Published by the New York Labor Committee Against Apartheid c/o ACTWU, 15 Union Square West, New York, New York 10003.

APartheidmmer 1980

S.A. Unions Battle New CrackdownWhat does it take to stop a labor

movement? Apparently, the South Afri-can government thinks it takes the sup-pression of all political activity, theelimination of all basic union rights, andmassive doses of violence. SouthAfrica's black workers—who operate thecountry's mines, factories, shops andservices —know better.

Apartheid's 1988 program for laborwas initiated on February 24, when thegovernment made it illegal for the Con-gress of South African Trade Unions(COSATU) to engage in any political ac-tivity. The government also banned 17anti-apartheid organizations from "per-forming any activities or acts what-soever." The banned groups include theUnited Democratic Front, which in thelast five years had gained over 800 affili-ates and 1 million members, along withcommunity, church, education andhuman rights organizations.

In addition, the apartheid regimehas introduced legislation to outlawforeign funding for organizations "withpolitical purposes ." Anti-apartheidgroups in South Africa received $250million in international support lastyear. The bill is seen as an attempt tohamstring those organizations not citedin the recent bannings, including locallabor support groups and churches.

The restrictions on COSATU pro-hibit the federation from speaking outagainst the bannings or the funding bill.COSATU is not allowed to campaign forthe release of members detained underthe State of Emergency. COSATU is notallowed to endorse international divest-ment or sanctions efforts or call fordemocratic reforms.

As an opening response, COSATUhas challenged the restrictions inan appeal to the Supreme Court, argu-ing that the edict is absurdly vague andsweeping . Federation attorney HaltonCheadle pointed out, for example, that

the restriction on COSATU com-memorating the death of any personwas so wide it would prohibit unionmembers from observing Easter.

New Labor CodeWhile the government tries to curb

the labor movement's growing politicalinvolvment, it is also trying to strip theunions of their rising economic power.

The most serious attack is the LaborRelations Amendment Bill, now pend-ing in Parliament . The bill would elim-inate most of the labor reforms won inthe last ten years, and, as a COSATUleader put it, "further undermine whatdemocratic institutions are left in thiscountry"

The proposed amendments would:• make it virtually impossible to con-duct a legal strike;• outlaw sympathy and solidaritystrikes ;

• allow companies to sue unions fordamages, and confiscate union assets,to recover strike-related losses;• allow employers to recognize "sweet-heart" unions that don't have a majori-ty of members;• make it an unfair labor practice forunions with majority members to claimsole representation rights at a workplace;• make it an unfair labor practice for aunion to incite a consumer boycott;• make it a criminal offense to commitan unfair labor practice;• give the labor minister the power todefine an unfair labor practice or changethe definition without warning orparliamentary action;• legalize the employer's right to dis-miss legal strikers, selectively rehirelegal strikers, and dismiss a workerwithout a disciplinary hearing;• establish a special labor court whichcan override the present industrial rela-tions court .

continued on page 5

Hector Petersen, the first child killed bythe police in Soweto, June 16, 1976 .

REMEMBERSOWETO

4:30 pm Rally at Mobil HQ150 E . 42nd St.

(betw. 3rd & Lex)5:30 pm March to Shell HQ

Rockefeller Center(5th Ave. at 49th St .)

6:00 pm Rally at Shell

RALLY THURSDAYJUNE 16

BOYCOTT SHELL,

ImMOBILi:e APARTHEID!

US Labor Campaigns Grow

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The March 25th Justice for Mayekiso Rally was addressed by JohnChristensen, International Affairs Office of the United Auto Workers. NewYork union leaders Jim Bell, John Hudson, Cleveland Robinson, and SamMeyers look on. Folksinger Mat Jones provided songs of solidarity.

New York

Over 500 union members gatheredon March 25 at a Justice for Moses Maye-kiso rally, organized by the NY LCAAand co-sponsored by the NY Anti-Apartheid Coordinating Council andthe United Auto Workers . The rallylaunched a post-card drive and edu-cational campaign among union locals.

The NY LCAA is also working withchurch and community groups to com-memorate Soweto Day on June 16. NewYork unionists will participate in a na-tional lobby day, urging local membersof Congress to support theDellums/Cranston sanctions bill . Theday ends with a march from MobilHeadquarters to Shell headquarters atRockefeller Center, demanding that theoil companies withdraw from SouthAfrica .

Mayekiso UpdateThe treason trial of union leader

Moses Mayekiso enters the summerwith no end in sight . Observers feel theprosecution is dragging out the proceed-ings to wear down the defense anddrain union funds.

However, a correspondent foundMayekiso in good spirits in the court-room and fully aware of the internation-al campaign to secure his release . Maye-kiso has been imprisoned since June1986, when the State of Emergency wasfirst declared . He is being tried withfour other members of the AlexandraAction Committee : Obed Bapela, Rich-ard Mdakane, Paul Tshabalala, and hisbrother, Mzwanwele Mayekiso.

The National Union of Metalworkers(NUMSA), which Mayekiso heads, sentthis message : 'The solidarity shown herehas been very gratefully received byComrade Moss and the whole union.The material support has been sharedwith the dependents of all those in-volved. We call for further efforts, es-pecially by the labor movement, in thiscrucial, precedent-setting trial ."The trial tests the rights of union ac-tivists to organize at both the communityand workplace levels . It tests the rights ofblack township residents to organize fortheir own basic welfare.

Moses Mayekiso is a symbol of thou-sands who are detained, with and with-out charges, under apartheid's oppres-sive rule. Letters urging the release ofMayekiso and all other political prison-ers can be sent to the South African Am-bassador Dr. Pieter G .J . Koornhof, Em-bassy of South Africa, 3051 Massachu-setts Ave. NW., Washington, D.C. 20008.

Msane Released

Chicago

The newly formed Illinois Labor Net-work Against Apartheid has gotten off toa rousing start . In March, the Networkgreeted South Africa's ambassador witha 100 pickets as he arrived on a tour ofChicago. On March 18, over 800 unionistsstaged a Free Mayekiso march and rallyat the South African consulate, whereeight people were arrested for sitting in .

Pressure from Chicago alderpersons,church and union leaders has persuadedthe American National Bank to pledge itsvoting shares of Shell Oil to .the Shellstockholders campaign . The campaign is

Amon Msane, a leader in the Com-mercial Catering and Allied WorkersUnion (CCAWUSA), was released fromprison in February, after 50 weeks indetention.

Msane is chief steward of the 3Mplant near Johannesburg where workersstaged a walk-out to protest the closingof a 3M plant in Freehold, New Jersey,in 1986. Msane was arrested, for a secondtime, on returning from a labor speak-ing tour in the U.S. in 1987 to promoteunion solidarity in fighting multi-na-tional corporations.

Labor, anti-apartheid, and humanrights organizations mounted a cam-paign to free Msane, putting specialpressure on 3M to intervene . Msanecredits the international campaign withsecuring his release.

calling for a special, international Shellstockholders meeting to vote on pullingout of South Africa . The American Na-tional Bank is the largest Illinois stock-holder in Shell, with nearly 1 millionshares. Other banks are now targetedand the Network will push for a Cityresolution to boycott Shell.

On June 11, the Network will hosta conference, "From Soweto to Chicago:The Fight for Union Rights and HumanRights" to build its ongoing workaround the Shell Boycott and Justice forMayekiso .

HOW TO STOP APARTHEIDWorkers Make a Difference

ing the loopholes in Local Law 19 andwill push for tighter legislation.

The EKG technicians at Bellevueplan to save lives in Johannesburg as wellas New York.

One night last October, MargaretJackson was watching a television pro-gram on apartheid and noticed thatbehind a scene of South African policeviolence stood a Hewlitt-Packard build-ing. It stuck in her mind because Ms.Jackson is an EKG technician at NewYork City's Bellevue Hospital and thehospital had recently ordered eight newE.K.G machines from Hewlitt-Packard.

Ms. Jackson called her daughter, ananti-apartheid activist in college, whoconfirmed that Hewlitt-Packard is in-deed operating in South Africa . Ms.Jackson then informed her ten co-workers in the EKG technicians unit,members of Teamster Local 237.

The entire unit was outraged andwent directly to the administration, ask-ing how could they purchase from acompany doing business in South Afri-ca and requesting that they cancel theorder. They were told that City policyallowed the purchase because the ma-chines were "life-saving equipment ."Not satisfied, the workers pressedfurther up the NYC Health and Hos-pitals Corporation (HHC) hierarchy . Atone meeting, the City walked in with alawyer, personnel manager, and Belle-vue officials . They insisted that LocalLaw 19, the City's anti-apartheid pur-chasing law, didn't cover medical equip-ment and besides, "the machines weremade in the U .S ."

The workers pointed out that it didn'tmatter where the machines were madeif Hewlitt-Packard's profits were in-vested in South Africa . The HHC set eth-ics aside and the order went through.The persistence of the EKG technicianswas not in vain, however.

As a result of their efforts, the Healthand Hospitals Corporation has justissued a new purchasing procedure stat-ing that a company's connection toSouth Africa must be checked prior toapproval of the purchase . And anti-apartheid groups in the City are check-

***

Workers in a repair shop of the De-troit Department of Transportationstarted their own campaign against apart-heid when they unpacked bus wind-shields that were made in South Africa.The windshields had arrived in a boxmarked "made in Norway." The work-ers immediately went to the City inprotest.

It seems that Detroit's anti-apartheidlaw doesn't cover the windshields, butthe workers pressed the issue anyway,with the help of their union, AFSCMELocal 312 . The City then tried to shift thewindshields to another DOT shop, butworkers discovered the attempt . Even-tually the City returned the wind-shields to the supplier in Chicago.

***

If you think your employer may beusing goods from South Africa, pleasecontact the Labor Committee AgainstApartheid right away. We can help youcheck on the companies doing businessin South Africa and on laws which re-strict trade with South Africa . Call ourcoordinators: Kate Pfordresher at718-768-1756 or Vicki Williams at212-242-0700.

........................................JOIN US! THE NEW YORKLABOR COMMITTEE AGAINST APARTHEIDThe LCAA, sponsored by 35 labor organizations in the New York area, welcomesyour personal support in building the anti-apartheid movement . We need your helpto organize rallies, educational meetings, exchanges with unionists in South Africaand the distribution of our newsletter. Contact LCAA coordinator Kate Pfordresherat 718-768-1756 or mail in this coupon .

~..OE =I WO

NAME

HOME ADDRESS

CITY STATE ZIP

PHONE (work or home?)

UNION OR ORGANIZATION

YES, SIGN ME UP!q Newsletter mailing list ($5/yr .)q Bulk copies of newsletter

# copies ($25 per 100)q "Free Mayekiso " buttons

# buttons ($1 each)q Contact me for LCAA activitiesq Contact me to arrange an educational

program at my local/organizationq Donation to LCAA $

(checks payable to NY Labor Committee Against Apartheid)

MAILTO : .VICKI WILLIAMS, c/o ACTWU, 15 UNION SQ. WEST, NY, NY 10003

/..EN BE Ell =...-

A Living Wage for Women

Last year, COSATU launched a Liv-ing Wage campaign to raise pay andbenefits for South Africa's blackworkers, who earn one-tenth the wagespaid to white workers . This year thecampaign has placed special focus on im-proving conditions for women workers.

In South Africa, women are the solebreadwinners for 30 percent of blackhouseholds and almost all families relyon their earnings . As elsewhere, they arepaid less for the same or comparablework, and are also concentrated in low-skill, low-wage occupations. Most em-ployed women have the double burdenof working full-time on the job and athome.

In addition, black women in SouthAfrica face unemployment three timeshigher than men. Married women paya higher tax rate than men or single per-sons. Many women leave school earlyso their brothers can be educated . It isparticularly difficult for women who are

In sum, these proposals would oblit-erate the most important labor rights –to withhold work and to take collectiveaction. If passed, the bill would destroyany legal arena for union activity inSouth Africa.

Capping a Volcano

The Labor Relations Amendment Billis in part a response to the tremendousupsurge in union activity over the pastyear. Unions in South Africa now repre-sent roughly 40% of the economicallyactive workforce.

COSATU represents 800,000 mem-bers, induding 20,000 shop stewards, inevery basic sector. Although South Afri-can employers have taken a harder lineagainst the unions, and vigilante vio-lence against union activists has inten-sified, workers have been joiningCOSATU unions at the rate of 500 a day.

The COSATU Living Wage Cam-paign has especially fired workers'aspirations and fighting spirit . In 1987,

single, widowed or divorced to gethousing, because only men are treatedas household heads.

Addressing women's concerns, CO-SATU's Living Wage program specificallyfocuses on the demand for six-monthpaid maternity leave. Several unionshave already won major advances . TheCommercial Catering and Allied Work-ers Union of South Africa (CCAWUSA),with a large female membership, bar-gained the country's first full materni-ty agreement with the OK Bazaars retailchain in 1984, gaining 12 months' un-paid leave.

In 1985, CCAWUSA won a strongerparental leave agreement with MetroStores, which included 12 months' ma-ernty leave, seven months' paid leave atone-third salary, three days' paid pa-ternity leave, and time off for breastfeeding and pre- and post-natal care.The union is currently negotiatingparental rights policies with Pick'n Payand Checkers' stores.

In 1987, the Chemical Workers(CWIU) won a contract with Caltex Oilproviding six months ' maternity leave,with five months' paid leave, and one

the number of strikes increased five-foldover 1986 . While political strikes rose, in-dustrial actions rose even faster. A largerportion were multi-plant or industry-wide strikes, often in solidarity withother shops . And for every walkout,there were two slowdowns, overtimebans or work stoppages.

The South African government isalso responding to an economic crisismarked by high inflation and chronicunemployment . President P.W. Botharecently proposed economic austeritymeasures, which include freezingpublic employees' wages, cuttinggovernment jobs, deregulating in-dustry, and selling off state-ownedservices –from the energy company tothe post office to the highway system.

The attack on the unions, particu-larly the Labor Relations AmendmentBill, is an integral part of restoring pro-fitability to South African companies asthe noose around apartheid tightens.

COSATU fiercely opposes the laborrelations amendments, as does the

paid paternity day. Unions in the metalindustry won an industry-wide matern-ity leave policy.

Today, the demand for maternityleave and parental rights is a basic partof all COSATU wage negotiations.

COSATU also stresses the impor-tance of other Living Wage demands inpromoting equality, safety and a ,higherstandard of living for women workers:a 40-hour work week without loss ofpay, job security, an end to the hostelsystem and creation of decent housingnear to work, and the right to a decenteducation and on-the-job training.

smaller National Council of TradeUnions (NACTU) . Workplace protestsagainst the legislation have already oc-curred among the National Union ofMetalworkers (NUMSA), the ChemicalWorkers (CWIU), and the NationalUnion of Mineworkers (NUM).

COSATU is also reminding SouthAfrican employers that the amend-ments could well escalate industrialstrife and economic chaos . Already, anumber of employer associations haveexpressed uneasiness with the harshlegislation, which they fear will spur in-ternational divestment and sanctioncampaigns.

Labor in South Africa is preparedfor a long haul, even the prospect thatit may have to function without anysemblance of legal protection . Labor ac-tivists are well aware that the unions arenow the only democratic organizationsthat operate openly and that they carrythe future of the anti-apartheid strug-gle with them.

continued from front page

New Crackdown on South African Unions

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Apartheid's Other Country

Namibia is a country occupied by

South Africa in defiance of the United

Nations and international law. The oc-

cupation provides the South African re-

gime with both a military and an eco-

nomic backyard.

From Namibian bases, South Afri-

can troops mount regular incursions to

overthrow the the Angolan govern-

ment. Namibia also provides wealth

from mining, farming and ranching to

corporations in South Africa, Western

Europe and America . Uranium is the

country's most vital resource . Namibian

exports fuel the British nuclear power

program and, through British process-

ing, reach the U.S., Europe and the

Commonwealth.

South Africa's apartheid system has

been imposed on Namibia to supply

cheap, highly controlled labor. Two-

thirds of of the wage workforce are con-

tract laborers. Nearly half are migrant

workers, drawn from the northern res-

ervations where black people must live.

The largest reserve is Ovamboland,

where a major labor uprising occurred

in 1972.

Conditions for black workers remain

desperate . Today, Namibia has 30 per-

cent unemployment and 15 percent in-

flation . The average annual income for

a black family is $450, compared to $9,000

for whites . Africans, who are 84 percent

of the total population, receive just 22

percent of the Gross National Product.

Over 90 percent of Namibian blacks live

in abject poverty, the majority below

subsistence levels, according to Oxfam.

Migrant workers live in single-sex

hostels at the worksite, without their

families, under 30-month contracts . Trav-

el is controlled by pass laws. Employment

is contingent on having an identity docu-

ment, which also facilitates forced con-

scription into apartheid's colonial army,

the South West Africa Territory Force.

Unions Reborn

In the face of these conditions, and

military rule by South Africa, the

Namibian labor movement has been

reborn over the last four years . The Na-

tional Union of Namibian workers

(NUNW) was revived in 1984 and serves

as the country 's labor federation, head-

ed by Ben Uulenga. NUNW was found-

ed in 1977 by labor leaders in the South-

west Africa People's Organization

(SWAPO), which leads the political

strut: e for Namibian independence.

In 1984-85, workers' committees in

the mines began organizing, encour-

aged by the bold advances made by the

National Union of Mineworkers in South

Africa. The Mineworkers Union of Na-

mibia (MUN) was formed officially in

1986 and is the leading union . Since

then, three other NUNW affiliates have

formed: the Namibian Food and Allied

Workers Union (NAFAU), the Metal and

Allied Namibian Workers Union

(MANWU), and the Namibian Public

Workers Union (NAPWU).

Dismantling the migrant contract

labor system remains the central goal of

the labor struggle. Recent strikes focus

on wages, but also on the right to fami-

ly life and decent housing.

The NUNW is also committed to

the independence struggle . As Ben

Uulenga states: "It is impossible to

divide workers' problems from the co-

lonial oppression ." Uulenga, who also

heads the MUN, was held prisoner by

the South African government on Rob-

ben Island from 1977- 85 and was ar-

rested again during the Tsumeb copper

strike in July 1987.

On May Day 1987, the Namibian la-

bor movement mounted an impressive

general strike, as did their union

brothers and sisters in South Africa.

Since that time, NUNW has faced much

more severe repression, including the

dismissal of 5,000 miners following the

Tsumeb strike .

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A Brief History

1884 – colonized by Germany as South

West Africa.

1915 – annexed by South Africa during

World War I.

1920 – made a colonial mandate of

South Africa by the League of Nations.

1960 – South West Africa People's Or-

ganization formed.

1966 – UN withdraws colonial mandate

and occupation is declared illegal under

international law.

1974 – UN Council for Namibia Decree

1 bans removal of any resources or min-

erals before independence.

1978 – UN Security Council Resolution

435 sets forth plan for Namibian inde-

pendence; US, UK agree.

1988–South African occupation

continues.

International solidarity with the

NUNW and its affiliates will be crucial

to the survival of these unions in the

coming period, especially as the South

African labor movement faces new at-

tacks. Equally important will be inter-

national work to force South Africa out

of Namibia . A critical step will be to

reverse the Reagan policy of supporting

Namibia's occupation in order to fuel

civil war in Angola.

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U.S. SANCTIONS BILL GAINSThe Comprehensive Sanctions Bill

(HR 1580/ S 556 ) is gaining support inthe House and may reach the Senatethis June . The measure, also known asthe Dellums/Cranston bill, is the tough-est legislation yet proposed against apart-heid and closes many loopholes left bythe Anti-Apartheid Act of 1986 . If passed,the new sanctions would:• impose a total trade embargo on SouthAfrican goods.• require the complete withdrawal of US.companies doing business in SouthAfrica, induding a ban on subsidiaries,licensing agreements, and franchises.• exact stiff penalties on multi-nationalcorporations (induding Shell), as well asAmerican corporations, providing oil orpetroleum products to South Africa.• exact penalties on multi-national cor-porations that take advantage of disin-vestment by U.S. corporations to moveinto South African markets.• require that corporations must nego-tiate the terms of their withdrawal withtheir South African workforce and pro-vide 90 days' notice of their intention toleave .

and Botha camps . Efforts are underwayto remove these damaging amendments.

Overall, the Comprehensive Sanc-tions Bill represents a giant step forwardfor the anti-apartheid movement . Theprosect of its passage has inspired realpanic in South Africa . Between 150 and160 American corporations are still trad-ing in South Africa, with assets close to$1 billion.

The Weekly Mail in Johannesburgreports that the oil companies will quicklywithdraw from South Africa if sanc-tions are passed . Oil industry sourceswere quoted as saying, "the bill is the

death knell of oil capitalism in SouthAfrica ."Adrian Botha of the AmericanChamber of Commerce (South Africa)believes the worst news in the bill is theprovision to retaliate against companiestaking advantage of American com-panies' withdrawal . He is quoted as say-ing : "This means, in short, that Americacan turn around to Toyota and say, 'Yousell one more car and you can forgetabout our market!

"It's probably the most devastatingclause because we do not have a singletrading partner who would not be direct-ly affected . For all of them, America isdefinitely the biggest market ."Americans need to prove that weare not only the biggest market, but thestaunchest foes of apartheid . Passage ofthe Comprehensive Sanctions Bill willtake a grassroots effort.

I

The bill has received a strong en-dorsement from the AFL-CIO and meetsmany of the concerns about responsibledisinvestment raised by South Africanunions . Its passage seems likely in theHouse, but more difficult in the Senate.

In addition, there are several amend-ments that attempt to weaken the bill.One provision would exempt the exportof U.S. agricultural products. Anotherwould exempt wholly black-owned sub-idiaries in South Africa, creating thepotential for US. and South African busi-ness to manipulate these companies.

A third amendment would ban U.S.aid to any organization associated withthe African National Congress or SouthWest African People's Organization,which opens the door to smear cam-paigns and red-baiting by both Reagan

What You Can DoAs of late May, neither Senator

Moynihan nor Senator D'Amato of NewYork had endorsed the ComprehensiveSanctions Bill (S 556) . We urge unionmembers who live or work in New YorkState to immediately contact the officesof Moynihan and D'Amato to expressyour concern . Call or write:

Senator Patrick Moynihan 0Senator Alfonse D'Amato

U.S. SenateWashington, D .C. 20515

202-224-3121

New Jersey Senators Bradley andLautenberg have endorsed S 556. Formore information, contact the NY LaborCommittee Against Apartheid: KatePfordresher at 718-768-1756, MiriamThompson at 212-966-1920, or VickiWilliams at 212-242-0700.

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4

Co-chairs: Stanley Hill, Exec. Dir., D.C. 37, AFSCME ; Georgianna Johnson, Pres ., District 1199Steering Committee : Lou Albano, Pres., Local 325, D.C. 37, AFSCME ; Ed Allen, Assoc. Dir., Corporate Campaign, Inc. ; Beverly Gans, Dir., Region 9A, United Auto Workers;Jim Bell, Pres., NY Coalition of Black Trade Unionists; George Boncoraglio, Pres., CSEA Metro Region 2; Jim Butler, Pres., Local 420, D.C . 37, AFSCME ; Arthur Cheliotes, Pres., Local 1180,Communications Workers of America ; Charles Ensley, Pres., Local 371, D.C . 37, AFSCME ; Barry Feinstein, Pres., Local 237 , Intl Brotherhood of Teamsters ; Janet Friedman, Pres.,Committee of Interns and Residents ; Harry Foner, Pres., Furriers Council, United Food & Commercial Workers ; John Glasel, Pres ., Local 802, American Federation of Musicians;Bill Henning, Vice Pres., Local 1180, Communication Workers of America ; John Hudson, Manager, Headwear Joint Board, ACTWU ; Dan Kane, Pres., Local 111, Intl Brotherhood of Teamsters;Josephine LeBeau, Vice Pres., NYS Coalition of Labor Union Women ; Barry Liebowitz, Pres., Doctors Council ; William Lucy, Pres., Coalition of Black Trade Unionists;Josie McMillan, Pres., Metro Area Postal Workers Union, APWU ; Sam Meyers, Pres., United Auto Workers ; Henry Nichols, Pres ., Nat'l Union of Hospital & Health Care Employees;William Nuchow, Sec.-Treas., Local 840, Intl Brotherhood of Teamsters ; Jan Pierce, Vice Pres. for District 1, Communication Workers of America; Marion Porro, Pres., Local 1930, AFSCME;Bettye Roberts, Pres., District Council 1707, AFSCME ; Cleveland Robinson, Sec.-Treas ., District 65, United Auto Workers ; Edgar Romney, Manager, Local 23-25, Intl Ladies Garment Workers Union;Charles Sallee, Exec. Vice-Pres., ACTWU; Jack Sheinkman, Pte, ACTWU ; Cecil Toppin, Manager, Service & Allied Industries Joint Board, AGIWU; Ida Torres, Vice Pres., Local 3, Storeworkers Union, RSDWU

Vicki Williams, Labor CoordinatorKate Pfordresher, Staff Coordinator

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