operational

25


matters, institutional relations, and specific project ration, but generally only once Bank-financed pro-performance. jects are undergoing problems and stakeholder par-

ticipation is sought. CSOs, especially communityPolicy Issues organizations and social movements, and not just* The Bank has an image in Brazil much more asso- NGOs, should be invited to participate at the initial

ciated with the policies of structural adjustment of stages.the IMF than with a development agency that funds * On the other hand, CSOs are not always technical-poverty alleviation and other social initiatives. In ly prepared for these meetings but should be will-this light, the Bank seems to have an economic and ing to participate and risk exposure.technocratic approach to development, often ignor-ing the social development or organizational aspects Operational Mattersof development. * It is not surprising that the Bank faces disburse-

* Several commented that the Bank's approach is too ment and operational problems in its projects, espe-compartmentalized in different sectors and that a cially in more complex social projects, since its overallmore integrated and holistic approach to human approach is more geared to funding technical "pro-development is needed. jects" rather than social "programs." This approach

* It is also necessary for the Bank to address the caus- may have been appropriate when the Bank primar-es of poverty and not only its consequences. ily funded infrastructure projects, but this opera-

tional methodology is inadequate for funding socialInstitutional Relations programs that are much more complex, process-ori-* The relationship between the Bank and the Brazilian ented, and unpredictable.

government is not clear, and each side seems to blame * The quality of project supervision by Bank staff variesthe other when projects experience problems. greatly among projects, for it depends on several fac-

• At times the Bank has a positive role in encourag- tors, which range from the capacity and opennessing governments to maintain a more open and col- of the task managers and their continuity to a will-laborative posture with civil society ingness to critique government implementation when

* The World Bank should coordinate its efforts bet- needed.ter with the IDB and other official donor agencies * The Bank has overly bureaucratic administrative pro-in order to avoid overlapping and contradictory cedures in such areas as bidding and procurementstrategies and impacts. that hinder project performance. There is no ques-

* The Bank is not as accessible to civil society as its tion that the Bank is adopting policies that favorinformation disclosure and stakeholder participa- greater stakeholder participation; the question istion policies would lead one to believe. Not only whether these policies will be mainstreamed in theare most Bank documents still hard to obtain, but operational areas of the Bank. This will be the lit-when released they are invariably in English. It is mus test to ascertain if the Bank reforms are indeedalso difficult to meet with Bank task managers dur- going to improve the institution's performance.ing their quick passages through Brazil. * The Bank should consider funding initiatives direct-

* The little dialogue that has occurred between the ly at the municipal level; such initiatives have beenBank and CSOs has generally been too formal and characterized by innovation, effectiveness, and stake-confrontational. It is necessary to tear down the wall holder participation, since they are in keeping withof misperception, with each side accepting the legit- the decentralization trends now sweeping Brazil andimacy and role of the other. the rest of Latin America.

* The government is the missing link in these meet-ings, and should always be present. Specific Project Performance

* CSOs are generally not invited to participate dur- * Participants highlighted several Bank-financed pro-ing the design and planing stages of project prepa- jects for their effective performance, important social

Relations among Civil Society, Government, and the World Bank 27

impact, and innovative supervision approach. The two projects. In the South, the Bank's open disclosure pol-projects mentioned in this regard were the AIDS/DST icy during negotiations with the anti-dam movementand Pilot Program to Conserve the Rain Forest. (MAB) was cited. In the North, several complimentaryA number of participants criticized the Northeast comments were made about the Bank's stakeholder par-Rural Poverty Alleviation Program (RPAP) and the ticipation approach in the Pilot Program project. In theNortheast Education Project for being too traditional Northeast (Recife) meeting, most of the negative com-and top-down in their approach. Several persons ments were geared to two large Bank-financed pro-stated that the results of these multistate projects jects, NRPD and Northeast Education land 11, althoughvary from state to state-the performance is better there was recognition of the participatory nature of thein some states-and that their results depend on Bank-funded Recife urbanization project implementedsuch factors as the willingness of local government in the 1980s.to pursue a participatory approach and the presence There was almost total consensus about the validityof a strong civil society at the local level. of consultation meetings such as these. Many partici-

pants expressed satisfaction with having been invitedConclusions and hoped that this would lead to more frequent and

systematic dialogue. Further, many participants madeThese consultation meetings demonstrated clearly that specific suggestions on how the Bank could promotemost CSO representatives have only limited knowledge more effective dialogue, enhance its relationship withof the Bank. The participants had, at most, sketchy infor- civil society organizations, and improve the effective-mation about a particular Bank project in Brazil, but ness of its lending and supervision work in Brazil. Manyalmost no understanding about the World Bank in also mentioned that the dialogue and possible collab-Washington and how it operates. This was not sur- oration needs to be tripartite in order to include gov-prising, since most stated that this was the first formal emient participation. On the other hand, some personscontact they were having with the Bank. When CSOs continued to express suspicion regarding the Bank'shad information on specific projects being financed by underlying motives for these meetings, since, in theirthe Bank, this information tended to be cursory and opinion, the Bank does not have a tradition of dialoguenegative, often obtained from the press. There were a and transparency. For these participants, greater accessfew participants who demonstrated more firsthand to information seems to be the sine qua non conditionknowledge about the Bank, but this apparently was to allow for better relations.because they served on Bank-NGO committees or hadresearched Bank activities in Brazil.

The general perception of the participants about the Mutual MisperceptionsBank tended to be negative, with some persons mani-festing fairly strong criticisms. While not discounting As the consultation meetings findings demonstrate,the validity of many of the criticisms, much of the neg- much of the exaggerated criticism that is lobbed backative tone seemed to be sparked by the fact that this and forth among the government, civil society organi-was the first time that the World Bank had sought out zations (especially NGOs), and the Bank is generallythese organizations for dialogue. Thus there seemed to based on little actual information and fact. In reality, thebe a good deal of pent-up reproach to be released. It Government, CSOs, and the Bank generally know sowas interesting to note that many of the comments var- little about each other and have had such limited directied by region. The participants from Rio deJaneiro and interaction that basic misconceptions and stereotypesSao Paulo tended to express broader and more con- tend to be the rule. Below is a description of the mostceptually based criticisms about the Bank's macroeco- commonly held views:nomic policies. CSOs in the Southern (Porto Alegre)and Northern (Belem) regions, on the other hand, * Bank staff and government technicians often viewexpressed positive comments related to specific Bank CSOs, at best, as well-intentioned do-gooders who


are often ill prepared and have a simplistic analysis time to engage in real dialogue in order to better under-of complex Bank-financed government projects, and, stand each other's positions. As World Bank Presidentat worst, opportunists who make a career of Govern- James Wolfensohn stated at the opening of the Annualment-Bank bashing and are not truly interested in Meetings in Hong Kong in September 1997:promoting development, but rather promote them-selves at the expense of the Government-Bank. Name calling between civil society and multi-Many CSOs on the other hand, view the Bank, at lateral development institutions must stop. Webest, as a large bureaucracy that has the wrong pri- should encourage criticism. But we should alsoorities and methodologies (top down and short- recognize that we share a common goal and thatsighted), and keeps the wrong company (out-of-touch we need each other (Wolfensohn 1997, p. 9).government officials); and, at worst, a Machiavellianagent of first world powers (namely Washington)to undermine developing countries, impoverishing Bank-Civil Society Commonalitiespeople and harming the environment in the process.The CSOs' view of government is not much better Once each institutional actor gets past the seeminglythan their view of the Bank. irreconcilable differences in policies and operational

style, the Bank and CSOs actually have a good deal inCuriously, both Government and Bank staff, and NGO common. First, they are both modernizing agents with-

technicians, have similar misperceptions about each in a dramatically changing world context. Both repre-other. First, each side projects an unrealistic degree of sent the growth and importance of transnational linkages.power onto the other interlocutor. While NGOs feel The Bank is itself multilateral and embodies global con-that the Bank has the power to dictate Brazil's devel- nectivity The CSOs, and particularly NGOs, are alsoopment strategy and micromanage project implemen- global actors because they not only espouse universaltation, Bank staff often think that the NGOs are better principles such as democracy, social equity and envi-networked and more powerful than they are in reality ronmental conservation, but because the bulk of theirSecond, both sides view the other as arrogant. While funding comes from international donors and they areGovernment and Bank staff are viewed as distant and increasingly closely networked with intemational CSOs.technocratic, NGO activists are seen as smug pretenders Further, much like the Bank, CSOs represent a mod-of the moral high ground. Third, both sides view the ernizing influence in Brazilian society. While Brazil hasother as incompetent: the government and Bank because had a hierarchical society in which the state has his-its projects are perceived to have countless implemen- torically controlled most facets of public life, the appear-tation problems and unintended social and environ- ance of the NGO sector has represented a break in thismental consequences; and NGOs because they are tradition, as there is now a sector that considers itselfseen as offering simplistic criticisms and unsuitable autonomous, exerts a monitoring role relative to themicro-level alternatives to complex macro projects. Last, state, and even carries out the needed intermediationboth sides tend to undermine the other's legitimacy as between the population and the government. It is there-interlocutors by questioning each other's motives and fore curious that while CSOs often speak out on the illbehavior. Bank staff often views NGO activists as effects of globalization, they are themselves a result ofunscrupulous for their pamphleteering-style tactics, and globalization and embody a modern construct of soci-many NGOs feel that the government and Bank behave ety. Paradoxically, NGOs are often more in tune withunethically by hiding project information to cover up Bank policy in such areas as gender, environment, andmistakes or avoid being criticized for unpopular policies. stakeholder participation, than with governments at the

One is left with the impression that the govern- national and subnational levels.ment, CSOs, and the Bank have, until recently, largely Second, although it may seem contradictory, bothbeen fighting each other's shadows, each side basing its CSOs and the World Bank support the restructuring ofanalysis on inaccurate preconceptions and not taking the state and strengthening of the role of civil society,


albeit for different reasons. The Bank because, as argued ceptual and rhetorical levels, since these goals are oftenin the 1997 WDR on the role of the state, there is grow- not fully achieved by either side in practice. Althoughing evidence that an active civil society is not only a pre- CSOs and the Bank are clearly still far apart on the spe-requisite for democracy, but good for development as cific strategies and programmatic priorities, the fact thatwell (WDR 1997a). Many civil society organizations, both sides share the same larger developmental objec-on the other hand, support the restructuring of the state tives provides the needed foundation on which toin order to make government more effective and account- build more collaborative efforts.able, reduce corruption, and introduce policies more Fourth, both are practitioners of the same trade, pro-geared to the needs of the poor. Further, many in civil moting development through similar operational func-society see a growing role for the nongovemmental pub- tions: funding (in the case of CSO donor agencies),lic arena, or what some have begun to refer to as the executing, monitoring, and evaluating projects. In this"setor puablico n&o estatal." Advocates as diverse as the respect, despite the differences brought on by the vary-First Lady, Ruth Cardoso, and late NGO leader Herbert ing economies of scale, they share many of the same"Betinho" de Souza have been increasingly speaking and methodological dilemmas, planning problems, andwriting about the notion of a nonstate public sector, result-assessing challenges.where the government and civil society sectors join Fifth, although they interact with different inter-together to promote policies and undertake programs locutors, the Bank works with governments and CSOsgeared to the interests of the entire society. Underlying directly with the beneficiary population, they both sharenotions of this concept are accountability, transparen- the same target population: the disenfranchised poor.cy, and participatory decisionmaking approaches. A doc- Even the difference in institutional partners is begin-ument undersigned by the First Lady stated that: ning to change. The Bank, on the one hand, is increas-

ing its direct interaction with beneficiary populationsIn Brazil, as everywhere, a Third Sector-non- because of a growing emphasis on stakeholder partic-Governmental and non-profit-coexists today ipation mechanisms, and CSOs, on the other, are begin-with the State (First Sector) and with the Market ning to work more directly with governments.(Second Sector), mobilizing a growing volume A final commonality is the fact that both the Bankof resources and energies for social development. and CSOs are being pressured to demonstrate more tan-This multiplication of private initiatives for a pub- gible and sustainable results of their work, especiallylic purpose is a new, massive, and global phe- in the area of social development. While the Bank isnomenon. The protagonism of citizens and their being prodded by its shareholder governments andorganizations overcomes the dichotomy between CSOs to show results, the CSOs are being pressured byprivate and public, in which the public was syn- their traditional donor agencies and society at large (asonymous with state and private with business. expressed by the press).The expansion of the Third Sector gives origin A convergence is actually under way in which theto the public, nonstate sphere (Conselho da Bank is reaching down to the micro sectors through itsComunidade Solidaria 1997, p. 3). stakeholder participation policy, and the CSOs are reach-

ing up to the macro level through its efforts to scale upIn short, although the focus and degree of govern- services and methodologies. There is a real potential for

ment reform agendas may vary somewhat, in the end synergy to occur between these two developmentalboth the Bank and CSOs espouse a larger common agen- actors. Recent experience with Bank-funded projects inda to reform government by making it more account- Brazil has demonstrated that when productive dialogueable, more streamlined, and more effective in the delivery takes place, all three sides tend to find that there is aof services. lot more common ground and interest than was origi-

Third, CSOs, and more recently the Bank, largely nally imagined. This was clearly the case in the Planafloroshare the same goals of human development and envi- experience, where long-standing disagreement amongronmental sustainability. This is true at least at the con- CSOs, the state government, and the Bank on larger


Box 6. Planafloro: From Impasse to Collaboration

Planafloro is an emblematic example of an overly complex sive and independent midterm review Third, realizing thatand troubled project that was completely restructured the project lacked local ownership and support, it insist-and decentralized in a participatory fashion. Planafloro is ed that the principal stakeholders take full responsibilitya Bank-funded natural resource management project in the for its restructuring. A midterm evaluation was carriedWestern Amazonian state of Rondonia. Planafloro (Loan # out by a multidisciplinary team of Brazilian consultants,344-BR) was signed in 1992 at a total cost of $229 million and a stakeholder consultation workshop was held in Porto($167 million was the Bank's share), and became effective Velho to discuss the possible reformulation of the project.in 1993. In hindsight, it became apparent that the project The major stakeholders present included the state anddesign contained several flaws: too many subcomponents federal govemments, the NGO Forum, intemational NGOs,(rain forest conservation, social development, road con- UNDP, and the World Bank.struction, indigenous health, and agroforestry activities); A formal agreement was reached between the statea complex structure (involvement of 10 state and federal govemment and the CSOs that led to the complete restruc-government agencies); overambitious and poorly defined turing of Planafloro. Project components were reduced, thesustainable development goals; and limited local owner- number of government executing agencies was cut back,ship by either the state govemment or the society at large. and bureaucratic procedures were streamlined. A $22

At the end of the fourth year of the project, few of the million demand-driven community projects fund (PAIC)project goals had been met, stakeholder participation mech- was created and is today being comanaged with CSOs.5 1

anisms were not working, and only 50 percent of the Equally important, long-standing mutual animosity andfunds had been spent. The local NGO and Social Movement tension gave way to effective engagement. Once a policyForum, with approximately 35 organizational members of more open and frank dialogue began to be pursued,(agricultural workers' federations, indigenous and rubber noticeably improved relations among CSOs, the state gov-tapper associations, environmental NGOs, and urban emient and the Bank were established. As Oxfam/UK'seducational groups), which had been established with the Patricia Feeney stated: "NGOs now have a stronger formalsupport of international NGOs (World Wildlife Fund/Sweden role inside the project: helping to develop and administerand OXFAM/UK) to monitor Planafloro, mounted an inter- small-scale community projects. Funds have also been allo-national campaign to suspend disbursement of project cated to enable the NGO Forum to monitor implementa-funds, and sent a request for inspection to the Bank's tion of the overall project" (Feeney 1998, p. 6). Based onInspection Panel. this positive momentum, a comprehensive strategic plan-

The Bank took several steps to address the issue. First, ning exercise called Umidas, geared to defining a sustain-it decentralized project supervision responsibility to the able development plan for the state until 2020, was carriedfield office. Second, it decided to carry out a comprehen- out in 1998 involving the major societal actors of Rond6nia.

conceptual issues gave way to collaboration and spe- society consultation meetings, carrying out studies, and

cific agreements once discussions were centered on how adopting operational directives to encourage greaterto reformulate the project itself (box 6). This was also involvement with CSOs at the project level. Many oftrue with the AIDS project, in which traditional animosity these activities were carried out or coordinated by an

between AlDS/NGOs and the Ministry of Health has NGO Unit established in 1986. Today there are opera-been greatly overcome through the adoption, by the for- tional directives, plans of action, and other policiesmer, of a more effective stakeholder participatory strat- that encourage Bank staff to pursue more collaborativeegy in project implementation. working relations with the civil society sector (box 7).

Stakeholder participation is a concept that indeed is

being emphasized within the Bank asJames WolfensohnBank Stakeholder Participation Policies stated in his address before the 1998 joint Bank

Group-IMF Annual Meeting:During the past two decades-and especially in thelast five years-the Bank has begun to take specific steps Participation matters-not only as a means of

to improve relations with the civil society sector world- improving development effectiveness as wewide by adopting more participatory policies and pro- know from our recent studies, but as the keygrams. These steps have included sponsoring Bank-civil to long-term sustainability and to leverage. We


Box 7. World Bank Participation Policies and Initiatives

The Bank's stakeholder participation policies and initia- tion on stakeholder participation is the Participationtives are grounded in a series of operational directives (ODs) Sourcebook (World Bank 1996), which includes successfuldrafted over the years.5 2 The first operational policy on examples of participation strategies utilized in 17 Bank-NGOs was adopted in 1981. Today, there are several dozen financed projects worldwide and offers summaries of theODs geared to environmental, resettlement, and poverty best-known participatory research, meeting facilitation,alleviation projects that contain general guidance or spe- and consensus-building methodologies. The sourcebookcific directions on how Bank staff should promote greater states that:stakeholder participation by involving NGOs. The mostcomprehensive of these is OD 14.70, which was adopted Many cultural, economic, and political barriers effec-in August 1989 and is entirely geared to the Bank's relatively prevent the poor from having any real staketionship with civil society. It contains an analysis of the in development activities. Without special efforts byNGO sector, provides guidelines on how to involve NGOs, the designers and sponsors of projects and withoutand assigns responsibility to different offices within the appropriate policies to address and overcome theseBank to carry out NGO liaison. It states that "staff are encour- obstacles, the voices of the poor will not be heardaged whenever appropriate to involve NGOs, particularly and their participation will at best be token (p. 6).local NGOs, in Bank-supported activities." OD 14.70 hasnow been replaced by GP (Good Practices) 14.70. In order to further mainstream the Bank's participation

A number of important Bank studies have also been pro- policies, a series of "Participation Action Plans" were draft-duced in recent years on the topic of stakeholder partici- ed and enacted Bank-wide and regionally The Latin Americanpation and particularly on NGO participation in Bank and Caribbean (lAC) region adopted its Participation Actionprojects (attachment F). Each of these studies has served Plan in 1995. The plan included the following activities:to further define the Bank's definition and understandingof stakeholder participation, as well as document the * Hiring of social analysis and NGO specialists in thegrowing web of relations between the Bank and NGOs. LAC resident missions (see below).One of the best-known studies, "The World Bank and * Hosting a series of subregional tripartite (government-civilParticipation," was published in 1994 and was the result society-Bank) thematic seminars. Seminars were carriedof the Bank-wide Leaming Group on Participation, launched out in Ecuador (Andean Region), El Salvador (Centralin 1990. This study provided the most definitive Bank inter- America), and Brazil (Southern Cone and Brazil).pretation of what constitutes participation: "a process * Tracking of 12 flagship projects designed through par-through which stakeholders influence and share control ticipatory mechanisms.over development initiatives, decisions and resources which * Undertaking NGO country surveys in each of the threeeffect them." The most complete and recent Bank publica- regional departments (Argentina, Ecuador, and Mexico).

must never stop reminding ourselves that it is NGO/civil society issues. The NGO specialists hired in

up to government and its people to decide what LAC were all experienced social scientists or develop-

their priorities are should be. We must never ment practitioners. While all had previous experiencestop reminding ourselves that we cannot working with CSOs, several had established their own

and should not impose development by fiat CSOs, and two had previous experience working withfrom above or from abroad (Wolfensohn the Bank. After two years, five of these specialists had1998, p. 10). left the Bank for a variety of reasons, and their replace-

ments were hired in 1999. While many specialists ini-An integral aspect of LAC's Participation Action Plan tially carried out primarily liaison-related functions (for

was the hiring of social analysis and NGO specialists example, disseminating information, organizing con-for the resident missions. Ten consultants, also known sultation meetings; channeling CSO project-related com-

as NGO liaison officers, were hired by March 1996, plaints to task managers), over time their work evolvedone for each of the 10 countries where the Bank had to providing operational support to task managers in

local offices in the region.5 3 In global terms, as of mid- such areas as social analysis, beneficiary assessment,1999, 71 resident missions had staff that work with and stakeholder participation strategies. In June 1998,


new, more detailed terms of reference incorporating this In short, participation can be a win-win propositionshift in role was drawn up, and their title was changed for all parties concerned.to Social Development and Civil Society specialist. On the other hand, these studies have also demon-

Several Bank studies on participation have demonstrated that there are various constraints and unknownstrated that there is growing empirical evidence that aspects related to participation. Not only is there stilleffective participation strategies do improve the success much to learn about the nature, benefits, and costs ofrate of development projects and programs. They do participation, but different actors such as CSOs andso by encouraging: multilateral banks have different definitions and expec-

.Greater social relevance of the initiatives undertaken tations about what is substantive participation, since it*~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~~~ ~~~~~a rangee froma simplnc cosltto toe fullte operational

* Increased ownership by all stakeholders, but espe- can range from simple consultation to full operationalcially by lcbniapartnership. Participation also involves a series of method-

cially by local beneficiaries, who are generally ulti-for carrying out and maintaining ologies and techniques that are still little understood

mately responsibles by most Bank staff and are only now being written upthe project activities

* Improved project implementation (including dis- and decodified by the experts:bursement schedules and programmatic results) Experience indicates that strong NGO/CBO

* Greater social control and enhanced monitoring involvement significantly contributes to project

capability success, especially providing benefits and oppor-* Institutional collaboration that allows for comple- tunities for participation by the poor and mar-

mentary skills mixes to be leveraged ginalized. However, the record is mixed:

* Greater sustainability in the long-term. NGO/CBO involvement varies greatly in depth

Another important aspect that experience in sever- and quality, and the Bank and borrowers give tooal Bank-financed projects in Brazil has demonstrated is little attention to factors critical to success, suchthat participation can benefit the stakeholders involved as the environment for NGOs/CBOs, NGO capac-in different ways. First, local beneficiary populations ity, and the use of appropriate business practiceshave more say in how development projects are car- (World Bank 1998d, p. 37).ried out and thus can better optimize the benefits. Second,NGOs, researchers, and other supporting actors Further, the financial and time costs of participationbenefit by being constructively engaged and having their have not been adequately quantified. Effective stake-expertise better utilized. Third, if well informed, CSOs holder participation can imply such costs as transla-can monitor the implementation of projects and help tion and distribution of Bank/government documents;government authorities and Bank staff avoid unneces- organizing community consultation meetings; carry-sary delays and guard against corruption. Finally, gov- ing out of needs assessment research; arranging for CSOernments and the financing agencies have representatives to accompany appraisal missions; andbetter-performing projects, and society at large (which funding CSO monitoring of Bank-funded projects. Theseultimately pays the bill) gets more "bang for its buck" costs are generally not foreseen by task managers andin terms of successfully implemented development pro- thus are not factored into preparation and supervisiongrams. The Bank's 1997 WDR states that: budgets.

As the Bank has experienced firsthand in such pro-Evidence is mounting that government programs jects as Planafloro, promoting participation in com-work better when they seek the participation of plex and conflict-ridden social settings can also bepotential users, and when they tap the commu- difficult and time consuming. While experience hasnity's reservoir of social capital rather than work demonstrated that incorporating stakeholder partici-against it. The benefits show up in smoother pation mechanisms into projects of this nature is essen-implementation, greater sustainability, and bet- tial to their sustainability, this process can representter feedback to government agencies (p. 10). unexpected delays in operational timetables. There are


also situations where the parties are seemingly so far two-way street, the Bank has also taken steps to betterapart and the interests so diametrically opposed that inform Bank staff on the positions and perspectives ofpromoting collaboration seems impossible, at least at Brazilian CSOs. Thus the second information-relatedthat juncture. This is the case, for instance, in the Amazon initiative undertaken was the establishment within theregion, where the interests of rubber tappers and cat- Bank's Brasilia office, of a Civil Society Reference Center.tle ranchers have frequently led to violence. The best- There are brochures and literature of dozens of Brazilianknown case, of course, was that of rubber tapper leader CSOs, as well as directories and studies on the civil soci-Chico Mendes, who was killed by cattle ranchers in ety sector.1988. In short, there is still a good deal to learn and In addition to providing CSOs with general Bankskills to acquire on participation before it can be effec- materials and basic project-specific documents such astively mainstreamed throughout the Bank. the project information document (PID) and project

Recognizing that information is the cornerstone to analysis document (PAD), the Brazil office has been ableany successful participation strategy, the Bank has also to enhance its information disclosure policies even fur-begun to take specific steps to bridge the information ther in some cases. In projects such as Planafloro,gap. In January 1994 it adopted a new policy on pub- AIDS/DST, and the Pilot Program, "aide memoirs" andlic disclosure of information that detailed which docu- official Bank-government correspondence are being pro-ments were placed in the public domain, procedures vided to CSOs on a regular basis as an explicit and suc-for obtaining them, and established public information cessful strategy to promote more transparency andcenters in Washington, Paris, and Tokyo. The brochure improve relations. Experience has demonstrated thatWorld Bank Policy on Information Disclosure stated: there is generally little to be lost technically (quality of

program implementation) and much to gain institu-The Bank recognizes and endorses the funda- tionally (promoting ownership and improved relations)mental importance of accountability and trans- in such an approach. This is especially true of socialparencyin the development process. Accordingly, projects, where there is almost no, if any, informationit is the Bank's policy to be open about its activ- of a sensitive nature that cannot be divulged.ities and to welcome and seek out opportunities The Bank has also taken steps to revise its policiesto explain its work to the widest possible audi- regarding the country assistance strategy (CAS), whichence (World Bank 1994a, p. 2). is not generally in the public domain and has been at

the center of the information disclosure discussions withAs a result of this policy, many of the most relevant CSOs worldwide and in Brazil. A recent report on the

Bank documents can be found in the Bank's home page, Bank's CAS policy and experience found that 22 of thehttp://www.worldbank.org/, or at one of the many pub- 47 CASs undertaken during fiscal year 1997 and thelic information centers (PICs) that are being established first half of fiscal year 1998 had elements of participa-throughout the world. tion. Of these 22 cases, 10 were undertaken with exten-

The Brazil country management unit (CMU) has sive consultation with a broad array of civil societyundertaken two important initiatives to improve its pub- stakeholders that included follow-up consultation mech-lic information disclosure and dissemination policies. anisms. Further, 13 CAS (59 percent of the 22 cases)First, the Bank opened a Public Information Center managers reported that civil society participation had(PIC) in partnership with UNICEF and the Fundacao "directly identifiable impacts" on the CAS. The studyGetlio Vargas (FGV). The PIC was inaugurated in August found that participatory CASs "helped to focus gov-1997 and is now located at the Bank Office in Brasilia ernment development agenda, or to build consensus(see address at the back). The PIC has reference mate- around government strategy" (World Bank 1998c, p.rials, a small stock of free Bank publications such as 7). As a result of these findings, the Bank's Executivereports and studies, and several computer terminals Directors adopted a new CAS policy in September 1998available to users wishing to access the Bank's home that encourages greater disclosure of the CAS by thepage on the Internet. Since information exchange is a introduction of the CAS public information notice (a


two-page summary of the major elements of the strat- World Bank-funded project has experienced in Brazil,egy document) and procedures for public disclosure of markedly increasing the participation of Rondonian civilthe CAS if the local government requests such action. society groups in project implementation and manage-In light of this evolving CAS policyworldwide, the Brazil ment" (Zander, 1996, p.4 1).Country Management Unit decided to undertake a broadconsultation process in preparation for the 2000-20001country strategy A wide array of CSOs including NGOs, Forging a Tripartite Dialoguesocial movements, trade unions, universities, churchgroups, and donor agencies were invited to several meet- While Bank-CSO formal contact and dialogue are onlyings held in Brasilia, Rio de Janeiro, and Sao Paulo beginning in Brazil, relations have been evolving forduring October-November, 1999. The participants some time on the global level. These contacts began inwere provided with a summary draft of the strategy 1981 with the establishment of the internationaland a list of all active loans and published Bank NGO-World Bank Committee (NGOWG). This was astudies. Bank staff also consulted, for the first time, committee consisting of Bank staff and 26 NGO repre-a variety of federal ministries, state governors and sentatives from throughout the world that has met oncongressmen. a yearly basis to exchange information and promote pol-

Mention should also be made of the Bank's Inspection icy dialogue. In 1995 the NGO-World Bank commit-Panel, which many CSOs consider to be one of the Bank's tee was decentralized by the establishment of regionalmost significant instruments, to date, to ensure account- subcommittees in Africa, Asia, and Latin America (LAC).ability, transparency, and participation. Since the panel The first LAC Bank-NGO meeting was held in Paipa,was established in 1994, Brazilian CSOs have submit- Colombia, in June 1995 with over 80 participants fromted requests for investigations of three Bank-financed the Bank, NGOs, and governments from the region.projects in Brazil in which they claimed that the "rights Leading Washington-based and Latin American NGOsand interests" of local people has been adversely affect- attended. During this meeting, the Bank vice presidented. These were the Planafloro (1996), Itaparica (1997), for Latin America committed his staff to implementingand Pilot Agrarian Reform (1998 and 1999) projects. a series of interchange activities in order to enhance dia-While none of the three were approved for full inves- logue and improve relations between the Bank andtigations by the Executive Directors of the Bank, the NGOs. This became known as the LAC Participationpanel nonetheless undertook several fact-finding mis- Action Plan (box 7).sions to the project sites and produced reports on each The second LAC Bank-NGO meeting was held inproject. Although there is considerable disagreement as Montelimar, Nicaragua, in June 1996 with largely theto the applicability and veracity of the Brazilian CSO same representation of Bank staff and NGOs. The agen-claims, as well as to the results of these investigations, da of this second meeting consisted of several presen-there seems to be, nonetheless, agreement that the panel tations and panel discussions by Bank staff and NGOmechanism represents a significant new element in representatives regarding flagship and social investmentGovernment-Bank-CSO relations. As Bank President funds projects in several countries (Argentina, El Salvador,Wolfensohn wrote in a report on the first four years of Nicaragua, Peru) and gender. Commitments made bythe panel, "When the Board ... created the Inspection the Bank in the Montelimar meeting included pilotingPanel five years ago, it created an unprecedented means participatory CAS processes in several countries, andfor increasing the transparency and accountability of holding a series of subregional thematic workshops inthe Bank's operations" (World Bank 1998a, p. vii). In the region during 1997. These seminars were carriedthe case of Planafloro, it is widely accepted that the Panel out in Ecuador (Andean Region), El Salvador (Centralprocess played a key role in the impetus to restructure America), and Brazil (Southern Cone and Brazil).and improve project performance. Well-known rural The third regional meeting was held in Lima, Peru,development expert Zander Navarro has written that in October 1997. The meeting was organized around a"Planafloro most likely represents the most significant series of joint panel discussions (Government-CSOs-and broad transfer of decision-making authority that a Bank) on such key issues as macroeconomic policies,


state reform, participatory CASs, urban poverty, and regional Bank-CSO operational structure. In order togender. The Bank's delegation, which was once again better coordinate its civil society strategy in the region,headed by the LAC vice president, also included the the Bank established the LAC Civil Society Steeringchief economist as well as other regional managers. Committee, chaired by the Vice President and com-The Brazilian CSO presence consisted of representatives posed of representatives of all seven country (CMU) andfrom Rede Brasil and CEPEPO (Belem). The Lima meet- four sector (SMU) management units in the region.ing was more informal and relaxed than the two previ- The CSOs for their part elected a new steering com-ous annual gatherings, leading to substantive and mittee for the NGOWG and agreed on an annual bud-free-flowing discussions on the topics. The most impor- get to finance ongoing dialogue and partnershiptant commitment made was a proposal to institution- initiatives.54 In terms of new and ongoing collabora-alize the intersectoral dialogue process by establishing tive commitments, the Bank and the CSOs agreed ona permanent Bank-CSO commnittee in Latin America. the following initiatives: (1) the Bank would initiate a

Another commitment made in the Nicaragua meet- regional consultation process on the WDR 2000, whiching and seconded at the Lima meeting was to carry out would focus on poverty, inequality, and vulnerability;a joint Bank-CSO study on urban poverty. This study (2) the Bank would carry out participatory CASs inwas initiated by a workshop held in Rio de Janeiro in two or three countries;55 and (3) the Bank would fillMay 1998 that brought together leading Bank staff, CSO the five vacant slots for the social development and civilpractitioners, and academics in the area of urban pover- society specialists in the Bank's country offices.ty. The Bank's Poverty Reduction and Economic The fifth regional meeting was held in Santiago, Chile,Management (PREM) network and FASE jointly orga- in October 1999 and was preceded, for the first time,nized the workshop. Papers were produced and dis- by country-level preparatory meetings in Colombia,cussed on the following topics: context of urban poverty; Argentina, and Nicaragua. Reflecting the evolving naturerole of the informal sector; provision of basic services; of Bank-civil society relations in the region, this meet-gender issues; social capital and networks; correlation ing proved to have the most fluid and effective meetingbetween violence and poverty; environmental degra- dynamics. There were panel and small group discus-dation; and governance issues. The level of discussion sions on the social impact of structural adjustment loansat this workshop was both thorough and intense, allow- (fiscal policy, social security, and social project compo-ing all sides to get past preconceived notions and open- nents) and the future role of these bilateral regional meet-ly express their views. ings. Several important agreements were reached geared

The fourth LAC Bank-CSO meeting was held in to revitalizing the strategic role of these regional meet-Montego Bay, Jamaica, in June, 1998, and was pro- ings: (1) encourage the decentralization of the regionalgrammed more as a technical workshop than the pre- forum to the country level by establishing local gov-vious three. There were panel discussions on urban ernment-CSO-Bank mechanisms for dialogue and col-poverty, privatization, gender, debt management, edu- laboration; (2) broaden the participation of CSOS incation, and the CAS. The discussion revolved around the NGOWG by inviting trade unions, indigenous, afro-macroeconomic and key social issues as the Bank brought latino, and other social actors to participate in the forum;several of its leading regional economists to debate with and (3) develop a single, broad agenda for the next region-CSO economists and leaders such issues as the impact al meeting to be jointly researched and presented.of privatization on unemployment, the role of the infor- The Latin American CSO representation in thesemal sector in addressing urban poverty, and differing five regional meetings was coordinated by the Associaci6npriorities in educational reform. While the discussion Latinoamericana de Organizaciones de Promoci6nwas often intense, characterized by clearly divergent views, (ALOP). ALOP is a leading regional network of 43 devel-it proved to be quite helpful in clarifying positions and opmental NGOs located in nearly every country of theidentifying common ground on several key issues such hemisphere.56 Local ALOP affiliates in each of the coun-as poverty alleviation, gender, and education reform. tries organized and hosted the meetings. In Colombia,

Acting on the decision made the previous year in the Confederacion Colombiana de ONGs (CCONG),Lima, both the Bank and the CSOs consolidated their or the association of Colombian NGOs, hosted the


meeting. The Fundaci6n Augusto Cesar Sandino (FACS) actors addressing poverty alleviation, as well as caseorganized the second meeting, in Nicaragua. The Peru study presentation of specific government and civil soci-meeting was hosted by one of LAC's best-known NGOs, ety poverty alleviation programs. Overall, the meetingCentro de Estudios y Promoci6n del Desarrollo (DESCO). was deemed successful in terms of the quality of theThe meeting inJamaica was convened by the Caribbean thematic presentations and discussions, diversity of par-Poverty and Development and Center (CPDC). Finally, ticipants (sectorally and regionally), and because it afford-the meeting in Chile was organized by the regional CSO ed a singular opportunity for institutional exchangeworking group with assistance from the Santiago-based among Government officials, CSO technicians, and BankNGO, SUR. staff. At the end of the meeting, the Bank's Brazil coun-

While in the beginning of this process, nearly all of try director announced several future Bank initiativesthe CSO participants were NGOs that belonged to ALOP, geared to improving government-CSO-Bank relationsby the Jamaica meeting a concerted effort had been made in Brazil. These included (1) carrying out a review ofto broaden the representation to include other NGO the Brazil portfolio to determine the existence of par-networks and representatives from trade unions, pro- ticipatory mechanisms; (2) hosting a follow-up tripar-fessional associations, and academia. On this issue of tite seminar on the advantages and constraints ofcivil society interlocutors in Latin America, it is inter- participation; and (3) establishing a public informa-esting to note that the World Bank and the IDB have tion center in Brasilia.had different liaison strategies and contacts in the region. A second important instance of Bank-CSO dialogueWhile the World Bank has tended to concentrate its was a meeting Bank President James Wolfensohnefforts on leading NGO networks such as ALOP and held with leading NGOs representatives in March 1997FICONG, the IDB has sought out a different public, (box 8).namely corporate foundations, charitable organizations, A third and more recent and strategic initiative gearedas well as some individual NGOs. at promoting tripartite dialogue was a meeting convened

Unprecedented Bank-Civil Society dialogue and to discuss sector-specific issues. The Ministry of Planning'exchange has also occurred in Brazil throughout this international relations office (SEAIN), at the sugges-period, in part instigated by the liaison impetus at the tion of the Bank's Country Director, decided to holdregional level. Several groundbreaking meetings and tripartite discussion meetings on the different sectorsworkshops were held over the past three years. The first that are of interest to CSOs and that are also coveredwas a tripartite seminar called "Novas Parcerias em by the Bank's country strategy. The first such meetingPoliticas de Combate a Pobreza," which took place in was held in April 1998 and was geared to the sanita-Belo Horizonte in March 1997. The seminar was con- tion sector. The watershed meeting brought togethervened as part of the LAC Participation Action Plan that representatives of three government agencies (Secretariacalled for regional seminars throughout Latin America. de Politicas Urbanas/SEPURB, Caixa EconOmicaThe seminar was sponsored by the World Bank, and Federal/CEF, and Banco Nacional de Desenvolvimentosupported financially by the Banco Nacional de Economico e Social/BNDES), the World Bank, the IDB,Desenvolvimento Economico e Social (BNDES) and the and the civil society (Rede Brasil, FASE, AssociacaoMinas Gerais state government. The principal objec- Nacional de Reforma Urbana (ANSUR), Federacaotives of the seminar were twofold: share information Nacional dos Urbanitarios (FNU), and the Frenteabout Government-Civil Society-Bank collaboration in Nacional de Saneamento Ambiental no Brasil.poverty alleviation activities, and promote tripartite dia- The meeting consisted of presentations by the gov-logue geared to building future partnerships. ernment, multilateral bank, and CSO representatives,Approximately 60 participants from Brazil, Argentina, and a general discussion on the major challenges fac-Paraguay, and Chile attended the seminar, including top ing the sanitation sector in Brazil. Although the con-federal and state government officials, representatives tent of the discussion was somewhat general and thereof leading CSO networks, and Bank staff from was disagreement over several basic issues, the overallWashington. The seminar addressed broader issues such tone was constructive and conducive to improved col-as government-civil society relations, new civil society laboration. Consensus was reached on a few issues: the


Box 8. Wolfensohn Meets with Brazilian CSOs

A significant Bank-CSO liaison event was a meeting held with CSOs, acknowledgment of past criticism of Bank work,between the president of the World Bank,James Wolfensohn, and the Bank's internal reforrn agenda. In response to ques-and representatives of Brazil's leading CSOs. The meeting tions from the CSO representatives, Wolfensohn said heoccurred during the International Rio+5 Environmental agreed that there needs to be greater balance between eco-Conference, held in March 1997 in Rio de Janeiro. nomic and social goals within the Bank's work; was seek-Wolfensohn requested the meeting in order to become ing discretionary funds to be able to fund CSO institutionbetter acquainted with the views of Brazilian CSOs building; was in favor of participatory CAS processes butregarding the World Bank presence in Brazil, and as a reiterated that governments need to be in agreement; andfollow-up to a meeting he had with CSO leaders in the would personally look into a pending Inspection PanelAmazon in 1995. issue (Itaparica dam resettlement project) to ensure that

Wolfensohn met with 15 representatives of the follow- the Brazilian government carried through with its reset-ing leading CSO groups in Brazil: five major networks tlement commitments.(ABONG, F6rum de Brasileiro de ONGs, Rede Brasil, GTA, The meeting was characterized by an overall climate ofand ALOP), and CSOs that are involved in Bank projects friendly and frank exchange of views. After the meeting,(Planafloro, Itaparica Resettlement, AIDS/STD, and Pilot several participants expressed their satisfaction with theProgram to Conserve the Amazon). candor and thoughtfulness of Wolfensohn's comments.

The meeting began with general comments by Most CSO representatives considered the exchange anWolfensohn on his past contact with CSOs in 50 countries, important step in the increasing dialogue and contactthe importance the Bank places on maintaining dialogue between Brazilian civil society and the World Bank.

serious deficit the country faces in the area of sanita- the Bank convened a two-day workshop and invited

tion; the need to ensure active local government par- an intersectoral group of experts from the government,ticipation in federally funded sanitation projects; and private sector, and civil society sectors to discuss the

advantages of promoting effective stakeholder partici- major issues and experiences of early childhood edu-

pation strategies. New meetings geared to discussing cation and the appropriateness of the Bank's study design.other sectors such as education and environment are The final example of consultative processes has been

contemplated for 2000. involved the revision of several Bank operational direc-A fourth instance of increased dialogue has occurred tives. The ODs in several key areas such as indigenous

in the area of education, where there has historically affairs, involuntary resettlement, and forest manage-been little contact between the government/Bank and ment are being converted to operational policies (OPs),CSOs related to Bank-financed loans, despite being an bank procedures (BPs), and good practices (GPs). Bankarea of the great priority and interest to all three sides. staff began the consultation process in each case by cir-In order to attempt to bridge this perception gap and culating the relevant documents widely through thehelp the Bank design its long-term education strategy Internet and hiring independent experts to research thein Brazil, the Bank in 1997 established a multidiscipli- policy changes and/or facilitate the consultation meet-nary and representative consultative group on educa- ings. After this initial process, consultation meetingstion. The Bank invited education specialists as well as were held with a representative group of NGOs, socialrepresentatives of leading Brazilian CSOs to join the movements, and government officials in Brasilia dur-group, including one (Acao Educativa) that had been ing the October 1998 to November 1999 period.among the most vocal critics of the Bank's policies. In1998, the Bank followed a similar participatory method-ology when it undertook studies on gender and on early Growing Relations and Operationalchildhood education. In the first case, the Bank hired Collaborationindependent researchers who interviewed key govern-ment, academic, and civil society gender specialists and Although it may seem improbable when consideringpractitioners. In the case of early childhood education, the traditional antagonistic relationship between CSOs


and the Government/Bank, often characterized by mis- ly successful, demonstrating good practices thatunderstandings and recriminations, in reality there is a are likely to be applicable elsewhere. It is alsogreat deal of contact and relations between the two evident that the design and implementation ofsides. A recent worldwide study carried out by the Bank's projects that involve NGOs and CBOs is improv-Operational Evaluation Department (OED) demonstrates ing: newer projects are doing more to involvethat CSO-Government/Bank collaboration has increased NGOs and CBOs than older ones. Overall, how-nearlytenfold in the last decade. The 1998 study focused ever, a gap remains between good intentionsontheroleofNGOsandCBOsin37projectsbeingimple- and achievements (World Bank 1998d, p. 14).mented in five countries-Brazil, Bolivia, India, Kenya,and Mali. The study found that over the last 5 years, (fis- In Brazil, the growing level of CSO-government inter-cal years 1993-97), involvement with NGOs/CBOs was action and collaboration has taken various forms andsought in 954 Bank-supported projects, which repre- includes citizen-government policy councils, partici-sent 17 percent of the 5,666 projects approved. On the patory budgetary processes, and project advisory bod-other hand, the number of projects with provision for ies. First, CSOs participate in national citizen-civil society participation has increased significantly in government policy councils in such areas as children'srecent years, from 20 percent in 1989 to 46 percent in rights (Conselho Nacional dos Direitos da Crianca e do1997. Overall 38 percent is projects of the Bank's active Adolescente/CONANDA), health (Conselho Nacionalportfolio make some provision for CSO involvement. da Saucde), the environment (Conselho Nacional do

The report noted with interest that "provision for Meio Ambiente/CONAMA), and women's rightsNGO/CBO involvement was highest in projects target- (Conselho Nacional dos Direitos da Mulher/CNDM).ed at improving gender equality (80 percent), improv- These councils are generally composed of both gov-ing the environment (54 percent), and reducing poverty ernment and civil society representatives, sometimes(48 percent), that is, NGOs/CBOs are involved in Bank- evenly distributed, and in some cases with a majoritysupported projects in accordance with the priorities of of civil society representatives.57

OD 14.70." The study also found that CSO involvement These councils were created after the promulgationis greatest in regions where poverty is highest, such as of the 1988 Federal Constitution which introduced var-Africa and Asia. In terms of the type of CSOs involved ious mechanisms for citizen participation in policy-mak-in Bank-supported projects since 1973, the most com- ing within a larger and comprehensive politicalmon were NGOs (64 percent), followed by CBOs (49 decentralization framework which transferred powerpercent), and international NGOs (28 percent). The and resources to the local level. The great majority ofmost common reason cited by Bank staff for involving Brazil's 5,508 municipalities have bipartite councilsCSOs was to "enhance beneficiary participation" and where government and civil society organizations have"capture expertise." Oddly, three institutional qualities equal representation. The different types of local coun-commonly cited as CSO comparative advantages-cost- cils include health, children's rights, social service, schooleffectiveness, innovation, and flexibility-were not high- lunch, education, rural development, women, urbanly listed (World Bank 1998d). development, environment, culture, sports, trans-

It should be mentioned, however, that the report also portation, employment, and budget. Many larger citiespointed to a certain overprojection in the involvement and capitals, such as Recife, have over 10 active citi-of CSOs in Government/Bank-financed projects world- zens' councils, although their activism and effectivenesswide, at least in terms of what the data would seem to vary considerablyindicate in the Bank's own databases. It stated that: A recent study on this phenomenon carried outjoint-

ly by IBAM (a research NGO) and IPEA (governmentNevertheless, substantive involvement of economic research agency) defends the notion that,NGOs/CBOs is less frequent in these two coun- despite some phase-in problems, these councils can betries (Brazil and India) than the Bank's database considered a transition to "deliberative democracy," andindicates. A small number of projects are high- that they can effectively promote greater government


accountability, transparency, and partnership with civil technical assistance experiences that stand out becausesociety. The Bank in its 1997 WDR, on the role of the of their unprecedented and strategic nature:state, also clearly recognized the value of these partic-ipatory policy councils: * The Ministry of the Environment hired CSO

researchers to evaluate two of its subprogramsBut periodic voting does not always mean the (Demonstration Projects and Extractive Reserves)state is more responsive. Other mechanisms are within the Pilot Program to Conserve the Rainneeded to ensure that the concerns of minori- Forest.59

ties and the poor are reflected in public policies. * The Ministry of Health hired a number of CSOGetting genuine intermediary organizations rep- consultants to analyze project proposals and pro-resented on policymaking councils is an impor- vide technical assistance within its AIDS/STD pro-tant first step in articulating citizen interests in gram. As a matter of fact, the social analysis of thepublic policymaking (p. 10). recently approved AIDS/STD II loan was carried

out by a well-known NGO activist and researcherThe Bank has followed through on this view by includ- who had been among the most critical of the earli-

ing the establishment of local rural development coun- er AIDS/STD project.cils as a funding precondition in several of its rural * A senior economist at the Brasilia office contractedpoverty and land management projects.58 in 1998 leading urban development NGOs (FASE

The other citizen participation mechanism mentioned and POLIS) to carry out household and communi-is the participatory budgeting experiences being imple- ty surveys to determine the characteristics and impactmented at the municipal level throughout Brazil. The of urban poverty. These data will be fed into a Brazilexperience began in the early 1990s in the city of Porto urban poverty study and the 2000-2001 WDR whichAlegre, and because of its effective results in terms of is geared to poverty.promoting greater citizen involvement, curbing cor- * The Bank's social development sector leader for Latinruption, and improving cost-benefit ratios, it has been America hired in 1998 two leading CSO/universityreplicated in dozens of cities. The Bank analyzed the researchers to carry out a study on urban violence.Porto Alegre experience and estimated that 14,000 per- * The Bank's environmental sector leader for Brazilsons were involved directly in the budgeting process hired in 1998 two leading CSO researchers from thethrough assemblies and meetings, and another 100,000 Amazon to assist with the development of the Bank'swere linked indirectly through neighborhood associa- forest resource management strategy paper for Brazil.tions (WDR 1997, p. 122).

The second form of CSO-government collaboration Third, CSOs are increasingly becoming grant recip-has occurred as CSOs have begun to provide technical ients of government "small-grant funds" such as theassistance to local and state officials through consul- Pilot Program's PDA and the Ministry of Health'stant contracts in such areas as the environment, health, AIDS/STD (table 4).education, and urban transportation. One example of Fourth, key CSO leaders have been elected to pub-this is the technical assistance and lobbying exercised lic office as mayors, city council members, and evenby the Instituto de Estudos Amazonicos (IEA) in favor congressmen, or have been hired or appointed to gov-of improving the livelihood of rubber tappers while pre- emient posts. Several known cases include the Secretaryserving the Amazonian rain forest. As a result of their of Justice of Pernambuco State, the Secretary of theefforts, President Jose Sarney established the first Environment of Sao Paulo state, the recent head of Brazil'sExtractive Reserves in 1990. In an additional instance environmental protection agency (IBAMA), the may-of collaboration, the researchers associated with lead- ors of several towns, and several members of the Conselhoing CSOs are increasingly being contracted by the da Comunidade Solidaria. All are well-known CSOBrazilian government and the Bank to carry out pro- activists and leaders in their respective fields of endeav-ject analysis and evaluation. There are several recent or. President Cardoso himself and his wife were found-


ing members of one of Brazil's best-known social science in the AIDS field occurred in Curitiba. There, a rela-research NGOs, CEBRAR In short, the distance between tionship that had only a few years before been charac-the CSO and government sectors, which was quite great terized by conflict and tension gave way in 1996 to aonly a few years ago, is quickly and quietly being bridged. productive partnership between the municipal and stateAs a recent Bank OED report found: "Constructive rela- level AIDS programs and a dozen CSOs. This wastion.ships often depend on creative individuals with pre- achieved after CSOs were brought into the processvious links to the NGO community who carefully nurture through an invitation to serve on the ParanA State AIDSnew relationships with NGOs/CBOs as has occurred in Commission. With adequate information and frank dia-Brazil in AIDS/STD control and the Northeast Rural logue, CSOs not only learned more about the com-Poverty Alleviation Program in the State of Rio Grande plexities of governing with its daily tradeoffs anddo Norte" (World Bank 1998d, p. 16). bureaucratic impediments, but were made to feel co-

A clear example of this growing government-civil responsible for AIDS policy in the state.society-Bank collaboration is the Pilot Program to The level of improved collaboration in the AIDSConserve the Brazilian Rain Forest, which has been area was further exemplified by a consultation seminara watershed experience from a variety of perspectives held to discuss the $300 million AIDS/STD 11 project.(box 9). The seminar, "AIDS II: Novas Parcerias no Combate a

Unprecedented CSO-government-Bank relations Epidemia," was held in Brasilia in April 1998. The eventhave also evolved around the AIDS/STD project, where was tripartite in nature and involved over 60 govern-NGOs now largely maintain collaborative relation- ment officials (from all three levels), donor agency rep-ships with the three levels of government. An illustra- resentatives (official and nonofficial), and civil societytive example of improved government-CSO relations representatives (NGOs, trade unions, social movements).

Box 9. Pursuing Sustainability in the Amazon

The Pilot Program to Conserve the Brazilian Rain Forest level carried out by traditional forest peoples and small-was initially proposed by the G-7 industrial countries in scale agricultural producers. Second, the project design isthe wake of growing concern for the fate of the Brazilian multilateral in nature, operationally linking over 15 inter-Amazon in the early 1990s. The program consists of twelve national donor and government agencies. The Bank's ownsubprograms executed by the Ministry of the Environment supervision approach, carried out by a multidisciplinaryand several other government agencies to address such team of staff residing in Brasilia, is more collaborative andissues as indigenous land demarcation; rain forest conser- interactive than the norm.vation; sustainable community development; scientific Last and perhaps most innovative is the pilot program'sresearch and experimentation; state environmental poli- effective stakeholder participation approach. Of the ninecy; consolidation of extractive reserves; and watershed man- active subprograms, six have unprecedented participato-agement. Different from most Bank loans in Brazil, the ry mechanisms which include CSO consultation meetings;pilot program is funded by a $250 million grant provided hiring CSO researchers to carry out project feasibility andby the European Commission and half a dozen industri- monitoring studies; CSO representation on project selec-alized countries, namely Germany and is managed by the tion committees; and funding of CSOs. By 1999, over 110World Bank. CSOs from throughout the Amazon and Atlantic rain for-

This program has been quite innovative from a variety est regions have received grant funds totaling $19 million,of standpoints that include its sustainable development and leading environmental NGOs such as Imazon, ISA, andphilosophy, collaborative design and supervision approach, ISPN have been heavily involved in the design and evalu-and stakeholder participation mechanisms. First, the pro- ation of several of the subprograms. Further, the two prin-gram is based on the notion that development approach- cipal CSO network counterparts to the pilot program, thees in such fragile ecosystems as the rain forest must be 430-strong Grupo de Trabalho Amazonico (GTA) and therooted in environmental and biodiversity conservation. 110-member Rede Mata Atlantica, have received institu-More important, it is actively supporting environmentally tional support funds of over $700,000 to participate andfriendly community development initiatives at the local monitor the program.


The meeting had two underlying objectives: (1) dis- interesting and singular experience of greater govern-cuss the results and impact of the AIDS I project; and ment-civil society-Bank operational relations was the(2) analyze and comment on the AIDS 11 proposal. RPAP in Rio Grande do Norte (box 10).This was the first national seminar of the Bank-funded The federal government's principal advocate for theAIDS project that involved all major stakeholders, and need to better explore the potential for government-it not only produced timely programmatic recommen- civil society partnership has been the Conselho dadations (several of which are being incorporated into Comunidade Solidaria, which is headed by First Ladythe AIDS II execution), but was surprisingly construc- and anthropologist Ruth Cardoso. Reflecting this new-tive in tone. As a result of this positive momentum, a found recognition of the civil society sector, the coun-national seminar on the institutional and financial sus- cil has launched a program geared to promoting atainability of AIDS organizations was held in October more enabling legal environment and more visibility for1999 involving 80 representatives from these same the civil society sector, as well as more government-civilsectors as well as from private sector companies. Another society collaboration (box 11).

Box 10. Northeast Rural Poverty Alleviation Program Incorporates Participation

The Northeast Rural Poverty Alleviation Program (RPAP) many with the active participation of the Forum. Further,is a large Bank-funded rural development program initiat- Rio Grande do Norte is the only Northeastem state toed in 1985 and implemented in all 10 Northeastern states. have an active state-level RPAP policy council.An estimated 14,000 community groups (producers asso- * The state seems to have a greater percentage of moreciations, cooperatives, and women's groups) have received consolidated and sustainable community associationsgrants to carry out over 30,000 small-scale infrastructure which carry out a series of integrated development activ-and productive projects. In one state, Rio Grande do Norte, ities, and not just the single activity funded by thethe RPAP has stood out for the singular quality and inten- RPAP.sity of govemment-civil society relations. * An unprecedented level of political dialogue and col-

The principal catalyst of this collaboration has been the laboration has developed between the state government,Forum do Campo, a network of 15 CSOs composed of rural trade unions, NGOs, and even the landless ruraltrade unions (FETARN), social movements (MST), NGOs movement.(ACC, SEAPAC), and church organizations (SAR, MEB),which was established in 1993 as a result of a campaign As the Bank's Implementation Completion Report stat-to combat the endemic drought of the region. Over time, ed, "performance improved markedly and the NGO part-utilizing a combined strategy of policy advocacy and ser- nership with the [technical unit] and the communities isvice provision, the Forum was able to influence and gain a distinguishing feature of the State's project experience"unprecedented access to the RPAP Initially, the Forum (World Bank 1998d, p. 19). There are many contextual fac-earned a seat on the state's RPAP governing council. Later, tors that explain the advances made in Rio Grande do Norte,Forum members were selected to provide technical assis- but four stand out. First, the state has an unusually cohe-tance to RPAP-funded associations.60 In 1995, Forum mem- sive and strong civil society sector that has a proven trackbers were invited to carry out the monitoring of the RPAP record of successful development initiatives and more prag-program, carrying out field visits of over 350 small-scale matic, results-oriented approach to policy advocacy. Second,projects in the state. This monitoring process involved the state has a government characterized by openness toassessing the physical project results, functioning of munic- civil society and a willingness to test new ideas. Third, thereipal RPAP councils, and quality of technical assistance are institutional "bridge-builders" who served a key roleprovided. in forging partnerships. This was the case, for instance, of

The impact of the active Forum participation in RPAP several leaders of the trade union federation who were hiredin Rio Grande do Norte state has been noticeable in sev- to work within the RPAP executing agency, Last, the par-eral respects: ties set up experimental mechanisms for collaboration,

which were quickly "field tested" and later expanded once* A total of 136 municipal RPAP councils were established, they proved successful.


Another recent trend in intersectoral partnership is sibility, and fundraising activities geared to children'soccurring between civil society organizations and the services and rights. The foundation received its firstprivate sector. There are several examples of private sec- fundraising grant of$ 160,000 in 1994 and by 1996 hadtor-civil society collaboration which demonstrate the leveraged this seed money into a $1.4 program budget.potential benefits that such collaboration can bring in ABRINQ's current annual budget is $8 million, whichterms of mobilizing resources, policy innovations, and benefits over 250,000 children through a number ofprogrammatic results. Below are three of the most salient programs ranging from child sponsorship and class-examples: room improvements to an award program for compa-

nies that refrain from using child labor. ABRINQ carriesFUNDAC,AO ABRINQ is a foundation established in out these activities with a staff of some 40 persons,1990 by the Association of Toy Manufacturing Companies through partnership with CSOs and government agen-(ABRINQ), which has been able to generate a variety cies, and with funding from a solid donor base con-of highly successful public education, corporate respon- sisting of wealthy individuals and over 2,000 companies,

Box 11. Conselho da Comunidade Solidaria

The Conselho da Comunidade Solidaria is a joint govern- environment for the nonprofit sector in Brazil: law regu-ment-civil society body established by the Cardoso admin- lating and encouraging volunteer work and the civil soci-istration in 1995. Its purpose is to advise the government ety organization law.on social development policies, as well as serve as a forum Promoq&o do Trabalho VoluntArio promotes voluntarism

for intersectoral dialogue and program experimentation. through the establishment of a national network of vol-It currently is composed of 32 members: 4 ministers; 27representatives of civil society (NGOs, private sector, acad- urseichemia, church, culture); and presided over by the First Lady B

Rede de Informacao do Terceiro Setor (RITS ) increas-To date the conselho has launched six major programs, es the visibility of the Third Sector through a national

three of which have been operating for four years: electronic information network.

Alfabetizacao Solidaria, a youth literacy program, 24,000 All of these programs have three features in common:community teachers have taught over 475,000 youth in they (1) seek an end to traditional clientelistic depen-589 municipalities with the highest rates of illiteracy It is dence on government programs by promoting sustainable,funded, in part, by 59 companies which have donated self-help initiatives; (2) encourage programmatic innova-$32 million. tion, replication, and scaling up; and (3) promote govern-

.apacita~a de .ovens, an urban youth vocational train- ment-civil society-private sector partnerships. ImportantCapacitawic ha oenlsted orb 1,000 Nocato train- collaboration has been forged so far with major compa-ing program which has enlisted over NGOStotrain'nies (ABIFARMA, Votorantim, General Motors, FENABRAVE,35,000 youth from throughout Brazil. The program has DM9), government ministries/agencies (AeronAutica,

leveraged over $30 million from private companies. Petrobras, Telebras, CNPQ), and leading NGOs (ISER,

Universidade Solidaria, a university student summer vol- Centro Luis Freire, Geledes).unteer program, has sent some 5,300 students from 152 The conselho has also played an important role in pro-universities to over 343 of the poorest municipalities of moting intersectoral dialogue and consensus building aroundthe Northeast and Northern regions of the country to several key and politically sensitive issues. These includecarry out community development initiatives. Over $3.5 agrarian reform, job creation, children's rights, food secu-million leveraged from the armed forces, universities, and rity, basic education, and nonprofit law reform. In each ofcompanies. these themes, leading national opinion makers (govern-

ment officials, trade unionists, businessmen, CSO leaders,Three projects were initiated in 1997 with funds from acdms,ndhuhofial)wrbogttgeernthe Inter-American Development Bank (1DB): academics, and church officials) were brought together in

lively workshops that resulted in a senies of "common agen-Revisao do Marco Legal was instrumental in the approval da" recommendations and, in some cases, specific researchof several new laws geared to promoting an enabling legal and policy initiatives.


including major corporations such as Adidas, Citibank, * Global Environment Facility (GEF)and Sadia. * Special Grants Program.

PORTOSOL is a foundation established in Porto Alegre In August 199 7, as part of the Bank's internal reforms,in 1996 to carry out a microcredit program geared to several of these grant funds were incorporated into thelow-income producers and vendors. It is one of the most Development Grant Facility (DGF) in order to consol-promising programs in Brazil, having an active clien- idate their management under a single umbrella mech-tele of over 1,300 small-scale entrepreneurs. It has lent anism. The funds that have been utilized to fund CSOsout over $5 million for its revolving capital fund from in Brazil are presented in more detail below (table 4).private banks, government, and international donor The Institutional Development Fund (IDF) is anotheragencies. What makes this experience unique is that it funding mechanism which, while largely geared to gov-represents an effective collaboration by three distinct ernments, has been used in some countries (such asactors: private sector (Federation of Industries and asso- Argentina and Bolivia) to fund CSOs directly. In the caseciation of businessmen), government (municipal and of Brazil, utilizing IDF funds to fund CSOs has beenstate governments of different political parties), and civil discouraged, since the funding request must undergosociety (community leaders and university professors). the standard government approval channels of all Bank

loans, even becoming a line item in the national bud-MOVIMENTO VIVA RIO was established in 1993 as get. Thus the cost-benefit ratio for such small grants isa broad-based civic campaign to address growing urban deemed unfavorable.violence in Rio de Janeiro. It promoted street marches, In terms of indirect funding through government,anti-violence public education campaigns, and com- the World Bank currently funds thousands of CSOsmunity policing programs. Over the past three years it throughout Brazil via small-grants funds in various exist-has also developed an urban development program ing government loans. As a matter of fact, approximatelysponsoring a variety of cutting-edge initiatives. These $806 million has been channeled to CSOs during theinclude a volunteer placement phone bank, adult lit- six-year period of 1997 through 2002 (table 5). Thiseracy educational programs, and a micro-financing pro- amounts to approximately $134 million per year, andgram in Rio de Janeiro's largest favela (Rocinha). Viva this figure is expected to grow as new loans come on lineRio was established by a diverse set of organizations includ- in the next few years. Although these funds vary consid-ing NGOs, municipal government, leading newspaper erably in terms of thematic areas, they share many of theand television companies, businesses, and churches. same developmental goals and programmatic functions:

* Encourage demand-driven initiativesCSO Funding * Decentralize decisionmaking to the local level

* Transfer benefits directly to impoverished commu-Relations between CSOs and the Government/Bank have nities.evolved to the point that thousands of CSOs today receivefunding from the latter. Although most of this funding It should be noted that the Government and the Bankhas been provided indirectly, the Bank does maintain are learning from operating and supervising these funds,several mechanisms for funding CSOs directly. Both since neither one has much experience in retailing mon-modalities will be described below. eys through small grants. While the funds represent

In terms of direct funding, there are several CSO valuable mechanisms by which to begin integratingfunding mechanisms based in Washington. These the macro and micro development sectors, they alsoinclude: generate problems related to contrasting institutional

cultures. Clashes over such issues as differing pro-* Small Grants Program (SGP) grammatic expectations, administrative procedures, and* Consultative Group to Assist the Poorest (CGAP) accountability standards are not uncommon since CSOs


Table 4. Bank Mechanisms Geared to Funding CSOs

Name Totalfunds Program characteristics

Small Grants Program $750,000 (annually) This program was established in 1983 and has funded hundreds of CSOs world-(SGP) wide. The program is geared to promoting Bank-CSO interaction through such

activities as networking meetings and publications. The limit per project has been$15,000. In fiscal year 1997 a total of 60 grants were awarded globally. The mostrecent Brazilian CSO recipient of the SGP was the Forum Brasileiro de ONGs eMovimentos Sociais para o Meio Ambiente e Desenvolvimento, which received$15,000 in 1997 to host a national meeting of CSOs to prepare for the Rio+5International Environmental Conference held in Rio de Janeiro in March 1997.

In 1998, for the first time, a portion of the SGP funds were decentralized tothe country level. A total of 20 countries worldwide were awarded funds of $25,000each to disburse until June 1998, including the Brazil CMU. In Brazil, the Bankestablished the Fundo de Apoio a Parcerias (FAP), which was designed to fundactivities specifically geared to tripartite interaction. A tripartite selection com-mittee chooses six CSO proposals for funding.61 In 1999 the funds allotted to theFAP were increased to $60,000 and 17 grants were awarded to a variety of NGOs,community groups, and social movements from throughout Brazil. 62

Consultative Group to $32 million CGAP was established in 1995 as a follow-up to an international conference onAssist the Poorest microcredit. It is geared to funding successful CSOs that provide microcredit and(CGAP) training to small-scale entrepreneurs. By 1998 it had channeled over $16 million

to several dozen CSOs worldwide.In Brazil, the CGAP provided the Banco do Nordeste (BNB) with $50,000 in

1997 to assist it in designing its rural credit program. One limitation CGAP hasfor Brazilian CSOs is the fact that it requires proponents to maintain a relativelyhigh client level, a minimum of 4,000 active borrowers. Few if any of Brazil'snascent microenterprise service organizations can yet meet this threshold.

Global Environment GEF has three modalities which fund CSOs in Brazil. They are the Fundo BrasileiroFacility (GEF) para a Biodiversidade (FUNBIO), which is discussed below; Programa de Pequenos

Projetos (PPP); and the Mid-Sized Projects Fund.The PPP receives funds from GEF through UNDP and is geared to funding

small (limit of $30,000) environmental projects in the Cerrado biome in Brazil.The fund is operated by Instituto Sociedade, Populacao, e Natureza (ISPN), awell-known NGO in Brasiha. By 1998 the fund had channeled over $524,000 to24 CSOs.

The Mid-Sized Projects Fund was established in 1996 and is geared to fund-ing CSOs that require up to $1million to scale up successful environmental pro-grams. CSOs must send their applications directly to Washington.

generally have less formal accountability standards than CSOs sometimes balk at having to follow the moregovernment agencies. detailed and often overly bureaucratic administrative

The differences in project implementation and report- procedures mandated by Brazilian administrativeing generally begin with the relations between donor law. One of the most common complaints heard byand grantee. While CSOs have traditionally maintained CSOs involved in these funds is that the procure-a relationship with donors based on trust and political ment procedures require grantees to obtain threesolidarity that led to less detailed project design and written bids before they can make purchases above ainformal reporting requirements, the governmental sec- certain amount.65 Another common complaint heardtor has been characterized by greater formality caused is that these funds cannot be used to pay laborby the need to guarantee public accountability and strin- benefits (social security, retirement, and so forth) orgent financial accounting regulations. For this reason, other taxes. The OED report on NGO participation in


Table 5. Government Small-Grants Funds Geared to Funding CSOs

Totalfunds

Project ($ millions) Executing agency Program characteristics

Rural Poverty Alleviation Project $548.8 Eight Northeastern state These are funds earmarked for CSOs in eight Northeastern states to carry out infra-(RPAP) governments (Bahia, structure, production, education, and health commumty-based projects. The great

Ceasi, Sergipe, Rio Grande majority of the organizations funded are community associations, although some NGOsdo Norte, Piaui, benefit by being hired by recipient organizations to provide technical assistance andPemambuco, Paraiba, and training.63 The projects are increasingly selected by municipal development councilsMaranhao) that must have at least an 80 percent civil society composition.

Pilot Land Reform a $118.9 Ministerio Extraordinario Part of these funds ($40 million from the Brazilian government) is provided in thede Politica Fundiaria form of loans to groups of landless rural workers to purchase land, and the remainder

is distributed as grants to cover community-based infrastructure, agncultural pro-duction, and technical assistance activities. The project is being implemented in fiveNortheastern states (Bahia, Ceara, Maranhao, Minas Gerais, and Pernambuco).

Mato Grosso Natural Resources $40.0 State of Mato Grosso The ProgramadeApoio a Iniciativas Comunitanas (PADIC) was established as ademand-Management Project driven instrument to improve project performance during the restructuring of Prodeagro(Prodeagro) in 1997. Leading CSOs in the state not only sat on the selection committee but were

also grant recipients. By 1998, 191 local projects had been funded.

Rondonia Natural Resources $22.0 State of Rondonia As with its sister agency in Mato Grosso, the Programa de Iniciativas ComumtatiasManagement Program (PAIC) was established as a result of the complete restructuring of Planafloro. Not only(Planafloro) did representatuves of a broad spectrum of CSO (small-scale rural producers, rubber

tappers, indigenous, and environmental NGOs) and private sector organizations siton the selection committee, they also participated in the identification and analysis ofprojects. By 1998, 146 localprojectshadbeen funded, for an average amount of $65,000,over 110 to carry out environmental protection, agricultural production, and socialmfrastructure projects.

Pilot Program to Conserve the Rain $21.0 Ministry of the The Demonstration Projects subprogram (PDA) had provided by 1999 $19 milhonForest b Environment and Water to NGOs, social movements, and community groups of the Amazon and Atlantic rain

Resources forest. These carried out environmental protection, social development, agriculturalproduction, and extractive marketing activities.

AIDS/STD $20.0 Ministry of Health The program had successfully funded, by 1997, 427 projects implemented by 175CSOs and worth $18.1 milbon, which ranged from leading policy advocacy and pub-lic education organizanons to small community groups that provide care and coun-seling. The Bank renewed this loan in 1999, and its NGO funding component is expectedto disburse $20 milton over the next four years.

Rio Grande do Sul Natural $12.9 State government of Rio This rural poverty alleviation project, which incorporates the major lessons the BankResources Management and Rural Grande do Sul has learned with the implementation of rural social funds worldwide, will fund pro-Poverty Alleviation Project jects selected by municipal development councils and submitted by informal groups

of low-income farmers.

Fundo Brasileiro para a $10.0 Fundacao Gethllo Vargas FUNBIO is operated with GEF moneys to fund NGOs, community groups, govern-Biodiversidade (FUNBIO) ment agencies, and research centers that carry out environmental and biodiversity

projects. The fund approved in 1998 the first tranche of 10 projects valued at $2.4million. The selection conimittee is composed of leading business leaders, researchers,government officials, and NGO technicians.

Pilot Program to Conserve the Rain $7.9 Ministry of the The Forest Resource Management Subprogram (Promanejo) came on line in 1999Forest iEnvironment and Water and is geared to funding local "promising initiatives" in the areas of forest manage-

Resources ment, agro-forestry systems, and sustainable logging.

Pilot Program to Conserve the Rain $4.5 Ministry of the The Extractive Reserve Subprogram (RESEX) is funding agroforestry and productiveForest b Environment and Water activities of six associations of rubber tappers located in four extractive reserves in the

Resources Amazon.

TOTAL $806

Note: This is not an exhaustive list of all funds of this nature in the Banks Brazil portfolio, only the best-known cases. A ponfoho review that will map all such funds in thecountry portfolio is now under way These amounts include Brazilian govemment (federal and state) counterpart funds as well. Although the limits and average size of the CSOgrants vary depending on the fund, an overall estimate of the approved projects ranges from $50,000 to $80,000 annually,

a These funds are all provided as grants with the exception of pan of the funds within the Pilot Land Reform, which are provided as loans to purchase land

It should be noted that the three Rainforest Pilot Program funds are not World Bank funds, but rather originate from the G-7 industrial countries, namely Germany and themembers of the European Union, and are managed by the Bank.


Bank-funded projects worldwide recognized these Another Bank study referred to the singular finan-problems: cial nature of CSOs and the need for governments and

the Bank to be sensitive to their budgetary needs: "NGOsContracts are often tightly drawn, providing lim- operate on a very thin financial base and need to be fullyited allowance for overheads and little room for compensated for the services they are expected to pro-flexible implementation. NGOs accept these con- vide. They should receive overhead and advances sim-tracts because they are often dependent on pro- ilar to those customary for commercial contractors"jects for operating funds, but many do so (Carroll, Schmidt, and Bebbington 1996, p. 39). In thereluctantly The problem lies mainly in the com- case of Brazil, more streamlined procedures have beenplexity of government payment procedures and established for the PDA, PAIC, PADIC, and FUNBIO,the limited administrative capacities of NGOs although some CSOs continue to complain about rigid-and CBOs. A few projects make significant efforts ity in some of their oversight requirements.to overcome these problems. Good examples Although it is too early to assess the results and impactsinclude the Demonstration Projects in the Pilot of these funds, since the majority of them have onlyProgram to Conserve Brazil's Rain Forest where recently been established, the preliminary analysis hasgovernment works through a commercial bank been largely positive. An independent evaluation ofto disburse funds at the community level (World the PDA, carried out in 1999 by researchers associatedBank 1998d, p. 360). with several leading NGOs, demonstrated that the 97

projects funded to date were quite socially relevantWhile the executing government agencies often under- and technologically innovative, and were being carried

stand the criticism, they must explain to the CSOs that out by highly representative grassroots organizations.these are procedures governed by specific Brazilian laws While the economic sustainability of the productiveand World Bank regulations that are geared to ensur- projects (which account for over 40 percent of all fund-ing the proper use of public funds. Paradoxically, although ed projects) was not yet assured because of several struc-CSOs have for years conceptually defended the need tural problems with marketing and enterprise management,to ensure accountability of public funds, they are hav- it was clear that the projects were helping to promoteing a difficult time, in practice, abiding by the additional needed community organizing and institution capacity-administrative procedures these laws entail. building in the Amazon region (Santilli 1997).

On the other hand, the Bank has begun to realizethat it may also have to adjust to working with CSOs.With this in mind, it has carried out many studies world- Disadvantages and Advantages ofwide that analyze the problems with small funds admin- Tripartite Collaborationistration and has attempted to adopt more flexibleprocurement, disbursement, and reporting requirementswhen possible. The OED report specifically made sev- geral recommendations in this regard: While acknowledging that important strides have been

made in government-civil society-Bank collaboration,To ensure flexible project implementation, help some analysts and practitioners in all three sectors feelborrowers and train Bank staff to employ fully that the growing phenomenon of tripartite relations maythe flexibility that exists in Bank procedures (such either have gone too far or have generated several unre-as for consultancy and procurement) with respect solved problems. This is the case, for instance, withto working with NGOs/CBOs, further simplify those that feel that the proliferation of government-cit-business procedures without loss of transparen- izen policy councils is exaggerated and question thecy or accountability and provide guidelines for representativity of the CSOs and other civil societyreasonable overheads for contracts with NGOs participants. Some officials in the Cardoso administra-(World Bank 1998d, p. xviii). tion share this view and question the legitimacy of the


conselhismo phenomenon, where self-appointed CSO the democratic system, rather than a movement thatrepresentatives have as much voting power as elected challenges the power of elected representatives. As theofficials. They feel that CSOs need to have a presence Bank's 1997 WDR recognized:in such councils but they should be consultative innature in order to not dilute the legitimate power of The growth of these intermediary organizationselected officials. It is for this reason, they point out, reflects the larger movement toward democracythat bipartite councils set up by the Cardoso adminis- in many regions and, in some countries, the needtration have tended to be consultative in nature rather to bridge the "missing middle" between citizensthan deliberative.65 At the other end of the political and the state (p. 114).spectrum, analysts point to the dangers of participacaoconstrangida, in which project-induced councils are seen CSOs also derive legitimacy from-and are increas-as a straitjacket or "token" bodies rather than being ingly recognized as important development actorsspontaneous and effective participatory mechanisms. 66 because of-their largely successful efforts at the grass-In these situations, the councils simply serve to legit- roots level. As reflected by the title of the Veja coverimize interests of government officials or rubber-stamp story on civil society some years ago 0 Brasil que ddgovernment-induced decisions. Certo" or "The Brazil That Works," CSOs are increas-

Critics also often point out that CSOs have never ingly valued for their effective organizing, resource mobi-been elected and thus do not have legally granted rep- lization, and technical skills. Further CSOs, andresentation or formally speak for anyone. This is obvi- particularly NGOs, often have the technical capabilityously true, but what this view ignores is that CSOs and financial resources to participate at national andgain their political legitimacy, in part, not from a rep- international public policy forums that the smaller,resentational or electoral rationale, but rather from less sophisticated groups cannot attend. In this way,defending larger, universal principles. These princi- NGOs can and generally do defend the broader inter-ples include human rights, gender equity, and envi- ests of other civil society sectors.ronmental protection. While these do not have natural Interestingly enough, greater CSO influence and rela-constituencies, they must nonetheless be advocated in tions with government are also questioned by many inmodern society. Further, as established political parties the CSO community. Not only do many CSOs contin-face a disenchanted electorate and a crisis of governance ue to harbor long-standing suspicion of their govern-in Brazil and worldwide, it is increasingly the organized ment interlocutors, expecting them to attempt to controlcivil society sector, often led by the CSOs, which help or co-opt them, countless others maintain conceptualto fill the political void. Most analysts agree that elect- restrictions to working closely with government or evened representatives in Brazil and throughout the world scaling up their operations. Many CSO leaders anddo not have the capability to represent the interests of academics feel that CSOs should not attempt to replaceall the myriad constituencies within society. the role of the state in providing social services, since

This is especially true of marginalized sectors such these are governmental responsibilities enshrined in theas landless rural workers, indigenous populations, and Brazilian Constitution. Further, they feel that an expand-the urban poor, who often do not have the political base ed CSO role in society is part of the so-called neoliber-to elect their own representatives. In these situations, al strategy to reduce the size and influence of the state.CSOs often play a crucial role as the voice of the voice- This view, as expressed by a well-known academic, gen-less. This is the case of the Rede Brasil, which, although erally sees CSOs as contributing: "to the privatizing ofled by traditional NGOs, represents large constituen- public policy, and to leading these policies to a market-cies such as small-scale rural producers and urban slum based solution, just as prescribed by conservative alter-dwellers when discussing broad policy questions or spe- natives to the welfare state model" (Goncalves 1996, p.cific projects with the World Bank and the IDB. These 56). For this reason, many CSOs are hesitant to receiveinformal citizens' movements should thus be seen as a government funds or to accept the invitation by gov-complementary power that adds strength and depth to ermments to expand their often-localized education and


health services. Even the Bank recognizes the dilemma and civil society organizations. This was clearly the caseexperienced by CSOs as stated in the OED report on in the Planafloro, Prodeagro, and Itaparica projects,CSO-Bank relations: where the local CSOs attempted to influence govern-

ment policy by putting pressure on he Bank. This isMany NGOs have reservations about accepting not an appropriate role for several reasons. First, becausecontracts from governments. Reservations may the Bank is, after all, an outside funder, while govern-be ideological or practical. Accepting funds form ment and civil society are the principal protagonists ofgovernments may reduce NGOs' credibility with national development processes. Government and civiltheir clients and their supporters and have a chill- society should thus always take center stage in the devel-ing effect on their ability to have a critical rela- opment process. Second, the Bank is poorly equippedtionship with government (World Bank 1998d, for such an intermediate role because of its own dis-p. 36). tant and tentative relations with civil society Clearly,

the best-case scenario for any development project isSome CSOs also feel that they will stray away from for the government to constructively engage civil

their traditional government watchdog role and lose society in its implementation. The ideal positiontheir hard-earned autonomy if they collaborate too close- for the World Bank, on the other hand, is to simplyly with government. play a catalytic role in this process by encouraging the

Still others, take a middle position in this debate on government, when needed, to be more open andevolving government-civil society relations. They argue responsive to CSO overtures for information andthat by adopting a more visible and proactive stance, participation. The OED study found that the Bank hasCSOs don't risk substituting government, but rather comparative advantages in fulfilling a catalyst roleserve to complement government action. As Leilah and has made some headway in this regard. The reportLandim states, "This is the worst idea one can have of states that:this sector. A civil society sector presupposes a strongand active state, transparent, with clear rules, and CSOs The Bank is in a unique position to facilitatewhich are autonomous, vibrant, and proactive" (Gazeta government-civil society dialogue and interac-Mercantil 1998, p. 4). Further, this view contends that tion because of its direct relationship with gov-CSOs bring singular skills and experiences that com- ernment, in particular the economic/financialplement government expertise and capabilities. Rather sectors. In several instances (e.g. in the formu-than be seen as an impediment, CSOs can play a role, lation of the Pilot Program or in the preparationas they do in the United States and Western Europe, of of the AIDS/STDs Control project), the Bankmonitoring government action and establishing part- has played a positive role in this. (Fumo, 1998,nerships with government to provide services to soci- p.36)ety at large, and in the long-run contribute to theimproved effectiveness of government projects. While In this light, the Bank is accumulating valuable insightmany within the civil society sector feel that the Bank about stakeholder participation experiences worldwideis intent on having CSOs substitute the work and even that it can bring to bear on the Brazilian portfolio.the role of the state, the Bank's OED report is clear onthis: "NGOs and CBOs are valued partners most often Advantageswhen they complement government rather than sub-stitute for it" (World Bank 1998d, p. 16). Despite the contradictions and problems that charac-

The role of the Bank is also questioned at times, espe- terize Government-CSO-Bank collaboration, mount-cially when it finds itself unwittingly cast as middleman ing evidence suggests that the advantages of this growingbetween the government and civil society. What often institutional synergy are many and mutually benefi-happens in problematic projects is that the Bank is placed cial. The Bank's WDR 1997 report on the role of thein an intermediation role between feuding government state was clear on this point:


The benefits of greater consultation and part- duced in 1998 and carried out in partnership with thenership with civil society show up in improve- Fundacao Getulio Vargas (Sao Paulo branch). FGV con-ments in the process of public policymaking, in vened an intersectorat group of development expertsthe quality of service delivery, and, in some and practitioners that selected and researched 10 suc-instances, in improved rate of return (World Bank cessful subnational partnership initiatives located1997a, p.120). throughout Brazil. These initiatives are geared to such

areas as health care, sanitation, microcredit, education,This growing recognition of the successful track record and enterprise development, and were all carried out

and unique expertise of NGOs is especially important through local intersectoral partnerships. The findingsduring this period of generalized political decentral- and "lessons learned" of these experiences were dis-ization and redefinition of the role of the state in Brazil seminated through a video, national seminar, andand throughout Latin America. As the state reduces its publications.size and some of its attributions in the social areas, part- The civil society consultation process carried out bynerships with CSOs are increasingly seen as a more effec- the IDB in three Latin American countries, includingtive, flexible, and low-cost alternative to traditional Brazil, also recognized the value of a tripartite approachunilateral government programs. to development. The process revealed that:

There are several studies under way geared to betterunderstanding and encouraging Government-CSO-Bank There is an increasing maturation of the worldcollaboration. First, the Bank sponsored worldwide at large, with bilateral donors, the World Bankresearch on the legal status of CSOs that has resulted and UN, Governments, academics, and Northernin the first draft of the Handbook on Good Practices for foundations all recognizing the trisector approachLaws Relating to Nongovernmental Organizations.67 The as important to addressing development problems.Bank also sponsored an electronic symposium in These diverse actors are beginning to tease out aNovember 1997 with the participation of leading NGO strategic framework for this approach whichleaders and jurists from Latin America to discuss the includes: a legal and fiscal enabling structure; capac-findings of the handbook. Second, the already men- ity building for the civil society sector; resourcestioned OED study on the participation of NGOs in Bank- for the sustainability of the sector; partnershipfinanced projects worldwide attempted to determine mechanisms and operations; and mapping andthe costs and benefits of this collaboration. Brazil was increased visibility of the civil society sector.68

one of the five countries selected, and participation bycommunity associations, social movements, and NGOs These various studies have produced several lessonswas analyzed in the following three projects: AIDS/DST, that clearly point to the advantages of intersectoral col-PDA, and RPAP laboration. First, the benefits are mutual, since each sec-

Third, the World Bank Institute or WBI has under- tor (Government-Civil Society-Bank) has differing, yettaken a Partnership in Poverty Alleviation Program, complementary, experience and know-how. In termswhich is geared to identifying, analyzing, and reward- of technical expertise, the government and Bank haveing successful poverty alleviation programs carried out recognized competency in the content, or "hardware,"through intersectoral (Government-CSO-private sec- aspects of development such as conceptualizing macrotor) partnerships. WBI's program was launched in policies, baseline research, economic modeling, and sec-1996 in partnership with UNDP and the Inter- tor work. CSOs, on the other hand, have proven expe-American Foundation in six countries: Argentina, Bolivia, rience in the process and organizational, or "software,"Colombia, El Salvador, Jamaica, and Venezuela. A prin- aspects of development such as participatory approach-cipal feature of the program was the establishment of es, community organizing, and stakeholder ownershipnational tripartite (government, civil society, private sec- strategies. Because of their self-help nature and smallertor) advisory committees to oversee the program and size, CSOs also tend to have an ability to innovate andselect the case studies. In Brazil, this program was intro- adapt, as well as be more cost-effective than government


agencies. Further, civil society entities have an inti- tions and more operational collaboration among themate knowledge of local reality and conditions and three sectors. These include the environment, health,can provide an in-depth, sector-specific perspective, education, and rural poverty issues. There are certain-while the Bank brings a broader, longitudinal, perspective ly a variety of reasons that account for this trend, butthat is both cross-sectoral and international. A Bank three key factors, which seem to encourage greaterstudy on stakeholder participation stated: "Many inter- participation, are:mediary NGOs have experience in participatory pro- * Issues that have a more universal and less politi-ject design and skills in participatory research, commumty callideological appeal, such as AIDS and the envi-mobilization, facilitation techniques, and group dynam- ronment

ics" (World Bank 1996, p. 156). . Social programs that are more complex to imple-Second, in terms of institutional roles, while civil' ~~~~ment and thus require greater stakeholder discus-

society entities bring grassroots representation and legit- sion and ownership to ensure successful projectimacy to the bargainig table, the government and theimacy to thebarainngabl,tegvementoutcomes and long term sustainability, such as ruralBank bring the weight and resources of the official sec- .tor. Experience has demonstrated that both aspects, poverty and educationtor. Experience has demonstrated that both aspects, Regions such as the Amazon, which, because of theirsocial legitimacy and institutional support, are neces-sary ingredients to allow for successful development immens,tinitiatives. Third, if CSOs are brought into the process presence.in a constructive fashion, they can prove to be effective Another lesson on partnerships seems to be that thepartners in terms of project monitoring, technical assis- Bank and CSO personnel have a better chance of moretance, and project implementation. The Bank primer substantive and constructive engagement when focusedWorking with NGOs states that: on a specific program or project, rather than on larger

policy questions. The Mato Grosso Natural ResourcesThe most successful examples of Bank-NGO col- Management Project (Prodeagro) exemplifies this pointlaboration are those in which NGO involve- well. While there is still considerable disagreementment comes early on in the project cycle and between the state government and CSOs over more con-NGOs are treated as partners in the development tentious issues such as indigenous land demarcation,process, not simply as hired contractors or ser- agrarian regularization, and environmental protectionvice delivery agencies. Partnership implies: con- policies, both parties opted to negotiate the establish-sultation concerning development objectives and ment of a small-grants fund (PADIC) and concentrategoals, mutual transparency and shared deci- on its joint implementation. The hope is that many ofsion-making (World Bank 1995, p. 45). the small-scale initiatives financed by the fund would

not only serve to address the larger, thornier issues,Even if CSOs are not involved directly in project mat- but its joint administration would allow both sides to

ters, they are key opinion makers in society and can forge a more constructive working relationship. Thishelp mobilize community interest around the project expectation seems to have at least partly been borne outand disseminate useful information about the projects as expressed by Mato Grosso's opposition partyto the beneficiary population. With the adoption of a Congressman Gilney Viana in a 1998 report aboutnew worldwide anti-corruption policy in 1998, the Bank CSO participation in Prodeagro. He stated that this expe-is also beginning to recognize and value the important rience had been: "a concrete and successful example ofrole CSOs can play in helping to curb corruption at the participation, intervention, and change in public poli-project level. cy, with significant reflexes for other sectors in society"

Recent experience demonstrates that certain thematic (ABONG 1998b, p. 95).areas seem to be more inclined to encourage closer rela-

4. Conclusion

The civil society sector in Brazil is not yet clearly defined ernment, at various levels, that is taking the lead inor visible, yet its significance and weight are steadily promoting government-civil society collaboration.becoming more apparent. Not only has the number of There are several steps that can be taken to furtherCSOs mushroomed over the past decade, but their role encourage government-civil society-Bank collabora-in national and local development processes is being tion within the World Bank's Brazil portfolio. First, gov-increasingly recognized. This is especially true of NGOs, ernments at various levels and the Bank need to furtherwhich have gone from near-clandestine status a decade promote public disclosure of project documents in orderago to being valued and visible development actors to enlist informed stakeholder participation. The Bank,today After having demonstrated their effectiveness in in particular, needs to more systematically translatepromoting grassroots organizing and social services, key documents into Portuguese. Second, dialogue andNGOs are now participating in policy discussions at the consultation mechanisms, which are beginning to effec-macro level. tively improve the relations between the govern-

While barriers based largely on past animosity still ment/Bank and national CSO networks, should beexist between CSOs, government, and the World Bank, consolidated. A more participatory approach needs torelations are improving rapidly There are a growing be undertaken at the country strategy level (CAS), asnumber of innovative mechanisms for tripartite infor- well at the level of each Bank-financed loan.mation sharing, dialogue, consultation, operational col- An approach that is being used successfully at head-laboration, and funding. Recent experience with quarters and in the LAC region and could be appliedBank-financed projects in Brazil demonstrates that in Brazil is the sponsoring of joint (CSO-Governmentincreasing Government-Civil Society-Bank collabora- -Bank) research and training activities. Third, task man-tion can improve the effectiveness of development pro- agers should increasingly adopt social analysis and stake-jects. Collaboration not only promotes greater local holder participation methodologies that are beingownership and beneficiary involvement, but can result effectively implemented in several projects (in the areasin improved operational results and social impact. While of the environment, AIDS, and rural development) tothe World Bank recognizes its catalytic role in promot- increase government-civil society ownership and improveing stakeholder participation, it is the Brazilian gov- project implementation performance.

51

Notes

Notes els of trust and social capital affect the political andeconomic life of these countries.

1. All dollar amounts are U.S. dollars unless other- 7. These figures are based on comparing data fromwise noted. two sources: the Demographic Census of 1991 and the

2. Sociedade civil organizada is a political term that National Household Survey (PNDA) of 1995 (Gazetaemerged during the 1980s to refer to sectors that active- Mercantil, 1998, Dossie, p. 1).ly opposed the military regime, such as labor unions, 8. Defining the Nonprofit Sector, The Johns HopkinsNGOs, social movements, church and community Comparative Nonprofit Sector Project, July 1993.groups, and activist professional associations. This 9. ln Conselho da Comunidade Solidaria 1998b.definition is not as inclusive as others, since it general- 10. The initiative began with a conference hosted byly does not include the private sector. IDB's president, Enrique Iglesias, in October 1994 in

3. This is the term most widely used in the United Washington and included formal consultations, meet-States. In Great Britain the word most widely used to ings, and studies in several Latin American countries.designate this sector is charities. These activities were held in Brazil, Mexico, and Colombia

4. The term third sector originated in the United States and were carried out by the Synergos Institute andand was popularized by such social scientists as Alan Civicus. In Brazil, this consultation was coordinatedWolfe and Lester Salamon to describe the third leg of a by two NGOs; IDAC and ISER. The initiative also result-societal tripod that consists of the government (first sec- ed in the forming of the network Latin American Socialtor), the economy or markets (second sector), and the Leaders Working Group on Civil Society, which bringssocial sector (third sector). This is generally consid- together leaders and specialists from NGOs and donorered a less political and more inclusive term, since it agencies from throughout the hemisphere. The mostincludes charitable organizations, cultural associations, recent event of the IDB Civil Society Initiative was aand corporate foundations. large regional conference held in Colombia in May 1998,

5. In his book Getting Ahead Collectively: Grassroots which brought together some 800 persons includingExperiences in Latin America, Albert Hirschman wrote the president and vice presidents of the IDB, govern-about the innovative, low-cost, and successful devel- ment officials, civil society leaders, private sector exec-opment approaches adopted by 45 cooperatives, NGOs, utives, and social science researchers. The three-dayand neighborhood associations he visited in six Latin conference analyzed the lessons learned from 32 "bestAmerican countries (the Dominican Republic, Colombia, practice" case studies of Government-CivilPeru, Chile, Argentina, and Uruguay) in 1983 under Society-Private Sector partnerships throughout Latinthe sponsorship of the Inter-American Foundation. America, and discussed the IDB's strategy to promote

6. Fukuyama studied the three countries with a "high the consolidation of civil society in the region.dose of trust" (Germany, Japan, and the United States), 11. These include founding date, staff size, financialand three countries with "low dose of trust" (France, resources, institutional vitality, thematic diversity, mem-Italy, and China) in order to demonstrate how the lev- bership base, beneficiaries reached, and visibility in

52

Notes 53

the press (Inter-American Development Bank, United the government to decisively address the problems relat-Nations Development Programme El Capital Social). ed to skewed land distribution ... [and thus it] is eager

12. A 1998 survey of 184 ABONG members found to experiment with alternative approaches to landthat only 36 organizations, or 195 percent, had the reform." The project will provide associations of land-federal "utilidade publica" certificate. A larger number, less workers with loans to purchase land, and granthowever, 38.5 percent of the surveyed NGOs, were reg- funds to implant infrastructure improvement and con-istered in the CNAS, which represents a marked increase tract technical assistance geared to promoting sustain-in relation to the 19.3 percent reported in 1994. Yet able land management and agricultural production.only 16.3 percent of those registered with the CNAS 17. Brazil has nearly 7,500 Catholic parishes, andhave been able to obtain exception from paying employ- most of these maintain a variety of charitable or socialee social security taxes (ABONG, 1998c). action centers. The Archdiocese of Rio de Janeiro, for

13. In order for a community organization to become instance, has helped establish and maintain 113 schools,legalized, it has to register as a "nonprofit civil associ- 51 health centers, 41 daycare centers, 22 food and clothesation" by filing the "articles of incorporation" at a local distribution centers, 9 orphanages, 6 community cen-Cart6rio de Registro de PessoasJurtdicas, or organizational ters, 5 vocational training centers, 2 legal aid organiza-legal notary office. These articles include bylaws, a list tions, and 17 centers for young women, elderly,of elected officers (generally four), headquarters address, handicapped, street children, and marginalized popu-and minutes of the founding assembly (with a quorum lations (Landiml993a).of members signing). Until recently the organization 18. LBV was established in 1950 by Sao Paulo radiohad to pay for these documents to be published in the personality Alziro Zarur. Today LBV is an ecumenicallocal Didrio Oficial, or government registry newspaper. charity that reaches over 3 million low-income per-Since the organizational proponents often had little for- sons through its 440 social service centers located inmal education and the nascent organizations had no all 27 states and several neighboring countries in thefunds, they either opted not to become legalized or Southern Cone. LBV is one of the few Brazilian chari-had to rely on donations from local politicians, which ties to effectively tap into the reservoir of individualoften served to compromise the independence of the charitable giving, with a current membership of over 5organization from its founding. Many "legal assistance" million contributors.NGOs were established precisely to assist base groups 19. This terrn is a clever play on the term pilantra,with this legalization process. which signifies "swindler," with filantropia, or "philan-

14. Although the women's rural movement is one of thropy"the least visible and researched, there is evidence that 20. The Second Vatican Council (1962-65), con-it is a dynamic and growing social phenomenon. The vened by Pope John XXIII, became the symbol of themovement in Rio Grande does Sul, which is closely church's new openness to the modern world. Termingtied to the MST, has a reported membership of 20,000 the church the "people of God," the council encyclicalswomen. The quebradeiras de coco movement inMaranhao, declared that the church shared the "joy and hope, thewhich was organized to obtain the right of access to grief and anguish of contemporary humanity, particu-the babacu nut tree in squatter areas, has promoted larly of the poor and afflicted." In Latin America, theseveral multiple-state conferences and has even sent follow-up conferences of Medellin and Puebla (1968representatives to several global United Nations con- and 1973) gave this progressive message a clear socialferences. expression by highlighting the concern of the church

15. Folha de Sao Paulo 1997b, pp. 1-11. for social justice issues such as poverty, land concen-16. The Land Reform and Poverty Alleviation Pilot tration, and urban violence. Thus was spawned Liberation

Project (Loan# 6475) is being enacted in five Northeastern Theology with its "preferential option for the poor"states (Bahia, Ceara, Maranhao, Minas Gerais, and and emphasis on the growing leadership role of lay lead-Pernambuco) for a total value of $150 million. As the ers through the "base Christian communities" that pro-PAD states: "Land conflicts have built up pressure on liferated in urban slums and rural communities throughout


Latin America, and especially Brazil. By the 1990's, there Sobrinho, Oderbrecht, Roberto Marinho, Alcoa, ABRINQ,were an estimated 70,000 base Christian communities Oderbrecht, IBM, Xerox, Kellogg, Ford, and MacArthur.located in 94 percent of Brazil's 255 dioceses. 26. It was reportedly first used in a 1950 report of

21. The Pastoral da Crianca began in a small Parand the Economic and Social Council (ECOSOC) (Goncalvestown and by 1998 provided services to over 17,000 1996).communities throughout Brazil through a network of 27. In his book Intermediary NGOs: The Supporting56,000 volunteers. Because of the Pastoral's low-cost Link in Grassroots Development (1992), Thomas Carrolland innovative nutrition and oral rehydration programs, defines a GSO as a "civic developmental entity that pro-infant mortality fell nearly by half in just five years vides services ... to local groups of disadvantaged rural(1989-93)-from 53 to 27 per thousand births-in the or urban households and individuals." Unlike the MSOscommunities it assists. (membership support organizations such as local coop-

22. Many of the Protestant denominations in Brazil eratives or trade unions), GSOs do not have a member-are still considered "missionary churches" having been ship base, but tend to be more formal and professional.first implanted in Brazil in the latter half of the 19th 28. The term nongovernmental organization does notcentury The first group of Protestants to arrive were appear anywhere in the legislation, and thus NGOs areseveral dozen Methodist families, which came to not juridically distinguished from any other nonprofitBrazil fleeing from post-Civil War United States in the organizations. As the ranks of NGOs have grown expo-1870s. They settled in a rural area in the interior of nentially over the past decades, the continued juridicalthe state of Sao Paulo that later became the town limbo and lack of tax incentives have increasingly becomeof Americana. an operational impediment, sometimes forcing NGOs

23. The Igreja Universal do Reino de Deus was estab- to ignore tax and labor laws, or even avoiding becom-lished in 1978. Geared mainly to the urban poor and ing legalized. A survey of environmental NGOs carriedpreaching a mixture of financial rewards and medical out by the World Wildlife Fund (WWF) found that 15cures for the faithful, the church has mushroomed percent of the 725 groups studied were not legallyover the past years to include a reported 2,500 church- registered.es in 50 countries. The temples are often located in con- 29. The first time the term NGO was reportedlyverted old movie houses or large storefronts in the used in the national written press was in a 1988Jornaldowntown areas of Brazil's cities, large and small. A do Brasil article titled: "Nongovernmental Organizationssalient characteristic of the church has been its aggres- Take Over the Country" (Landim 1998, p.53).sive proselytizing, noisy church services, and astute 30. The study was based on a "directory of directo-moneymaking approach. The press reports that the ries" published by the Inter-American Foundation inchurch today raises over R$1.5 billion annually from 1990. The countries with the largest number of NGOstithing members and a vast array of business holdings were Brazil (1,010), Colombia (594), Bolivia (365),that includes Brazil's third largest national television net- Chile (345), Honduras (250), and Mexico (212)work (TV Record) and a commercial Bank (Banco de (Fernandes 1994).Credito Metropolitano) (Veja 1997, pp. 76-81). 31. Alexis de Tocqueville, French political writer and

24. It is estimated that the in the municipality of Rio statesman, described the virtues of nascent Americande Janeiro alone, there are 288 Spiritist obras sociais,or democracy in his 1835-40 book Democracy in America.social service centers. A study that researched a subset Tocqueville argued in his book that the flowering ofof 62 of these centers documented that over 13,000 democracy occurred in the United States, best exem-low-income and indigent persons in Rio deJaneiro were plified by the existence of thousands of voluntary asso-reached daily through some 190 different charitable ser- ciations, because conditions there best permitted thevices being offered (Landim 1998, pp.130-148). spreading of European social ideas.

25. The principal members of GIFE include the fol- 32. This is the case, for instance, of NGOs such aslowing Brazilian and North American foundations and ISA, which established an active (not just pro forma ascompanies: Instituto C and A, Bradesco, Vitae, Sirotsky is usually the case) board of directors mirrored on the

Notes 55

U.S. non-profit tradition of active boards, and IBASE, 39. Leaders of the Forum de ONGs de Rondoniawhich attempted to diversify its fundraising strategy established the Cooperativa de Trabalho Multiplo debased on European NGO experience (that is, adopting Rondonia (COOTRARON) in 1997. By 1998 it was com-for-profit spin-off ventures and selling services). posed of 58 persons ranging from technicians to clean-

33. Catia Lubambo and Sueli Guimaraes in "O ing persons, who provide services to over ninePrezeis-Uma Estrategia de Acao Coletiva para uma organizations in such areas as juridical assistance, forestry,Conquista Social" in ABONG, 1998b, p. 146. strategic planning, agronomy, and office cleaning. Several

34. During the early 1990s IBASE worked on more of its members provided services to the Bank-fundedthan 10 thematic areas ranging from agrarian reform natural resource management project Planafloro andand street children to the foreign debt. Its multifaceted to INCRAs Lumiar project. The cooperative was able tostaff trained local community leaders, participated in generate $22,000 a month in salaries, and its contractsnational policy advocacy networks, and participated cost 15 to 20 percent less than standard, formal con-frequently in U.N.-sponsored international conferences. tracts that utilize the Consolidacao das Leis Trabalhistas

35. See the views expressed by Friends of the Earth (CLT) law.and OXFAM in the report titled "Planafloro um Ano 40. The Bank recognizes this reluctance.Depois" (Friends of the Earth, OXFAM 1997). 41. For a detailed history and discussion of the impact

36. The European agencies were in the forefront of of NGOs in Recife, see "NGOs in Recife: From Policythis agency-counterpart partnership approach. The pre- Advocate to Policy Maker." In this article, Kaye Pyle pre-cursor was the Dutch agency NOVIB, which began to sents an interesting case study of how NGOs encour-hold its plataforma consultative meeting in the mid aged and assisted the government of Recife in establishing1980s, in which N OVIB's funding strategy was fully dis- an innovativefavela, or "shantytown," urbanization pro-cussed with its NGO grantees. OXFAMIUK has also gram called Prezeis (Pyle 1997, pp. 12-23).been well known for carrying out joint public advoca- 42. Of the six studies undertaken, four were Worldcy campaigns in both Brazil and Britain on such topics Bank-financed: (Planafloro (Rondonia); Prodeagro (Matoas debt relief, land violence, and poverty alleviation. Grosso); AIDS/STD (national); and FLONAS/PilotNorth American Foundations such as Kellogg, Inter- Program (Para). Two others were funded by the IDB:American, and MacArthur also held joint thematic and Macrodrenagem (Bel6m/PA) and PMACI (Acre). The finalconsultative seminars with their grantee organizations version of the study, Bancos Multilaterais e Desenvolvimnentoaround such topics as capacity building, project eval- Participativo no Brasil: dilemas e desafios, was publisheduation, and fundraising. in book form by FASE and IBASE in 1998.

37. This figure is somewhat skewed by two well- 43. The guide Para Compreender e Dialogar comknown environmental organizations, SOS Mata Atlantica Organismos Internacionais: Um Guia sobre o Banco Mundialand Greenpeace, which have unusually large member- no Brasil e no Mundo was published in September 1995ship bases of 10,000 and 3,000 respectively. SOS Mata and is geared to CSOs. The guide contains chapters onAtlantica, for instance, was the first to adopt its own Bank history, operational structure, structural adjust-credit card, which today generates nearly 70 percent of ment policies, Brazil portfolio, and recent advances inits income. the relationship with civil society.

38. AACC reported that 11 percent of its $1.8 mil- 44. In keeping with its strategy of working throughlion annual budget came from several Swiss and German Congress, Rede was able to get access to the CAS andagencies (church, government, private), and 89 percent the IDB's country paper through a congressman whowas raised from federal and state government sources formally requested both documents from the Ministrythrough convenios, or service-provision contracts. of Planning. Both were subsequently published andThese sources include the Ministry of Labor's FAT fund, commented on in a 1998 book titled A Estrategia dosINCRAs Lumiar program, and several state agencies, Bancos Multilaterais para o Brasil.including the Secretary of Planning, which implements 45. The F6rum DCA, established by 67 organizationsthe Bank-funded Poverty Alleviation Program (RPAP). in 1988, played a key role in helping to draft and pres-


suring the Brazilian Congress to adopt the Estatuto da Colombiana de ONGs (CCONG) with an alternate coor-Crianca e do Adolescente in 1990. Similar legislation dination by the Caribbean Poverty and Developmentwas adopted in 25 state constitutions. The Forum DCA and Center (CPDC).further lobbied to have legislation passed by the President 55. Participatory Country Assistance Strategy process-in 1991 to establish the Conselho Nacional dos Direitos es have subsequently been carried out in Colombia, Elda Crianca e do Adolescente, which has 15 civil society Salvador, Ecuador, and the Dominican Republic withrepresentatives and oversees government policies and varying degree of civil society participation.programs in this area. Today all 27 states and many large 56. The three ALOP members in Brazil are Federacaocities also have local children and adolescent rights citi- de Orgaos de Assistencia Social e Educacional (FASE),zen-government councils (ABONG 1998b, pp. 61-75). CentroJosue de Castro (CJC), and Instituto de Estudos,

46. Statement made by Neide Silva of ETAPAS (Pyle Formacao e Assessoria em Politicas Sociais (POLIS).1997). 57. The committee which selects grants for the Pilot

47. NGO training courses have been launched by the Program's Demonstrations Projects (PD/A) is composedfollowing organizations: United States Agency for by an equal number of government officials and CSOIntemational Development (USAID); Centro de Estudos representatives. The national and local health coun-do Terceiro Setor (CETS) of the Fundacao Getullio Vargas cils, for instance, have the following composition: 50(FGV-SP); Instituto de Estudos Especiais (IEE) of the percent health consumers, 25 percent government, andPontificia Universidade Cat6fica de Sao Paulo (PUC- 25 percent health professionals. The Conselho daSP); Federacao de Obras Sociais (FOS); and the Gestao Comunidade Solidaria council which is consultative inpara Organizacoes da Sociedade Civil (GESC) of the nature, on the other hand, has an almost 7:1 ratio ofUniversidade de Sao Paulo (USP) (Gazeta Mercantil civil society representatives (28) over that of govern-1997a, p. A7; D6ssie 1998, p. 3). ment officials (4).

48. ABONG 1998b. 58. These include the reformulated RPAP projects49. Zaffaroni 1997. (now called Rural Poverty Alleviation Projects-RPAP),50. Searching for Impact and Methods: NGO the Parana Land Management, and Rio Grande do Sul

Evaluation Synthesis Study, OECD/DAC Expert Group Rural Poverty Alleviation projects. The RPAP projecton Aid Evaluation, 1997. alone has encouraged the creation of over 250 munic-

51. The coalition of civil society organizations coor- ipal councils throughout the Northeast. Further, thedinated by the NGO Forum (FETAGRO, CUNPIR, OSR) statutes of these RPAP councils stipulate that 80 percentare not only members of the PAIC Deliberative Council, of the seats be occupied by civil society organizations.which approves the projects submitted by the com- 59. It is significant to note that one of the researchersmunities, but sit side by side with government techni- hired to evaluate the RESEX project has previously beencians to analyze the project proposals. This participation heavily involved in mounting the Inspection Panelhas enhanced the selection process in two basic ways: case against the Bank in the Planafloro project. The factthe analysis is more complete, as CSO representatives that this environmental expert and NGO activist couldhave more local knowledge, and their presence has helped be engaged more constructively in a Bank-financed pro-the state government avoid the political pressures asso- ject is a testament to what dialogue and a more openciated with the statewide elections held in 1998. attitude on all sides can yield.

52. The Bank is currently in the process of convert- 60. AACC alone was awarded over 50 technical assis-ing ODs to a new, more flexible format composed of tance contracts by over 40 local producers associationsthree modalities: operational policies (OPs), bank pro- during the 1993-96 period. These contracts totaledcedures (BPs), and good practices (GPs). approximately $75,000.

53. These were Argentina, Bolivia, Brazil, Colombia, 61. The FAP selection committee is composed of rep-Costa Rica (Central America); Ecuador, Jamaica resentatives of SEAIN, Rede Brasil, and the World Bank.(Caribbean); Mexico; Peru; and Venezuela. The fund received 48 proposals from 15 states, even

54. The eight-member CSO Steering Committee is though the edital, or "call for proposals," was adver-being headed by a representative from the Confederaci6n tised on the Internet for only a two-week period. The

Notes 57

six proposals selected were to cover the costs of tech- damental ways from the citizen-government councilnical assistance and training, project evaluation, and that preceded it, the Conselho Nacional de Segurancanetworking meetings. They were submitted by one Alimentar (CONSEA). While the CONSEA, which wasnational CSO network, three regional CSO networks, established during the Itamar Franco administration,and two local CSOs. had more of a deliberative function and its members

62. The overarching objective of the Brazil SGP Fund both formally represented and were selected by civilis to promote government-civil society-Bank partner- society organizations, the Comunidade Solidaria coun-ship through seminars, training, research, and dissem- cil has a clearly consultative status, and its civil societyination activities. The thematic areas supported by the members are selected by the government and serve asFAP during the past two years have included human individuals "chosen for their community and socialrights, women's health, environment, Afro-Brazilian cul- tradition."ture, corporate philanthropy, and children's rights. 66. Horacio Martins, community participation expert,Perhaps the most notable feature of the Fund is the has written widely about some of the legally mandatedunusual composition of its selection committee, which local participation councils in the Northeast region ofis made up of three institutions which are generally at Brazil, where the civil society participants do not, inodds over the Bank track record: the Ministry of Planning, reality, have equal representational rights to local polit-Rede Brasil, and the Bank. ical bosses, and are in this way vulnerable to being

63. This is the case in Rio Grande do Norte, where manipulated (Carvalho 1997).the F6rum Campo has successfully participated in the 67. This study was carried out by the InternationalRPAP process on various levels from providing techni- Center for Non-Profit Law (ICNL) and analyzed suchcal assistance to monitoring projects. issues as the legal definition, governance, taxation, and

64. The amounts vary among funds-while one fund self-regulation of the NGO sector based on experi-(PDA) requires three bids for all purchases above $200, ences worldwide.the RPAP funds require bids for all purchases. 68. Synergos 1996, pp. 12 -1 3 .

65. It is interesting to note, for instance, that theConselho da Comunidade Solidaria differs in two fun-

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Mendes, Luiz Carlos Abreu. 1998. "Organizac6es da Sociedade Programa Projetos Demonstrativos." PD/A, World Bank, Brasilia,Civil de Carater Puiblico e Organizao6es Sociais: duas versaes August.


Souza, Herbert de. 1992. "As ONGs na decada de 90." In WorldBank. 1994a. The World Bank Policy on Information Disclosure.

Desenvolvimento, Cooperacao Internacional e as ONGs. Rio de Washington D.C., March.Janeiro: IBASE/PNUD. . 1994b. The World Bank and Participation. Washington,

. 1995. "Enlisting the Power of Citizenship to Fight D.C.: Operations Policy Department, September.

Poverty" Inter-American Foundation, Grassroots Development . 1995. Working with NGOs. Carmen Malena, NGO Unit

Journal (19)2. OPRPG, Washington, March.

Synergos Institute. 1996. "How Governments and Multi-later- . 1996. The World Bank Participation Sourcebook.

al Donors can Form Large-scale Partnerships with Civil Society Environment Department, Washington, D.C., February.

Organizations: Reflections form Three Latin American . 1997a. World Development Report (WDR) 1997. New

Countries." New York: Synergos Institute, July York: Oxford University Press.Tarrow, Sidney 1994. Power in Movement: Social Movements, . 1997b. "Land Reform and Poverty Alleviation Pilot

Collective Action and Mass Politics in the Modern State. Cambridge: Project." Project Appraisal Document, Report No: 16342-Br.

Cambridge University Press. Washington, April 3.

United Nations Development Programme (UNDP) and Instituto . 1997c. Handbook on Good Practicesfor Laws Relating to

de Pesquisa Economica Aplicada (IPEA). 1996 Relatorio sobre Nongovernmental Organizations. Washington, D.C.: Environmen-

o Desenvolvimento Humano no Brasil. Brasilia, DE tally Sustainable Development Vice Presidency, MayVeja. 1994. "ONGs: OPovoDesunidoJamaisSeraVencido."Ano . 1998a. The World Bank Inspection Panel: The First Four

27, No. 6 (2.9.94). Years (1994-1998). Washington, D.C.: Inspection Panel.. 1997. "O Calvario do Bispo." Ano 30, No. 1424,January . 1998b. Cooperation between the World Bank and NGOs-

15, Sao Paulo. Provisional FY97 Progress Report. Washington, D.C., February.

1999. "Novas Faces do Bem." Ano 32, No. 43, October . 1998c. "Civil Society Participation in World Bank Country27, Sao Paulo. Assistance Strategies-Lessons from Experience, FY 97-98."

Vianna, Aurelio (org.). 1998. "A Estrategia dos Bancos Multilaterais Washington, D.C.: NGO Unit, April.

para o Brasil." Brasilia: Rede Brasil, March. . 1998d. Nongovernmental Organizations in Bank-Supported

Wolfensohn, James D. 1997. "The Challenge of Inclusion." Projects. Washington, D.C., Operations Evaluation Department

Address to the Board of Governors, Hong Kong, China, (OED), November.September 23. Zaffaroni, Cecilia. 1997. El Marco de Desarrollo deBase. Montevideo:

. 1998. "The Other Crisis." Address to the Board of IAF and SADES.

Govemors, Washington, October 6.

Attachments 61

B. Comments by Civil Society Organiza- of the Bank's home page on the World Wide Web came up with

tions' Representatives about the World only 18 project information documents (PIDs) of the 54 active

Bank grants. Thefact that the country assistance strategy (CAS) is still

a prescribed document also represents a serious impediment to

better Bank-civil society dialogue.General Comments The Bank is too compartmentalized in its development approach.

A more holistic and integrated view of development is needed. ItThe Bank has an image much more associated with the policies of is also necessary for the Bank to address the causes of povertystructural adjustment of the IMF than of a development agency and not only its consequences.that funds poverty alleviation and other social initiatives. Theoverall image is more negative than positive, and there are seri-ous contradictions between these two roles, of bank and develop- Bank-Government Relationsment agency.

The Bank is not a readily accessible institution: its documents The Bank maintains an ambiguous relationship with the differentare hard to obtain, and when they are available, they are only in levels of government, often bickering with the government andEnglish. Its staff (particularly task managers) are hard to contact blaming it for delays in project implementation. The Brazilianeither in Washington or during their brief trips to Brazil. government, on the other hand, often uses the Bank as a scape-

Civil society organizations are generally not invited or allowed goat when problems arise with projects. Civil society organiza-to opine on or participate in Bank projects. In the infrequent cases tions,for theirpart, are left watching the sparring without knowingwhen CSOs are invited, it is usually only once the project is in what are the real issues and problems. As a matter of fact, the

trouble or at the end, rarely during the design and planning stages. Bank is often blamed for project implementation problems thatCSOs also want to be able to discuss macroeconomic policies and are, in reality, caused by the government.the Bank's overall strategy for Brazil. At times, the Bank has played a positive role in encouraging

The Bank's funds are public in origin, thus the Bank should and even pressuring governments to maintain a more open andmaintain a posture of accountability before society at large, participatory posture with civil society organizations in relationwhich includes CSOs. to Bank projects, such as in the case of Planafloro, where the

It is important to know what will be the role of the Resident Bank encouraged the state government to carry out a participa-Mission (RM), now that it is being expanded. Will the RM have tory and comprehensive midterm review process. It is difficultforany significant decisionmaking role regarding the definition of the the Bank to have an effective social action strategy if its onlyBank's strategy in Brazil? interlocutor is the government, since the government often does

Often the World Bank and the Inter-American Development not have an adequate or effective social strategy itself. GovernmentBank aDB) fund different projects in the same locale that have is often divorced of grassroots reality or at best has only a super-overlapping or contradictory strategies and impacts. There should ficial view of social conditions.be more coordination between both institutions. If little is knownabout the World Bank, much less is known about the InternationalFinance Corporation aFC) and its portfolio and strategy in Brazil. Operational Performance

There is no doubt that the Bank has adopted new policies recent-ly, such as the information disclosure and participation policies, It is not surprising that so many Bank projects suffer delays inwhich are forward-looking and welcome. This is also true with their disbursement schedules and other problems, since the Bankregard to the Bank's new gender policy and its role in the Beijing still follows a management style more geared to funding "pro-Conference. The issue, though, is whether these policies, which jects' rather than "programs," with fixed time frames, overlyhave been largely established in the policy area of the Bank, are bureaucraticfunding procedures, and performance indicators thatalso being fully implemented in the operations side, where they are largely quantitative. This approach may have been appropri-will ultimately have more impact. ate when the Bank primarilyfunded infrastructure projects, but this

While the Bank's new information policy is welcomed, there operational methodology is inadequateforfunding social programs,are still problems in accessing Bank documents. A recent search which are much more complex, process-oriented, and unpredictable.


TheBank shouldadopt moreflexibleandprocess-orientedpoli- anisms of participation; good track record of CSOs as technical

cies in projects geared to social development. These new policies assistance providers; and the role of the Bank in encouraging itswould include longer timeframes, decentralized project moni- government counterpart to promote greater participation.

toring, and moreflexible procurement policies within small-pro- The Northeast Education Project does not seem to be as well

jectsfunds. executed as it could be and is not reaching the expected results.

The Bank should also adopt project approval and evaluation An independent evaluation demonstrated that basic educational

criteria that take into account gender race, and income distribu- indicators such as dropout rates and grade repetition worsenedtion variables in order to betterguarantee projects benefits among more in areas targeted by the project than in areas untouched by

the poor the project. There seem to be various reasonsfor these poor results:

The quality of project supervision by Bank staff varies great- (1) the project seems to have been designed by economists of the

ly among projects, for it depends on the capacity and openness of Ministry of Finance rather than educators of the Ministry of

the task managers and directors. Another problem is the high Education; (2) the project utilizes a traditional training method-

mobility that exists within Bank ranks. It is not uncommonfor ology that experience has demonstrated as being ineffective; (3)

one task manager to negotiate a project, a second to monitor it, the project doesn't address the issues of low teacher salaries; and

and a third to evaluate it. (4) the project maintains goals that are overly quantitative (num-

Often the Bank overlooks serious implementation problems or ber of students per teacher) without considering other qualitative

does not enforce thefull compliance of conditionalities. This indicators. Nonetheless, the results of the project have variedfrom

seems to occur either because of slack supervision habits, a char- state to state, with the performance in Ceard being the highest.

acteristic of an "project approval culture," or because the Bank TheAIDS/STD project is being well implemented by the Ministrydoes not want to strain its relations with the government. of Health, with an innovative civil society participation compo-

nent. Although over a hundred NGOs were funded to carry out

public education and prevention work, this large project has brought

Specific Projects several problems: (1) the program was characterized by a good

deal of bureaucracy and delays related to procurement norms, dis-

The Pilot Program to Conserve the Rainforest is among the most bursements, and labor laws; (2) the contracting of NGO techni-

advanced projects supervised by the Bank in terms of incorpo- cians to assess and evaluate other NGOs led to unnecessary

rating innovations and encouraging participation. One of the infighting; (3) the project inflated thefunding market, leading to

reasons for this different posture may be that the funds are pro- the creation of "bogus" NGOs and leading other international

vided in theform of grants rather than loans. Moreover, the pro- donor agencies to reduce their AIDS funding in Brazil; and (4)

gram has encouraged greater participation of civil society the program has led many NGOs to befinancially dependent on

organizations in the design of the various subcomponents (Demon- the ministry. This last point is especially important in light of the

stration Projects, Extractive Reserves, Forest Resource Management). termination of the AIDS projects slated for 1998. in addition,The program also has a more intensive and qualitative supervi- many of the NGO participatory mechanisms such as participat-

sion approach than the standard World Bank project. ing in the National AIDS Council and other thematic bodies,

The results and impacts of the Northeast Rural Development were not very successful, since the ministry did not always

Projects (NRDP) vary greatly from state to state. Vhile in some follow through on discussions and decisions made during council

states the results arefar below expected levels, in others, positive meetings.

results have been achieved both in terms of the beneficiary pop- The participation of civil society depends, in part, on its abil-ulation reached and in the level of stakeholder participation. The ity to demand and secure participation. An example of this phe-level of civil society participation and benefits in Rio Grande do nomenon are two similar projects in the area of sanitation. While

Norte, for example, is one of the highest. There seem to be vari- in the state of Parand the CSOs were effectively involved in the

ous variables that account for these differences in local partici- design of the state sanitation project and were even able to obtain

pation: more openness by state governments to stakeholder Bankfunds to accompany the project, in Bahia the state govern-participation; higher level of civil society organization at the local ment negotiated the project unilaterally with theBank in Washington,

level; government-civil society dialogue centered on concrete mech- thus completely excluding the CSOsfrom the process

Attachments 63

World Bank-Civil Society Relations Civil societyforums created to engage in dialogue with the Bank

should strive to include the presence of social movements and com-

These consultation meetings are quite welcome,for they demon- munity organizations, and not mostly NGOs.

strate that the discourse and intentions of the Bank are beginning Various agencies of thefederal government are not open to dia-

to change. Now it is important to certify that the Bank's practice logue with CSOs; thus the Bank should encourage them to become

is also beginning to change through greater transparency and open by promoting tripartite information exchange and policy

participation in the design and implementation of projects. The analysis meetings.

Bank may only be trying to legitimatize its action through the pres- It is important to avoid excessiveformalization of this new par-

ence of CSOs in these consultation meetings without permitting ticipation policy instituted by the Bank. Universal participation

effective participation. principles should be adhered to in aflexiblefashion rather than

The dialogue between civil society and the Bank is still toofor- attempting to adopt one-size-fits-all participatory mechanisms

mal and in some cases too antagonistic and ideological. It is nec- that do not take into account local context and demands. An exam-

essary to tear down the wall of misperceptions, which is based on ple of this point can be seen in Bank-financed projects that have

caricatures and oversimplification. Each side needs to accept the bipartite decisionmaking or advisory councils on which CSOs have

other as legitimate and well intentioned. More transparency on a seat. It is more important to guarantee effective CSO partici-

both sides and more frequent and frank dialogue can go a long pation than to worry about a particular representationformula,

way in resolving differences based on these misperceptions. On such as councils with exact voting parity between government

the other hand, this new level of interaction will also bring to light and civil society representatives.

deeper differences of opinion and conceptual disagreements. For What are going to be the new policies of the Bank toward civil

this reason it is important to have realistic expectations regard- society? Is the Bank going to relate to them as interlocutors to dis-

ing this new interaction so that they are not frustrated and pre- cuss policies, as consultants to provide services, or as implemen-

maturely abandoned. tors of programs? No matter whatform this interaction takes, it

The government is the missing link in these consultation meet- is importantfor these organizations to retain their autonomy rel-ings. It needs to be present in a tripartite dialogue so that effec- ative to the Bank.

tive changes can occur in institutional relations. The Bank should considerfunding initiatives at the municipal

Civil society organizations are generally not well preparedfor level, which have been characterized by innovation, effectiveness,

this greater dialogue with the Bank. Civil society organizations and stakeholder participation. This would be in keeping with the

need to formulate a more global agenda into order to able to dis- decentralization trends now sweeping Brazil and the rest of Latin

cuss larger issues such as economic integration, local development, America. Perhaps the Bank should considerfunding consortia of

and participation. CSOs need to prepare themselves better to municipalities in order to avoid economies-of-scale problems.

participate in technical discussions. CSOs also need to take risks, The Bank should also considerfunding new initiatives in the area

exposing themselves to criticism and evaluation,just as they demand of microfinancing and income-generating activities that incorpo-

of the Bank. rate economic development with social equity goals.


C. Civil Society-World Bank Consultation Persons (Organizations) That Participated:Meetings 1. Carlos Vidoto (CNB-CUT)

2. Fabio Ribas (GIFE)BRASILIA 3. Hamilton Faria (POLIS)

4. Isabel (MST)Date: May 2, 1996 5. Lidia Luz (Comissao Pro-Indio)Host Organization: World Bank 6. Lucia Calil (Sal da Terra)Meeting Facilitator: Aurelio Viana (Rede Brasil) 7. Maria Madalena Alves (Acao da Cidadania)Persons (Organizations) That Participated: 8. Mario Mantovani (Rede Mata Atlantica)

1. Augustino Veith (MNDH) 9. Roberto Smeraldi (Amigos da Terra)2. Don Sawyer (ISPN) 10. Sergio Haddad (Acao Educativa)3. Dorinha Pereira (Partners of the Americas) 11. Sueli Caneiro (Geledes)4. Fabio Vaz de Lima (GTA) 12. Tonhao (Vitae Civilis)5. lara Pietricovsky (INESC)6. lares Ramalho Cortes (CFEMEA) PORTO ALEGRE7. Katia Drager Maia (F6rum Brasileiro de ONGs)8. Marcio Santilli (ISA) Date: May 17, 19969. Marisa Ribeiro Dias (MNMMR) Host Organization: CIDADE10. Miralda Fernandes (MNMMR) Meeting Facilitator: Zander Navarro (UFRGS)11. Paulo Lira (WWF) Persons (Organizations) That Participated:12. Saulo Ferreira Feitosa (CIMI) 1. Auda Miller (CEAP/RS)13. Steve Schwartzman (ISA) 2. Conceicao Paludo (CAMP)14. Valdi Araujo (FENAPE) 3. Ellemar Wojahn (CAPA)

4. Jane Barcellos (ICC/Banco Portosol)RIO DE JANEIRO 5. Joao Augusto de Oliveira (CEPAGRO)

6. Lino de David (CETAP)Date: May 13, 1996 7. Luis Dalla Costa (CRAB)Host Organization: IBASE 8. Nilton Bueno Fischer (UFRGS)Meeting Facilitator: Maria Clara Couto Soares (IBASE) 9. Regina Pozzobon (CIDADE)Persons (Organizations) That Participated: 10. Sergio Baierle (CIDADE)

1. Anthony Anderson (Ford Foundation)2. Aurelio Viana (Rede Brasil) RECIFE3. Herbert de Souza (IBASE)4. Ivanir dos Santos (CEAP) Date: June 3, 19965. Jacqueline Pitanguy (CEPIA) Host Organization: OXFAM/UK6. Jane Galvao (ABIA) Meeting Facilitator: Michael Bailey (OXFAM/UK)7. Jorge Eduardo Durao (FASE) Persons (Organizations) That Participated:8. Marcus Arruda (PACS) 1. Arthur Powers (Projeto Pommar)9. Ricardo Neves (ITC) 2. Eduardo Homem (CLF)10 Silvio Gomes de Almeida (ASPTA) 3. Eduardo Jordao de Araujo (Espaco Aberto)

4. Geraldo Marinho (ARRUAR)SAO PAULO 5. Henrique Barros (Consultor)

5. Jose Arlindo Soares (Centro Josue de Castro)Date: May 15, 1996 7. Jose Carlos Zannetti (CESE)Host Organization: ABONG 8. Mauricio Arrocha (CAATINGA/Forum da Seca)Meeting Facilitator: Eduardo Ehlers (Sal da Terra) 9. Haleem Lone (OXFAM/UK)

Attachments 65

10. Silvia Camurca (SOS Corpo) CUIABA11. Vandervaldo Nogueira (ABONG)12. Vital Filho (AACC) Date: October 25, 1996

Host Organization: FORMADBELEM Meeting Facilitator: Vivianne Amaral (Bioconexao)

Persons (Organizations) That Participated:Date: June 5, 1996 1. Ivar Luiz Busatto (OPAN)Host Organization: IPAM 2. Marcia de Campos (CDHHT)Meeting Facilitator: Jean Hebete (CAT) 3. Lucia Misorelli (IPECA)Persons (Organizations) That Participated: 4. Heitor Q. Medeiros (Associac§ao Matogrossense

1. Marcelo Freitas (SPDDH) de Ecologia)2. Adalberto Verissimo (IMAZON) 5. Adalberto Eberhard (Ecotr6pica)3. Aldalice Otterloo (UNIPOP) 6. Vicente Jose Puhl (UFMT)4. Denise Gomes (CPT) 7. Dorotea E. Dressler (Grupo de Sauade Popular)5. Lucio Flavio Pinto (Jomal Pessoal) 8. Inacio Jose Werner (FORMAD)6. Olga Lucia Mantilla (POEMA) 9. Silbene Santana de Oliveira (CPT/MT)7. Padre Bruno (Movimento Emaus) 10. Roberto Ricardo Vicentin (FASE/MT)8. Paulo Moutinho (IPAM) 11. Joao Malthezo (ASOR/STR)9. Raimundo Waldomiro (Caritas) 12. Teobaldo Witter (IECLB/MT)10. Ubiratan Moraes Diniz (F6rum de Reforma 13. Eliana Martinez (ARCA)

Urbana/FASE) 14. Fabio Ricardo Reis (ECOPANTANAL)11. Vicki Schneiber (POEMA)


D. World Bank Reports on Participation Narayan, Deepa. 1995. Designing Community Based Development.

and Social Analysis Environment Department Paper No. 007. Washington, D.C.:

World Bank, June.

Aycrigg, Mary. 1998. Participation and the World Bank: Successes, Salmen, Lawrence F 1995. Participatory Poverty Assessment.

Constraints, and Responses. Social Development Paper No. 29. Environment Department Paper No. 024. Washington, D.C.:

Washington, D.C.: World Bank, November. World Bank, August.

Banarjee,Ajit,GabrielCampbell,MariaConcepcionCruz,Shelton Salmen, Lawrence, assisted by Misgana Amelga. 1998.

H. Davis, and Augusta Molnar. 1997. Participation in Forest Implementing Beneficiary Assessments in Education: A Guidefor

Management and Conservation. Environment Department Paper Practitioners (with examplesfrom Brazil). Social Development

No. 049. Washington, D.C.: World Bank, April. Paper No. 25. Washington, D.C.: World Bank, September.Boyd, Barbara, and John Garrison. 1999. NGO Participation in Schmidt, Mary, and Alexandre Marc. 1995. Participation in Social

HIV/AIDS Control Project in Brazil Achieves Results. Social Funds. Environment Department Paper No. 004. Washington,

Development Notes No. 47. Washington, D.C.: World Bank, D.C.: World Bank, July

May World Bank. 1990. How the World Bank Works with Nongovernmental

Carroll, Tom, Mary Schmidt, and Tony Bebbington.1996. Organizations. Washington, D.C..Participation through Intermediary NGOs. Environment . 1992. Participatory Development and the World Bank.

Department Paper No. 031. Washington, D.C.: World Bank, Potential Directionsfor Change. World Bank Discussion Paper

February. No. 183. Edited by Bhuvan Bhatnagar and Aubrey C. Williams.Cernea, Michael M. 1992. The Building Blocks of Participation: Washington, D.C..

Testing Bottom-up Planning. World Bank Discussion Paper No. . 1995. Working with NGOs, Carmen Malena, NGO Unit166. Washington, D.C.: World Bank. OPRPG, Washington, D.C., March.

Ernest, Massiah. 1997. Towards STD/AIDS Awareness and Prevention . 1996. The World Bank's Partnership with Nongovernmental

in Plateau State, Nigeria: Findings from a Participatory Rural Organizations. Poverty and Social Policy Department.

Appraisal. Environment Department Paper No. 050. Washington, D.C., May.Washington, D.C.: World Bank, April. . 1996. The World Bank Participation Sourcebook.

Gopal, Gita, and Alexandre Marc. 1994. World Bank-Financed Environmental Department Papers. Washington, D.C.Projects with Community Participation. Procurement and . 1997. Handbook on Good Practicesfor Laws Relating to

Disbursement Issues. World Bank Discussion Paper No. 265. Nongovernmental Organizations. Prepared for the World BankWashington, D.C.: World Bank. by the International Center for Not-for-Profit Law. Social

Hino, Toshiko. 1996. NGO-World Bank Partnerships: A Tale of Development Paper No. 26E (English). Washington, D.C.,

Two Projects. Human Capital Development Working Papers, World Bank. May

June. . 1998. "The Contribution of NGOs to World Bank-Ibrahim, Saad Eddin. 1998. Nurturing Civil Society at the World Supported Projects in Brazil." Operations Policy Department,

Bank: An Assessment of StaffAttitudes toward Civil Society, Social June.Development Paper. No. 24. Washington, D.C.: World Bank, . 1998. Cooperation between the World Bank and

September. NGOs-Provisional FY 97 Progress Report Washington, D.C.,Malena, Carmen. 1997. NGO Involvement in World Bank-Financed February

Social Funds: Lessons Learned. Social Development Paper, No. . 1999, Foodfor Thought: Proceedingsfrom Brown Bag Lunch

21. Washington, D.C.: World Bank, May Series. Civil Society Team-Latin America and the CaribbeanMoser, Caroline, Bernice van Bronkhorst, Annika Tornqvist. Region. Washington, D.C. Fall.

1998. Mainstreaming Gender and Development in the World Bank: . 1999. Thinking Out Loud: Innovative Case Studies on

Progress and Recommendations. Social Development Department. Participatory Instruments. Civil Society Team-Latin America

Washington, D.C.: World Bank, December. and the Caribbean Region. Washington, D.C. Fall.

Attachments 67

E. List of Brazilian Civil Society Brazil, Ministerio da Salde. 1997. Catalogode Organizages Nao-

Organization Directories and Studies Governamentais. Brasilia.

Fernandes, Rubem Cesar and Leandro Piquet.1993. ONGs anos

ABONG Associacao Brasileira de Organizacoes Nao- 90: A Opiniao dos Dirngentes Brasileiros. Rio deJaneiro: ISER.Governamentais. 1998. ONGs: Um Perfil do Cadastro das Inter-American Foundation. 1990. A Guide To NGO Directories.

Associadas a ABONG. Sao Paulo. Arlington..1998. 0 Impacto Social do Trabalho das ONGs no Brasil. Landim, Leilah, and Cotrim, Lecticia Ligneul. 1996. ONGs: Um

Sao Paulo. Perfil-Cadastro das Filiadas d Associacdo Brasileira de ONGs

Bailey, Michael, and Leilah Landim. 1996. Cadastro: Agencias (ABONG). Sao Paulo: ABONG/ISER.Internacionais Ndo Governamentais de DesenvolvimentoAtuando Lund, Kristen. 1993. "A Filantropia Empresarial no Brasil' (2

no Brasil. Recife: OXFAM/ISER, Marco. volumes). Sao Paulo: ARCO.

Bailey, and Henrique M. Barros. 1995. "Para Compreender e WWF, ISER, and Mater Natura. 1996. Cadastro Nacional ECOL-

Dialogar com Organismos Intemacionais: Um guia sobre o ISTA de Instituicoes Ambientalistas. Curitiba.

Banco Mundial no Brasil e no mundo." Recife: OXFAMIINESC,

Setembro.


World Bank Address in Brasilia

Banco MundialSCN Q.2 Bl.A S/304-305Edf. Corporate Financial Center70.712-900 Brasilia DFPHONE: (061) 329-1000FAX: (061) 329-1010EMAIL: [email protected]

Public Information Center address:(Address same as above)EMAIL: pic_brasilia@worldbank. com

Other World Bank Offices in Brazil:

RecifeEdificio Sudene, Sala IS-108Cidade Universitaria50670-900 Recife PEPHONE: (81) 453-1644FAX: (81) 453-4624

CuiabaAvenida Isaac Povoas, 1251Edificio Nacional Palacius, Sala 603Centro78.045-640 Cuiaba MTPHONE: (65) 624-6661FAX: (65) 624-3820

World Bank address in Washington:

World Bank1818 H St. N.WWashington, DC 20433

World Bank Web Page:

http://www.worldbank.org/

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