pure.au.dkpure.au.dk/portal/files/54010430/bachelor_s_thesis.docx · web viewthrough implicit...

Bachelor’s Degree in Marketing and Management Communication Henriette JakobsenBachelor’s Thesis 6 May 2013 Student ID: 301399

NudgingAn Investigation of the Persuasive Appeal of the Marketing Strategy of Nudging toward an Audience of People from Contemporary Western

Societies

Author: Henriette Jakobsen

Student ID: 301399

Field: Persuasion

Supervisor: Sune Borkfelt

Number of characters: 54,468

of 47


Summary

In western societies, the advertising industry faces difficulties due to people’s increasingly sceptical

position toward it. Nudges, that are subtle hints encouraging people to make particular behavioural

decisions to the benefit of an individual person and society as such, have gotten significant attention

in recent academic literature that forecasts nudging to be an emergent successful persuasive strategy

toward an audience of people from current western societies. This paper examines the theoretical

justification for considering nudging a communication strategy that is particularly persuasive

toward the audience of people from current western societies. Nudging is primarily used within the

field of social marketing, but it is outside the scope of this paper to give special emphasis to

considerations of the differences between social marketing and commercial marketing, even if one

could assume that people have a tendency to perceive social marketing attempts in more positive

terms than commercial marketing attempts. The paper works from the following hypothesis:

“Established theory provides reasons to deem nudging a (social) marketing strategy that has

a particularly strong persuasive appeal to people in current western societies, who are generally

highly critical toward advertising attempts.”

The paper employs the philosophical position of social constructionism and, consequently,

works from the premise that people are products of their cultural time and context. For this reason,

contemporary western societies are investigated from the top level of general characteristics, over

discourses found in the societies, and down to the level of people’s attitudes and considerations

regarding behavioural decision-making. Nudging, as persuasive strategy, is discussed in the light of

theory on the learning society and additional notions regarding contemporary western societies in

order to investigate the overall relevance the strategy of nudging holds toward an audience of

people from contemporary western societies. It is found that people in contemporary western

of 47


societies strive for expressing reflectivity and individuality in the behavioural choices they make

and that nudging carries significant potential as persuasive strategy toward this audience due to this

strategy not threatening people’s experience of having freedom of choice to reject the message of a

persuasive attempt.

An analysis of a campaign element from the CLEAN love for CPH campaign launched in

Copenhagen in 2012, employing the strategy of nudging, is provided. The analysis applies the

analytical tools of Messaris’ (1997) framework for analysing visual persuasion and parts of Kress

and Van Leeuwen’s (2007) grammar of visual design. This analysis is discussed in the light of

theories on discourses, attitudes, and deviance regulation, and, thereby, the analysis serves to

provide an evaluation of the theoretical appeal of a concrete nudging-example toward its audience

of people from a current western society. It is outside the scope of this paper to empirically test the

degree to which people’s actual behaviour corresponds to the theoretical findings.

The paper concurs with the academic research contributions that deem nudging a promising

persuasive strategy toward an audience of people from contemporary western societies. It concludes

that the persuasive strategy of nudging theoretically eases the process of persuading a target

audience of people from current western societies due to the strategy not contrasting with

significant attitudes, discourses, and characteristics found in the societies.

(3,103 characters)

of 47


Table of Contents

1 Introduction.......................................................................................................................................6

1.1 Introduction.................................................................................................................................6

1.1.1 Nudging as a Social Marketing Strategy..............................................................................6

1.1.2 Weight given to the ‘Social’ Aspect of Social Marketing...................................................7

1.1.3 Hypothesis and Focus of This Paper....................................................................................8

1.1.4 Delimitations........................................................................................................................8

1.2 Social Constructionism as Scientific Approach.........................................................................9

1.2.1 Ontology, Epistemology, and Methodology........................................................................9

1.3 Theoretical Base.......................................................................................................................11

2 Theory.............................................................................................................................................13

2.1 The emergence of a Learning Society......................................................................................13

2.1.1 The Pervasiveness of Information in Contemporary Society............................................14

2.1.2 The Learning Society and Social Constructionism............................................................15

2.2 Discourses.................................................................................................................................15

2.2.1 Discourses and Social Constructionism.............................................................................16

2.3 Attitudes....................................................................................................................................16

2.3.1 Attitudes and Social Constructionism................................................................................18

2.4 Deviance Regulation Theory (DRT)........................................................................................18

2.4.1 Blanton and Christie’s Views on Norms and Reference Groups.......................................19

2.4.2 DRT in Specific Terms......................................................................................................19

2.4.3 DRT and Social Constructionism......................................................................................20

3 Discussion of Nudging in the light of the Learning Society...........................................................21

3.1 Discussion of Nudging as a (social) Marketing Strategy in the light of the Learning Society 21

4 Analysis...........................................................................................................................................23

4.1 CLEAN love for CPH...............................................................................................................23

4.2 Framework for Visual Analysis................................................................................................23

4.2.1 Messaris’ Framework for Analysing Visual Persuasion....................................................24

4.2.2 Kress and Van Leeuwen’s Grammar of Visual Design.....................................................24

4.2.3 The Analytical tools and Social Constructionism..............................................................25

4.3 Analysis of the CLEAN love for CPH Litter Bin and Footprints.............................................25

of 47


4.3.1 Iconicity.............................................................................................................................25

4.3.1.1 Iconicity Applied to the CLEAN love for CPH Composition.....................................26

4.3.2 Indexicality.........................................................................................................................28

4.3.2.1 Indexicality Applied to the CLEAN love for CPH Composition................................28

4.3.3 Syntactic Indeterminacy.....................................................................................................30

4.3.3.1 Syntactic Indeterminacy Applied to the CLEAN love for CPH Composition............31

4.4 Interpretation.............................................................................................................................33

4.4.1 Relating the Findings to Nudging as a Social Marketing Strategy....................................35

5 Discussions, Conclusions, and Further Research............................................................................36

5.1 Discussions...............................................................................................................................36

5.1.1 Discussion of the Analytical Findings in the light of Discourse........................................36

5.1.2 Discussion of the Analytical Findings in the light of Attitudes.........................................37

5.1.3 Discussion of the Analytical Findings in the light of DRT................................................38

5.2 Conclusions...............................................................................................................................39

5.3 Implications of Employing Social Constructionism as Scientific Approach...........................40

5.4 Further Research.......................................................................................................................40

Reference List.....................................................................................................................................42

Appendices.........................................................................................................................................45

of 47


1 Introduction

1.1 Introduction

In western societies, the advertising industry has come to a point in time, when it faces difficulties.

Obermiller et al. (2005) state that “advertising claims […] are frequently not accepted” when people

spend cognitive energy processing them (7). More often than not, however, people lack motivation

to process messages put forward by advertisements due to significant distrust in the entire

advertising industry (Obermiller et al. 2005: 7; Soh et al. 2007: 468). This distrust is defined as a

“negatively valenced attitude” (Mangleburg and Bristol 1998: 11), and its spread has led researchers

to label a significant group of people directly ‘sceptical’ toward advertising (Mangleburg and

Bristol 1998: 11). Of especial inconvenience for the advertising industry, the cynicism toward

advertising is steadily escalating (Gass and Seiter 2011: 306).

Obermiller and Spangenberg (2000) argue that scepticism toward advertising is “a

generalizable belief about the way the marketplace operates” (311) and that “the effects of

advertising can [therefore] best be understood if we assume that consumers do not trust ad claims

unless they have specific reasons to trust them” (Obermiller and Spangenberg 2000: 311). The

reason why scepticism toward advertising is so widespread appears to originate in people being

socialised to take upon them this sceptical position (Obermiller et al. 2005: 7).

1.1.1 Nudging as a Social Marketing Strategy

Nudges, in social marketing terms, are subtle hints that encourage people to make behavioural

decisions that are morally better for themselves and society than any obvious alternatives (John et

al. 2011: 9). These hints are conceptualised as “any aspect of the choice architecture that alters

people’s behaviour in a predictable way without forbidding any options or significantly changing

their economic incentives” (Thaler and Sunstein, quoted in Hausman and Welch 2010: 125).

of 47


Using the remarkable expression ‘libertarian paternalism,’ Hausman and Welch (2010) proclaim

that nudges persuade through use of a technique that, dually, appears to give people a high level of

freedom of choice to make independent decisions and, at the same time, is highly directive (123).

Nudges are forecasted to be an emergent social marketing strategy (John et al. 2011: 10) and

are said to, already at this point, have a profound impact on contemporary policy debates in western

societies (Hausman and Welch 2010: 123).

1.1.2 Weight given to the ‘Social’ Aspect of Social Marketing

The researchers referred to in this introductory chapter deal with advertising under its generic term.

It is deduced that these researchers primarily refer to commercial advertising, i.e. advertising

“related to business and the buying and selling of goods and services” (Longman Dictionary of

Contemporary English) rather than social marketing advertising which seeks to “influence

behaviours” and “deliver a positive benefit for society” (Lee and Kotler 2011: 7). As accounted for

in section 1.1.1 of this paper, nudges seek to encourage certain behaviours from which society and

individuals will benefit, rather than sell products. For this reason, nudging must be considered to be

of superior relevance to social marketing compared to commercial marketing. Little research has

looked into potential differences in people’s attitudes toward social marketing and commercial

marketing, respectively. This deficiency in the academic field obliges this paper to make an

assumption regarding people’s expected attitudes toward social marketing efforts. Consequently,

this paper works from the premise that the difficulties commercial marketers face due to people’s

scepticism toward advertising as such have implications comparable to those which social

marketers face.

of 47


1.1.3 Hypothesis and Focus of This Paper

This paper investigates the phenomenon of nudging as a (social) marketing strategy in order to

determine its persuasive appeal to people in current western societies (from section 1.1.4 onwards

referred to as westerners). An in-depth visual analysis of an item from the Danish campaign CLEAN

love for CPH launched in 2012 provides an illustration of a current real-world nudging example.

The paper works from the following hypothesis:

“Established theory provides reasons to deem nudging a (social) marketing strategy that has

a particularly strong persuasive appeal to people in current western societies, who are generally

highly critical toward advertising attempts.”

1.1.4 Delimitations

This paper contributes to the research field related to nudging as a (social) marketing strategy by

investigating its appeal to westerners in theoretical terms. In the light of characteristics of

contemporary western societies leading to certain discourses, attitudes, and behavioural decisions,

the paper seeks to predict the extent to which nudging will facilitate particular behavioural decisions

by westerners, and discuss the advantages of employing the persuasive strategy of nudging when

seeking to persuade an audience of westerners. It is outside the scope of the paper to empirically test

the degree to which people behave in accordance with the theoretical predictions put forward here.

Therefore, the findings remain predictions substantiated by the theoretical base of the paper, and no

attempt is made here to evaluate the degree to which reality and theory actually correspond.

Additionally, as already touched upon, the ‘social’ aspect of social marketing as being in

opposition to commercial marketing is not given special emphasis by the investigation in this paper.

One could assume that a public authority as the typical sender of a social marketing campaign

merits less scepticism than a for-profit organisation as the typical sender of a commercial marketing

of 47


campaign. Furthermore, the fact that social marketing aims at changing behaviours rather than at

selling products, as commercial marketing does, might also impact people’s perceptions of the

respective persuasive attempts of social marketing versus commercial marketing.

The potential finding that nudging has a broader appeal to westerners compared to traditional

marketing strategies is significant in itself. Provided that there are actually other factors that enrich

the appeal of nudging, nudging as a marketing strategy will have an even increased potential for

success in contemporary western societies.

1.2 Social Constructionism as Scientific Approach

Social constructionism provides the scientific frame of this paper. This scientific approach relies on

postmodern thinking in rejecting an ultimate truth (Burr 2003: 11). Rather than originating in truth,

knowledge is constructed into socio-cultural meanings through social interaction (Augoustinos and

Walker 1995: 265; Burr 2003: 4). The philosophical position of social constructionism can be

divided into a number of different branches and subcategories (Burr 2003: 1; Järvensivu and

Törnroos 2010: 101). In spite of the likelihood that this paper draws on notions from several of

these subcategories, the scientific approach of this paper will consistently be referred to using the

generic term social constructionism.

1.2.1 Ontology, Epistemology, and Methodology

Any philosophical position operates on the three levels of ontology, epistemology, and

methodology (Annells 1996: 383). Ontology, i.e. “a subject of study in philosophy that is concerned

with the nature of existence” (Longman Dictionary of Contemporary English), provides the

of 47


underlying assumptions from which the epistemology, i.e. the relationship between the knower or

would-be knower and knowledge (Annells 1996: 384), operates, and, methodology, i.e. “a set of

methods and principles used to perform a particular activity” (Oxford Advanced Learners

Dictionary), is again restricted by the epistemology (Annells 1996: 384).

At the ontological level, social constructionism puts forward that people and

conceptualisations of objects are products of their historical time and cultural context (Burr 2003:

7). A single individual thinks and acts in a manner restricted by the categories and concepts that

have been settled upon among groups of people, i.e. externally to any single individual (Burr 2003:

8). Objective facts do not exist and hence what people regard as truth is knowledge that is generally

accepted throughout a certain context (Burr 2003: 4-5) and necessarily restricted by social

convention (Nightingale and Cromby 2002: 705). In terms of epistemology, social constructionism

challenges researchers to view the world through critical lenses, rejecting taken-for-granted

perceptions of any piece of information (Burr 2003: 2). The knowledge a researcher can discover is

biased knowledge that provides him or her with an understanding of the perceptions of the world

that are shared by groups of people. Such perceptions manifest themselves in use of language (Burr

2003: 4), and symbols and behaviour (Augoustinos and Walker 1995: 277). Language does not have

the potential to reflect reality to perfection, and hence both linguistic research material and the

findings linguistically articulated by a researcher are restricted by the aforementioned social

conventions (Nightingale and Cromby 2002: 705). In terms of methodology, the ontology and

epistemology of social constructionism allows an investigation of the field of this paper, i.e. the

appeal of nudging as a (social) marketing strategy in a current western society, in the light of

discourses, attitudes, and behavioural decision-making patterns found to be prominent in

contemporary western societies. This is because such an investigation sheds light on a number of

significant social conventions of current western societies and their implications for people’s

of 47


behaviour. These insights will again provide the basis for qualified predictions of the effects

nudging appeals will likely have on people.

1.3 Theoretical Base

Substantiated by the social constructionist thought, social constructions shape cultures and people.

For this reason, an investigation of a number of characteristics of current western societies provides

the starting point for setting up certain dimensions against which to hold the concept of nudging as

a (social) marketing strategy in order to examine its persuasive appeal to western people. This leads

to a general discussion of the degree to which the marketing concept of nudging holds relevance in

a current western culture. This discussion is logically placed prior to an analysis of a specific

example of a campaign constituent employing the strategy of nudging.

The campaign constituent under analysis is a composition from the Danish campaign CLEAN

love for CPH (own translation from Danish) launched in 2012. The composition holds relevance for

the investigation of this paper by employing nudging as persuasive strategy and being placed in

Denmark which constitutes a western society. As the example under investigation is mainly visual

in its form, the analysis is applied the analytical tools of Messaris’ (1997) framework for analysing

visual persuasion, and Kress and Van Leeuwen’s (2007) grammar of visual design. These analytical

tools serve as the foundation for an exploration of how the constituent under analysis is understood

throughout a current western culture such as the Danish society.

The findings from the analysis are discussed in the light of theory on discourses, attitudes,

and, furthermore, deviance regulation. Discourses are social constructions in the form of systems of

statements that regulate the manner in which certain objects are referred to, originating in the

overall level of characteristics of a culture. The concept of attitudes goes one level deeper, making

of 47


up the belief system of an individual person and potentially serving as guidelines for a person’s

behaviour. Attitudes are expected to draw a link to discourses which again are expected to draw a

link to the general characteristics of a culture. Since attitudes have been shown not to be precise

predictors of behaviour under all circumstances, deviance regulation theory is employed by this

paper as a means of substantiating a prediction of whether the campaign element under analysis has

the potential to shape people’s behaviour, or not.

of 47


2 Theory

2.1 The emergence of a Learning Society

This section outlines the notions of individualism, knowledge, and truth in contemporary western

cultures. Relying on argumentation provided by Augoustinos and Walker (1995), and Haugsbakk

(2009), it is found appropriate to consider western societies comparable on these three dimensions

(Augoustinos and Walker 1995: 263, 297-99; Haugsbakk 2009: 91-93).

Individualism plays a substantial role in contemporary western cultures. Western cultures are

considered capitalist democracies oriented toward the value orientation of liberalism (Augoustinos

and Walker 1995: 297). This has given people from these cultures a fundamental conception of

themselves as being “separate, isolable and self-sufficient beings” (Hall, 1986, quoted in

Augoustinos and Walker 1995: 299).

The present understanding of knowledge and truth are two additional important aspects in

defining contemporary western cultures. These cultures have, for the last half century and up to

present time, been characterised as ‘post-industrial’ (Barker 2012: 150), ’postmodern’ (Augoustinos

and Walker 1995: 263), and ‘information’ societies (Haugsbakk 2009: 90). When it comes to the

concepts of knowledge and truth, these three characterisations must be considered highly related.

The post-industrial notion rejects the industrial notion that ‘teaching’ is in opposition to ‘learning,’

and that teaching is “characterised by transfer of knowledge” from teachers as active releasers of

information to students as passive recipients (Haugsbakk 2009: 90). Post-industrial thinking puts

forward that a receiver must necessarily play an active role in the teaching process in order to learn

(Haugsbakk 2009: 95). Postmodern thinking goes even further in criticising the idea of a linear

transfer of knowledge. According to the postmodern thought, it makes no sense for a receiver to

absorb information uncritically, since no such thing as an objective truth exists (Augoustinos and

of 47


Walker 1995: 263). Thus, all information is biased, and constitutes reflections of ideological view-

points rather than facts.

2.1.1 The Pervasiveness of Information in Contemporary Society

The introduction of the internet has made information flow in an easily accessible manner, creating

basis for the term information society (Haugsbakk 2009: 90). Education has been important in

western societies for centuries and has traditionally been considered a means of “enabling people to

unbind their destiny from their conditions of origin and managing information beyond the

established patterns of interpretation” (Terrén 2002: 161). People are, to an ever increasing extent,

being educated to become reflective and critical. Due to the emergence of the post-modern society,

people have turned down the industrial conceptualisations of teaching and learning (Haugsbakk

2009: 100), and ‘flexibility’ and ‘freedom’ have become buzzwords among the public (Haugsbakk

2009: 98).

From these aforementioned concepts aiming at capturing the essence of current western

societies, the learning society has emerged as one of the most recent concepts. In the learning

society, people must necessarily be educated to ‘learn’ in order to navigate through the

hypercomplexity of society in which biased information is floating multi-directionally (Haugsbakk

2009: 91). The complex structures of learning societies assign great significance to the

individualism of its citizens (Haugsbakk 2009: 94). Education is considered a commodity that a

teaching person or institution offers and an individual learner consumes (Haugsbakk 2009: 94). This

implies that an individual person consumes some ideological positions based on active choices, and

rejects other ideologies. An objective truth is therefore generally perceived to be nonexistent in the

learning society.

of 47


2.1.2 The Learning Society and Social Constructionism

There are infinite numbers of social conventions and meanings agreed upon in any context. As a

consumer and producer of knowledge, this paper thus actively adopts a particular viewpoint in the

above investigation of contemporary society. The investigation is therefore by no means exhaustive

and is in itself a reflection of ideology.

The notions on individualism, knowledge and truth are expected to impact people’s positions

toward persuasive attempts. From the importance of these three notions in contemporary western

societies, it must be concluded that people are educated to view persuasive attempts through critical

lenses, and that people therefore strive for expressing reflectivity and individuality in the manner in

which they navigate through life. This necessarily implies that people do not blindly accept

persuasive messages.

2.2 Discourses

In academic literature, there exists quite an amount of quarrel over how to define a discourse

(Augoustinos and Walker 1995: 265), and research on discourses has traditionally been limited to

the view that discourses are expressed only in language and verbal text (Augoustinos and Walker

1995: 266; Barker 2012: 91; Kress and Van Leeuwen 2007: 14).

Rather than adapting to a particular definition, this paper works from an understanding of the

concept of discourse that comes into existence through considerations of a number of

supplementary approaches to the field. A discourse is understood as “a system of statements which

constructs an object” (Parker 1990, quoted in Augoustinos and Walker 1995: 277). This system of

statements reflects “particular values, subjects, and activities” (Stillar 1998: 12), and thereby, the

system regulates the potential choices people have at hand for speaking about the object to which

the discourse refers (Barker 2012: 11). In Parker’s (1990) view, discourses exist within a society in

of 47


the form of meanings agreed upon to such an extent that any text, be it verbal or non-verbal, can

draw upon the system of statements in order to express a certain ideological position (Augoustinos

and Walker 1995: 278). In line with this and others’ views (e.g. Kress and Van Leeuwen 2007: 19;

Stillar 1998: 11), this paper does not restrict its understanding of discourse to be present only in

language and verbal text, but extends this understanding in proclaiming that visual ‘texts’ draw on

discourses in order to express ideological positions along the same lines as verbal texts do.

2.2.1 Discourses and Social Constructionism

In the reviewed literature, there exists wide agreement that discourses should be understood as

socially constructed constituents (Augoustinos and Walker 1995: 277; Barker 2012: 242; Stillar

1998: 6). Discourses judge certain values to be ‘better’ than others (Barker 2012: 242), and in this

manner “construct the way we see ourselves and the world” (Augoustinos and Walker 1995: 277).

Therefore, they must be deemed ‘truths widely agreed upon’ that restrict people’s cognitive and

behavioural patterns.

2.3 Attitudes

This paper adapts to Albarracín et al.’s (2008) definition of attitudes due to it providing a

significant theoretical base for one of the most recent books on attitudes. An attitude is the summed

body of a person’s evaluation of an attitude object, i.e. “a concrete target, a behaviour, an abstract

entity, a person, or an event” (Albarracín et al. 2008: 19). In the same book, Olson and Kendrick

(2008) elaborate that the evaluation of an attitude object covers feelings that can be scaled from

positive to negative and, furthermore, beliefs, and behavioural information (111). Olson and

Kendrick do not explicitly declare how they conceptualise beliefs and behavioural information, but

of 47


it must be assumed that beliefs are the morals of an individual person, and that behavioural

information relates to the person’s familiarity with knowledge regarding how to carry out behaviour

that corresponds to his or her beliefs and feelings.

Attitudes adapt to the world in an efficient and flexible manner (Olson and Kendrick 2008:

111). In research literature, attitudes are referred to as ‘mental shortcuts’ guiding people’s

behaviour (Gass and Seiter 2011: 41), and ‘precomputed evaluations’ helping people navigate their

way through a complex world (Olson and Kendrick 2008: 111). People form and change attitudes

based on experiences they have, and in this way attitudes allow an individual person to construct

perceptions of the world that make sense to him or her (Erwin 2001: 2).

Attitudes were initially considered to be unequivocal predictors of, and explanations for,

people’s behaviour (Augoustinos and Walker 1995: 19; Olson and Kendrick 2008: 111). However,

researchers have had noteworthy difficulties in demonstrating a direct link between people’s

attitudes and their behaviour (Augoustinos and Walker 1995: 21; Erwin 2001: 7).

A number of circumstances are argued to increase the likelihood that people’s behaviour

corresponds to their attitudes. Following the line of argumentation that educating people to become

reflective and critical affects people’s attitudes toward persuasive attempts (cf. section 2.1.2), two

such circumstances are considered important for later argumentation of this paper (cf. section

5.1.2). “Attitudes that are central to the belief system” and attitudes that are “accessible or can be

activated” (Gass and Seiter 2011: 45) create a stronger link to behaviour than attitudes that are not

central to one’s belief system or cannot be activated.

of 47


2.3.1 Attitudes and Social Constructionism

From a social constructionist perspective, the attitudes of an individual person originate in the

socio-cultural meanings settled upon throughout his or her cultural and historical context. This

argumentation is in line with the thoughts put forward by a number of researchers (Augoustinos and

Walker 1995: 30; Schultz et al. 2008: 385; Smith and Hogg 2008: 337). Smith and Hogg (2008)

state that attitudes are “socially learned, socially changed, and socially expressed” (339). People

develop their personal attitudes from inferences of other people’s attitudes (Schultz et al. 2008:

385). Obviously, some attitudes in themselves become meaning constituents widely agreed upon

throughout society. Such attitudes “provide cultural meaning and substance to [the] everyday life”

(Augoustinos and Walker 1995: 30) of people. Adapting to Olson and Kendrick’s (2008)

terminology, such attitudes are formed implicitly, i.e. without the individual person being

consciously aware of these attitudes developing in him- or herself (121). Furthermore, implicitly

formed attitudes serve as significant guidelines for people’s behaviour without people being

consciously aware of their impact (Olson and Kendrick 2008: 121).

2.4 Deviance Regulation Theory (DRT)

The Deviance Regulation Theory (DRT), put forward by Blanton and colleagues (Blanton et al.

2001; Blanton and Cristie 2003), proposes that people make behaviour-related decisions in a

manner that allows them to maintain a positive view of their personal self (Blanton and Christie

2003: 138). As a result, whether people perform an action that is normative or one that deviates

from the norm is highly dependent on which action will bring about an image of the self that is most

socially desirable (Blanton and Christie 2003: 119). Even termed socially desirable and being

expected to take its starting point in social norms, the self-image is driven by a symbolic, or private,

evaluation of the self to an extent just as significant as any expected evaluation of the self

of 47


conducted by meaningful public groups (Blanton and Christie 2003: 115). This is because expected

evaluations by public groups that are meaningful to the individual person become internalized for

this person and hence serve as ‘self-evaluative standards’ (Blanton and Christie 2003: 125). This

entails that people from meaningful public groups do not need to be physically present at the point

of decision-making in order for their norms and expected evaluations to guide the behaviour of an

individual person (Blanton and Christie 2003: 125).

2.4.1 Blanton and Christie’s Views on Norms and Reference Groups

According to Blanton and Christie’s (2003) frame of reference, the normative behaviour of a given

situation is made up by the behavioural choice that constitutes the “typical response of the typical

member of the group who encounters a similar situation” (124). A meaningful public group, or

reference group, is a group, tangible to a greater or lesser extent, which an individual strives for

being included in rather than excluded from (Blanton and Christie 2003: 124). Through implicit

normative prescriptions, such a group clarifies the behavioural choices expected of its members

(Blanton and Christie 2003: 124-25). Blanton and Christie (2003) suggest that civil society is a

significant reference group for most individuals (124).

2.4.2 DRT in Specific Terms

According to the DRT, the fundamental nature of behaving in a manner either similar to or different

from others does not connote any inherent value-laden information (Blanton and Christie 2003:

138). However, behaviour characterised by difference, as understood in terms of deviance from a

norm, is considered to convey information about a person whereas behaviour characterised by

similarity, i.e. conformity to a norm, is considered not to convey any noteworthy information

(Blanton and Christie 2003: 138). The reason why deviance from the norm carries informative

of 47


value is that people in general “view their uncommon attributes as more defining of the self than

their common attributes” (Blanton and Christie 2003: 115), and because deviant behaviour has an

element of surprise to it (Blanton and Christie 2003: 124). In opposition, conformity to the norm is

inherently expected of a person (Blanton and Christie 2003: 124). Therefore, when deciding on

carrying out a certain behavioural act, the DRT argues that people spend cognitive energy on

considering the social desirability of the deviant alternative rather than the desirability of the

normative alternative (Blanton et al. 2001: 849). Thus, in cases where deviant behaviour will

enhance a person’s self-image, this person will likely deviate from the norm, and in cases where

deviant behaviour will damage a person’s self-image, this person will likely conform to the norm

(Blanton et al. 2001: 849). This implies that when people conform to the norm by carrying out

certain behaviour, this choice roots in “a desire to avoid a negative identity” rather than “a desire to

seek a positive identity” (Blanton and Christie 2003: 124-25).

2.4.3 DRT and Social Constructionism

Due to considering civil society a significant reference group for most individuals, Blanton and

Christie (2003) imply the argumentation that people to a wide extent are products of their cultural

time and context. Thereby, the researchers adapt to the social constructionist frame of reference,

even when not being explicit about their scientific approach in their academic report. From this

finding, it must be inferred that the DRT substantiates considering discourses and characteristics of

contemporary western societies to perform noteworthy impact on an individual’s behavioural

choices. In this manner, the DRT facilitates an extension of the preceding argumentation of this

paper.

of 47


3 Discussion of Nudging in the light of the Learning Society

3.1 Discussion of Nudging as a (social) Marketing Strategy in the light of the Learning Society

Because westerners, such as the Danish people, place high value on individualism and the

individual’s freedom of choice to make more or less boundless decisions of any kind, those people

are assumed to potentially reject some persuasive attempts on the sole basis that they are deemed

manipulative. People are socialised to strive for making openly reflective and educated choices in

life, and it is, oppositely, probably frowned upon when a person appears to accept a persuasive

message in uncritical terms. Due to this socialisation, freedom has become a buzzword, and people

are, under various circumstances, found to react defensively when their personal freedom of choice

is considered to be limited in one way or the other (Gass and Seiter 2011: 63, 170). This finding

might provide the reason why people seemingly, to an ever increasing extent, lose faith in

advertising (cf. section 1.1).

Superficially considered, it appears to be a significant curse for any marketer that people are

generally critical when it comes to perceiving persuasive messages, because the success of a

campaign obviously relies on its audience accepting its message (Windahl et al. 2009: 173). When

going below this surface level, the finding must, however, be considered to also carry significant

opportunities for marketers. This is because any insights into an audience helps a marketer choose a

suitable persuasive strategy, because deliberately successful persuasion relies on adapting one’s

communication to one’s audience’s frame of reference (Benoit and Benoit 2008: 59; Gass and

Seiter 2011: 59).

Being rooted in the idea that persuasion can be carried out without the freedom of choice of

the individual being overtly threatened, nudging theoretically has a superior appeal to people in

of 47


learning societies compared to persuasive attempts that express themselves in a manner that

symbolically restrict the potential options for responses from receivers in a more overt manner.

of 47


4 Analysis

4.1 CLEAN love for CPH

CLEAN love for CPH is a social marketing campaign launched in the City of Copenhagen on April

11th 2012 for the purpose of getting people to litter less in the streets (Dansk Kommunikations

Forening 2012). The slogan plays on the two different meanings the Danish word “ren” (clean) has

the potential to express. Besides meaning clean as being an antonym to dirty, it is also used in the

expression “ren kærlighed” which means absolute love. CPH is the English abbreviation for

Copenhagen equivalent to the Danish “KBH”. The campaign, that still runs, is composed of various

campaign elements such as posters, pocket ashtrays, flyers, and various merchandise (see appendix

1).

4.2 Framework for Visual Analysis

Taken as a visual composition in its social environment, the following element from the campaign

is investigated through a visual analysis: A litter bin covered in green foil, and green footprints in

the street (see appendix 2). The litter bin is imprinted the slogan ‘CLEAN Love for CPH’ and the

logo of ‘City of Copenhagen.’ The slogan allows the viewer to acknowledge the visual composition

as part of the CLEAN love for Copenhagen campaign, and the logo underlines that City of

Copenhagen is the main sender of the campaign. In terms of this visual analysis, the slogan and

logo will, however, not be considered constituents carrying particular meaning due to their lack of

importance in terms of the persuasive strategy of nudging and due to their relative low salience in

the setup. That the campaign element relies on nudging as its persuasive strategy is substantiated in

section 4.4.1.

of 47


4.2.1 Messaris’ Framework for Analysing Visual Persuasion

The analysis adopts Messaris’ (1997) framework for analysing visual persuasion, considering

iconicity, indexicality and syntactic indeterminacy the three basic means through which an image

has the potential to impact the process of persuading an audience (Messaris 1997: xiii). As reflected

in the examples Messaris (1997) introduces in his book, the framework was developed to analyse

two-dimensional visuals. Evidently, the composition under investigation does not constitute a visual

in terms of a two-dimensional picture. Rather, it is a three-dimensional composition drawing on

visual elements but existing in a more or less ‘natural’ environment. Even though, as becomes

obvious in the following analysis, the use of a three-dimensional visual media has the potential to

engage the viewer to a larger extent compared to a two-dimensional media, the three modes

presented by Messaris (1997) are, for the purpose of this analysis, considered to reflect themselves

in a more or less similar manner in three-dimensional visuals. Hence, Messaris’ (1997) framework

is deemed applicable to the composition under investigation. Throughout the analysis, the manner

in which the three-dimensionality of the composition under investigation carries meaning that a

two-dimensional equivalent would not have the potential to is additionally taken into account.

4.2.2 Kress and Van Leeuwen’s Grammar of Visual Design

The analysis structured by Messaris’ (1997) framework is extended by use of elements from Kress

and Van Leeuwen’s (2007) grammar of visual design due to the capability of these concepts to

elaborate on the processes through which a receiver cognitively perceives visual messages. Kress

and Van Leeuwen (2007) explicitly reveal the potential of parts of their theory to hold relevance for

three-dimensional depictions such as e.g. sculptures (239). The entire framework suggested by

Kress and Van Leeuwen (2007) will not be considered, since Messaris’ (1997) three basic concepts

are considered superior in terms of explicitly relating the visual analysis to the field of persuasion.

of 47


Kress and Van Leeuwen’s (2007) concepts of narrative processes, modality markers, and,

furthermore, symbolic relations between viewers and represented participants are applied.

4.2.3 The Analytical tools and Social Constructionism

Messaris (1997) argues that visual communication has inherent qualities that distinguish it from

verbal communication (vii-viii). The researcher does not, however, explicitly announce whether

these qualities should be universally understood, or understood in accordance with a certain cultural

context. Kress and Van Leeuwen (2007), on the other hand, rather explicitly adapt to the social

constructionist school of scientific thinking in maintaining that visual ‘language’, along the same

lines as verbal language, is constructed and exchanged culturally and socially (3-4).

4.3 Analysis of the CLEAN love for CPH Litter Bin and Footprints

4.3.1 Iconicity

The concept of iconic properties of a visual depiction is the first of two factors that Messaris (1997)

considers to distinguish an image most profoundly from language (x). As iconic signs, visual

elements express an analogy to the reality to which they refer (Messaris 1997: viii). ’Reality’ can in

this sense both be made up of physical objects, and abstract concepts such as ”real-world visual

experiences” (Messaris 1997: xv). When drawing analogies to abstract concepts, visuals are said to

depict the concepts in terms of metaphors (Messaris 1997: 10). There is a significant tendency for

viewers to ascribe less conscious awareness to the abstract concepts to which visual depictions draw

analogies, than to the physical objects to which visuals play a similar function (Messaris 1997: xv).

Therefore, when drawing analogies to abstract concepts, visuals can be subtle in their expressions

of 47


and thereby influence people at low conscious awareness of being subjects of persuasion (Messaris

1997: xv).

The means, by which iconic properties of images have the potential to persuade an audience,

is by evoking emotional responses in viewers by “drawing upon the rich variety of visual stimuli

and associated emotions to which we are already attuned through our interactions with our social

and natural environments” (Messaris 1997: 34).

4.3.1.1 Iconicity Applied to the CLEAN love for CPH Composition

The composition under investigation is understood in terms of the abstract concept of ‘leaving

rubbish in the litter bin.’ The green shapes on the ground are understood as ‘footprints.’ They have

the characteristic shapes of left and right footprints, and they have the size of the footprints from an

adult person. All six footprints are acknowledged as originating from a single pair of feet due to the

distance among them being realistic relative to the distance a walking person leaves in between

footsteps. The litter bin, which is in fact a litter bin, is, in terms of the visual composition,

understood as a ‘litter bin.’ Due to being placed in its natural environment, the litter bin could easily

have been placed in the spot making up the setting of the campaign element prior to the campaign

being launched. Nevertheless, the litter bin does constitute a visual element in the setup constructed

by the campaign. The litter bin is acknowledged as a visual element making up part of the campaign

depiction due to the parallel drawn between the footprints and the litter bin in the form of the

identical green colour. By simultaneously being and representing a litter bin, this element makes up

a fusion of the reality represented by the staged composition and the reality which is external to the

staged composition. The reason why the composition is understood in terms of the concept of

leaving rubbish in the litter bin, albeit the absence of any rubbish, is that the footprints, by being

of 47


placed in front of one another in a direction pointing toward the litter bin, signify the process of

walking toward the litter bin, and, intuitively, one would presume that the only obvious reason for

walking toward a litter bin would be lo leave rubbish in it.

In elaborating on the iconic function of the depiction Kress and Van Leeuwen’s (2007)

concept of visual narrative processes (59-72) is applied. When a ‘vector,’ i.e. a “depicted element

that forms an oblique line” (Kress and Van Leeuwen 2007: 59) connects the ‘represented

participants’, i.e. elements in the composition (Kress and Van Leeuwen 2007: 47), the depiction is

understood in terms of a ‘narrative structure’ (Kress and Van Leeuwen 2007: 59). The represented

participant from whom or which the vector(s) emanate is the ‘actor’ (Kress and Van Leeuwen 2007:

59), and the represented participant toward which the vectors are pointing is the ‘goal’ (Kress and

Van Leeuwen 2007: 64). If the actor is not visually present in the depiction, the narrative structure

documents an ‘event’ (Kress and Van Leeuwen 2007: 64).

A narrative structure documenting an event is found in the composition under investigation.

The actor is the person who constitutes the represented participant who, when for a brief moment

accepting the composition as a truthful depiction, left the footprints. This represented participant is,

however, left anonymous due to his or her absence in the composition. The vectors are the

footprints. Because they are depicted with the front part of the footprints pointing toward the litter

bin, the litter bin constitutes the goal.

When understanding the composition in terms of this narrative structure, the verbal equivalent

goes: “One leaves rubbish in the litter bin.” The actor is in the verbal narrative termed ‘one’ based

on him or her being left anonymous by the composition.

of 47


4.3.2 Indexicality

Indexical features constitute the second factor that distinguishes a visual profoundly from language

(Messaris 1997: x). The indexical components of an image constitute the link to an event that has

taken place, by functioning as photographic proof of the playing out of the event (Messaris 1997:

vii, 129). In cases indexical components are not present in an image, a depiction will therefore

theoretically be assigned a persuasive task that makes up an alternative to proving the playing out of

a particular event (Messaris 1997: 130-31, 132, 135).

4.3.2.1 Indexicality Applied to the CLEAN love for CPH Composition

Since the item under analysis is a three-dimensional composition and not a photograph, the concept

of indexicality does not apply properly. The presence of the composition in the street is real and

hence completely indexical. The elements within the composition do not, however, necessarily

constitute indexical components linking to the playing out of an actual event. The concept of

indexicality is therefore modified in order for it to carry relevance to this analysis. Indexicality, in

terms of this analysis, is thus considered to refer to ‘truth value’ following Kress and Van

Leeuwen’s (2007) articulations of modality markers (154-74).

Considering the truth value of a piece of information is the means of recognising the modality

of the item (Kress and Van Leeuwen 2007: 155). Naturalism, under which truth value is described

in terms of “correspondence […] between the visual representation of an object and what we

normally see of that object with the naked eye” (Kress and Van Leeuwen 2007: 158), is considered

the point of orientation to which people intuitively turn in order to judge the modality of a visual

depiction (Kress and Van Leeuwen 2007: 163). Kress and Van Leeuwen’s (2007) investigation of

modality markers suggests eight different factors that determine the modality of a visual depiction

of 47


(160-62). Accounting for all eight is considered too comprehensive in terms of indicating the truth

value of the composition under investigation, and thus the three concepts of colour differentiation,

representation, and illumination are accounted for as these play determining roles in terms of the

modality of the particular setup under investigation.

Colour differentiation refers to “a scale running from a maximally diversified range of colours

to monochrome” (Kress and Van Leeuwen 2007: 160); representation to “a scale running from

maximum abstraction to maximum representation of pictorial detail” (Kress and Van Leeuwen

2007: 161); and illumination to “a scale running from the fullest representation of the play of light

and shade to its absence” (Kress and Van Leeuwen 2007: 162).

The composition under investigation is characterised as monochrome in terms of colour

differentiation due to the green colour found on both the footprints and the litter bin dominating the

composition heavily. The only additional colour present in the composition is a dark green,

bordering on black, on the lid of the litter bin and the textual pieces on the side of the litter bin.

The representation of the composition is characterised at both ends of the scale for measuring

this variable. The footprints are highly abstract. They lack pictorial detail to such an extent that they

cannot be considered truthful depictions of footprints. It only becomes obvious that they represent

footprints when looking at the shapes of these elements. The litter bin has full pictorial detail judged

through the lenses of naturalism. This is because it not only represents a litter bin but also is an

actual litter bin. The textual pieces on the cover of the litter bin have enough pictorial detail so that

a viewer can easily read the text.

In terms of illumination, the footprints are characterised by complete absence of light and

shade. This underlines that these depictions are too simple to be considered naturalistic. Due to the

footprints being positioned flat on the ground, also the light from the sun does not cause them to

of 47


shade. Since the litter bin is three-dimensional, the light from the sun leaves parts of the litter bin

illuminated and other parts shaded. The light from the sun is obviously external to the actual

composition. It does, however, affect the composition by underlining that the litter bin is an actual

item to an extent that the footprints are not.

In sum, the litter bin has high modality whereas the footprints have rather low modality.

4.3.3 Syntactic Indeterminacy

The concept of syntactic indeterminacy covers the finding that, in opposition to verbal language,

visual media do not have propositional syntax besides syntax for indicating relationships of time

and space (Messaris 1997: xvii-iii). Propositional syntax is the capacity to express connections

between a particular depiction and an independent external reference through “a set of explicit

devices for indicating causality, analogy, or any other relationships” (Messaris 1997: xvii-iii). The

consequence of this deficiency is that a visual does not have the ability to communicate in explicit

terms (Messaris 1997: xviii). In opposition to universal logic, syntactic indeterminacy constitutes a

potentially major advantage for the persuasive use of visual communication in a context such as

advertising because, due to it being implicit in nature, visual communication cannot be held

responsible for what is communicated to an extent comparable to that of verbal (explicit)

communication (Messaris 1997: xiii, xvii-iii, xix). This implies that visual communication can go

one step further in terms of making a controversial argument than can textual communication.

Furthermore, a higher level of cognitive energy is required from receivers of implicit argumentation

(Messaris 1997: xviii) and therefore, the message, if accepted, likely becomes longer-lived (Gass

and Seiter 2011: 51). The argument will, nonetheless, remain implicit, and the degree to which the

of 47


sender can control receivers’ misconceptions of the message is therefore lowered (Windahl et al.

2009: 139).

4.3.3.1 Syntactic Indeterminacy Applied to the CLEAN love for CPH Composition

With no capacity for expressing a connection toward an independent external reference besides that

of time and space, the composition under investigation cannot explicitly go beyond transmitting the

narrative of the concept of leaving rubbish in a litter bin. This means, that the depiction cannot

explicitly express an attitude toward the concept, and therefore, the viewer cannot get an explicit

indication of whether the depiction is, or is not, in favour of the concept of leaving rubbish in the

litter bin.

The composition under investigation does, however, clearly aim at expressing the implicit

statement that handling rubbish by throwing it into a litter bin is a morally superior decision to that

of leaving it in the street. The composition does so by drawing noticeably on the ‘green discourse’

present in current society (Goldstein 2013: 27; Prothero et al. 2010: 149-51). This is found in the

extensive use of green colour and in the depictions of the footprints and the litter bin. The green

discourse is in written texts accounted for using the word green (see e.g. Goldstein 2013: 27; or

Prothero et al. 2010). In visuals, it is repeatedly expressed by use of the colour green (see appendix

3). The green discourse is verbally articulated by use of expressions that, among others, count

‘carbon footprint’ (e.g. Jaquelina 2010: 10) and ‘green footprint’ (e.g. Logothetis et al. 2012: 1).

These expressions are in the composition under investigation put into visual articulation by the

presence of the footprints in the street. When leaving rubbish in the litter bin rather than in the

street, this is obviously positive for one’s carbon footprint, and therefore, the litter bin adds

substance to the use of the green discourse by providing a concrete suggestion of an act that

of 47


corresponds to the values related to the green discourse. By building the argument related to the act

of leaving rubbish in the litter bin upon the green discourse, the composition expresses an

ideological statement in favour of the green discourse. Due to the green discourse being profoundly

present in current society, viewers will likely acknowledge the message proposed implicitly by the

composition.

Even if not being able to express a particular connection toward an independent external

reference, a visual can express a symbolic connection between itself and a viewer, assigning a

certain role to the viewer (Kress and Van Leeuwen 2007: 114-153). As previously mentioned, Kress

and Van Leeuwen (2007) term a visual element a represented participant (47). Viewers are

‘interactive participants’ (Kress and Van Leeuwen 2007: 114). For any depiction, an imaginary

relation is created between the interactive and represented participants (Kress and Van Leeuwen

2007: 114), and this relation depends highly on the presence (or absence) of a represented

participant gazing directly at the viewer (Kress and Van Leeuwen 2007: 117). When a represented

participant seeks to make eye contact with the viewer, the image constitutes a ‘demand’ depiction

(Kress and Van Leeuwen 2007: 118), and when no contact is sought established in this manner, the

image constitutes an ‘offer’ depiction (Kress and Van Leeuwen 2007: 119). A demand depiction

“demands that the viewer enters into some kind of imaginary relationship with [the represented

participant]” (Kress and Van Leeuwen 2007: 118). Oppositely, an offer depiction “’offers’ the

represented participants to the viewer as items of information” (Kress and Van Leeuwen 2007:

199).

Due to the actor of the narrative being absent from the depiction (cf. section 4.3.1.1), no

represented participant has the potential to seek to make eye contact with a viewer, and, therefore,

the composition under investigation constitutes an offer depiction.

of 47


4.4 Interpretation

The narrative pattern, through which the composition under investigation is understood at the iconic

level, allows the viewer to acknowledge the composition as a depiction of the story of someone

leaving rubbish in a litter bin. By leaving the main character of the story anonymous, the

composition invites the viewer to cognitively insert a person into this role. Due to the low truth

value of the footprints, the composition does not suggest the main character to be a specific person

but rather a type of person. The farthest the composition goes in terms of indicating who the main

character could be, is to narrow potential options down to an adult person as indicated by the size of

the footprints.

By combining the narrative conveyed by the composition with the extensive implicit

reference to the green discourse, the composition conveys the meaning that the person who leaves

rubbish in the litter bin develops his or her personal carbon footprint in a greener direction by

carrying out this act. As reflected by the composition, greener connotes better. This is also found in

the obvious employment of the green discourse throughout the depiction. Thus, the act depicted by

the composition reflects a choice that is subtly argued to be morally superior to the alternative of

leaving rubbish in the street.

Due to the litter bin being present in the reality of a person walking besides it in the street, the

story conveyed by the composition does not only hold relevance within the frame of the staged

composition. The story is made explicit by the composition, but it holds relevance to its external

reality, namely the reality surrounding the street that constitutes the natural environment of the litter

bin. This suggests that the type of person that makes up the main character of the story needs not be

fictitious, but could in fact be real.

of 47


Since the act of leaving rubbish in the litter bin is in accordance with the values of the green

discourse, the type of person who performs this act is likely environmentally conscious and

concerned about reducing his or her personal carbon footprint to the benefit of society and his or her

own moral consciousness. The finding that the depiction constitutes an offer depiction rather than a

demand depiction has significant implications for the symbolically assigned role of the viewer. The

viewer is assigned the role of an onlooker; the depiction does not provide any indication that it

needs the viewer to follow its lead. If the viewer does not want to get greener footprints, he or she

will, in terms of the role he or she is assigned by the depiction, be free not to use the litter bin. Had

the depiction, oppositely, demanded the viewer to enter into an imaginary relationship with a

represented participant through the assignment of a visual ‘you’ (Kress and Van Leeuwen 2007:

117), the viewer should experience a higher level of guilt if rejecting the message due to being

symbolically expected to answer the depiction through a social response (Kress and Van Leeuwen

2007: 119). A viewer is in this manner obviously offered the information conveyed by the narrative

pattern of the depiction, but the depiction is by no means expressed to depend on the viewer taking

any action. For this reason, the act of throwing rubbish in the litter bin symbolically becomes an

active choice whereas not carrying out this act becomes the passive equivalent. Therefore, if the

viewer identifies with the values of the green discourse, he or she can actively claim to be the type

of person who the narrative is about. By throwing a piece of rubbish into the litter bin, a viewer, in

symbolic terms, steps into the narrative conveyed by the depiction and thereby insists that he or she

is a person of the type who constitutes the main character of the narrative. Thereby he or she openly

insists to be linked to the values of the green discourse.

of 47


4.4.1 Relating the Findings to Nudging as a Social Marketing Strategy

The campaign element from the CLEAN love for CPH campaign constitutes a hint suggesting that a

link can be drawn between the green discourse and a person who leaves rubbish in the litter bin.

Thereby, a person is nudged to make the decision of carrying out this act when the alternative is to

leave rubbish in the street. Leaving rubbish in the litter bin is both morally better for the individual

and for society when looking through the lenses of the green discourse. The argument is put

forward in a subtle manner encouraging the viewer to act in accordance with these values rather

than making the opposite decision. Leaving rubbish in the street is not forbidden, at least not by the

placement of the campaign element, but by highlighting the moral superiority in using the litter bin,

littering in the street is indirectly suggested to be a morally bad choice. This strategy gives sense to

the term libertarian paternalism because it implies that people are free to leave rubbish in the street,

but should, as suggested by the message conveyed by the depiction, feel really bad about

themselves if doing so. In other words, the composition signifies that it is left up for the morals of

an individual person to determine how to handle a piece of rubbish, but that one choice merits

acceptance whereas the other does not.

of 47


5 Discussions, Conclusions, and Further Research

5.1 Discussions

5.1.1 Discussion of the Analytical Findings in the light of Discourse

The campaign element under investigation incorporates prominent discourses in contemporary

society on two levels. By communicating its message using the strategy of nudging, it allows people

to accept the message at the same time as feeling that their personal freedom of choice to reject the

message has not been restricted. As indicated in section 3.1, this strategy is likely persuasive toward

an audience of westerners because these people, in general, strive for openly expressing reflectivity

in the behavioural choices they make. Based on this notion, substantiation is found to state that a

‘freedom of choice’ discourse exists in contemporary society and that nudging draws on this

particular discourse. In terms of the content of the message, the depiction draws upon the prominent

green discourse present in contemporary society.

By drawing on significant discourses both in terms of content and communicative strategy,

the depiction embeds one discourse into the other, and thereby probably maximises the effect of

both. If drawing on the green discourse but doing so in an explicitly manipulative language, the

piece of communication would, in all likelihood, lose its appeal to the audience of westerners due to

their tendency to react defensively when feeling restricted in their freedom of choice to reject a

persuasive attempt. If, oppositely, employing the strategy of nudging but expressing content that

goes against truths widely agreed upon in contemporary society, the appeal of the depiction would

likewise decrease due to the message in itself conflicting with people’s attitudes.

of 47


5.1.2 Discussion of the Analytical Findings in the light of Attitudes

When being presented with the CLEAN love for CPH campaign element, the attitude object toward

which one is invited to hold an attitude is the specific concept of leaving rubbish in the litter bin, or

the broader value set connected to the green discourse. By incorporating the green discourse

extensively into the campaign element, the likelihood that people have a value set, in terms of a

mental shortcut, that is both central to their belief systems and cognitively easily accessible for

them, and hence potentially determining for their behaviour, is highly elevated, compared to a

theoretical example of a composition in which a prominent discourse of contemporary society is not

present.

By creating a strong link between the green discourse of contemporary society and the

campaign element, the campaign asks the viewer to hold the same attitudes toward the concept

reflected in the campaign element as he or she already holds toward the green discourse. In this

manner, the campaign seeks to persuade its audience by activating feelings and beliefs people

already have. The behavioural information about how to behave in a manner consistent with

positive feelings and high moral beliefs related to the green discourse is provided by the campaign

element in terms of the depicted concept of throwing rubbish in the litter bin. In this manner, if a

viewer holds positive feelings and high moral beliefs about the green discourse, he or she can easily

perform an act that corresponds to these convictions because the campaign depiction makes sure

that he or she is not in deficiency of behavioural information.

Furthermore, because the campaign depiction embeds the green discourse into the freedom of

choice discourse related to nudging, a western person has the possibility to accept the message

conveyed by the depiction without compromising with his or her existing attitudes that nobody

of 47


should attempt to limit his or her freedom of choice to reject a persuasive attempt. This appears to

be a suitable way of persuading westerners due to providing people with the perception that, by not

leaving rubbish in the street, they have made an active behavioural decision.

5.1.3 Discussion of the Analytical Findings in the light of DRT

The persuasiveness of the message conveyed by the depiction is strongly enhanced by the act of

leaving rubbish in the street being a damaging action for the self-image of people living in a

contemporary western society. The profoundness of the green discourse in contemporary society

must be said to make the internalization of the values related to this ideological position the norm.

The message conveyed by the depiction will therefore likely be conceptualised as reflecting a

normative behaviour. Due to the sender of the campaign being the public party of City of

Copenhagen, the depiction can also be conceptualised as a subtle public announcement that it is

officially expected by the Danish state that the citizens of Copenhagen do not leave rubbish in the

street.

The act of leaving rubbish in the street was evidently also socially undesirable prior to the

launch of the CLEAN love for CPH campaign. However, the presence of the campaign makes the

norm of handling rubbish by throwing it into the litter bin salient. According to the DRT, the act of

throwing rubbish into the litter bin will not improve people’s self-images markedly due to

representing the normative and thus expected choice, but it remains the preferable option compared

to the deviant action of leaving rubbish in the street due to the damaging function this act has on

one’s self-image. The depiction reminds people of the social undesirability of leaving rubbish in the

street, and it will therefore likely have an effect that prevents people from doing so.

of 47


5.2 Conclusions

This paper concurs with the research contributions that judge nudging to be a promising (social)

marketing strategy in contemporary western societies (e.g. Hausmann and Welch 2010, and John et

al. 2011).

In general terms, employing nudging as a persuasive strategy is a way of communicating with

westerners in a manner that does not overtly threaten their experience of possessing personal

freedom of choice to reject a proposed message. Because freedom of choice carries significant

importance to westerners, this strategy is expected to have a strong appeal to this audience. It must,

however, be assumed that a communicative strategy does not, in itself, persuade an audience to

change their behaviour, but that the content of the communication piece also plays a significant

role.

As demonstrated in this paper, the analysed campaign constituent from the CLEAN love for

CPH campaign is found to, in addition to employing nudging as persuasive strategy, also

theoretically profit strongly from drawing on the green discourse of contemporary society. Holding

relevance for the green discourse, people’s attitudes toward the topic of leaving rubbish in the litter

bin are expected to be roughly equivalent to their attitudes toward the green discourse as such. The

profoundness of the discourse is expected to make these attitudes central to the belief system of the

individual and to ease the process of activating them. The green discourse is, furthermore, expected

to make it the normative behaviour to leave rubbish in the litter bin, and, thereby, makes the act of

leaving rubbish in the street damaging to a person’s self-image. By appealing to westerners, when

viewing it in the light of discourses, attitudes, and deviance regulation, the campaign element must

of 47


be concluded to be theoretically highly persuasive toward its audience in a multifaceted manner,

taking into account form and content.

These findings demonstrate that a communication piece placed in a contemporary western society

can benefit from communicating through the form of nudging when also containing content that

appeals to its audience. Nudging must therefore be considered a persuasive strategy that

theoretically holds the potential to ease the process of persuading an audience of westerners.

Based on these conclusions, the hypothesis of this paper has been demonstrated to carry

substantiation. The strongest recommendation of the paper is that marketers ought to look into the

big potential of nudging in contemporary western societies, but that the strategy, however, should

not be trusted blindly.

5.3 Implications of Employing Social Constructionism as Scientific Approach

Due to the application of the philosophical position of social constructionism, the research findings

put forward by this paper reflect an attempt to actively construct an area of knowledge. The

theoretical base and analytical tools applied to the paper have been actively selected, and potential

other viewpoints have been left out. The findings and conclusions of the paper are restricted by the

articulations of viewpoints put forward by the theoretical base and analytical tools through which

the field of nudging in contemporary western societies is investigated. Consequently, this paper

constitutes a reflection of ideology, and the considerations put forward by the paper are open to

further examination.

5.4 Further Research

of 47


Due to the investigation of this paper being of theoretical nature, the obvious next step if seeking to

extend the practical use of the findings would be to empirically test the degree to which people

make behavioural decisions in accordance with the theoretical findings of this paper. Furthermore,

it would be highly relevant to look into the time frame of the effects of a nudging campaign, i.e.

whether it is only effective if reaching people at the point of decision-making, or if it has the

potential to stimulate longer-term effects.

An additional interesting perspective for further research within the field of nudging, would

be to investigate whether the idea behind nudging as a persuasive device holds potential to be

implemented into commercial marketing efforts in one way or the other, i.e. if it would be possible

to develop commercial marketing attempts that, inspired by nudging, do not limit people’s

experience of being respected as reflective individuals.

of 47


Reference List

Albarracín, D., Wang, W., Li, H. and Noguchi, K. (2008) Structure of Attitudes: Judgments,

Memory, and Implications for Change. In Crano, W. D. and Prislin, R. (eds.) Attitudes and

Attitude Change. Hove: Psychology Press.

Annells, M. (1996) Grounded Theory Method: Philosophical Perspectives, Paradigm of Inquiry,

and Postmodernism. Qualitative Health Research 6(3), 379-393.

Augoustinos, M. and Walker, I. (1995) Social Cognition. An Integrated Approach. London: Sage.

Barker, C. (2012) Cultural Studies: Theory and Practice, 4th edn. London: Sage.

Benoit, W.L. and Benoit, P.J. (2008) Persuasive Messages: The Process of Influence, 1st edn.

Oxford: Blackwell

Blanton, H., Stuart, A. E. and Van Den Eijnden, J. J. M. (2001) An Introduction to Deviance-

Regulation Theory: The Effect of Behavioural Norms on Message Framing. Personality and

Social Psychology Bulletin 27(7), 848-858.

Blanton, H. and Christie, C. (2003) Deviance Regulation: A Theory of Action and Identity. Review

of General Psychology 7(2), 115-149.

Burr, V. (2003) Social Constructionism, 2nd edn. East Sussex: Routledge.

Dansk Kommunikations Forening (2012) REN Kærlighed til KBH. Available at:

http://www.kommunikationsforening.dk/Menu/Arrangementer/KomPris/2012/Nominerede/Te

knik-+og+Milj%C3%B8forvaltningen,+K%C3%B8benhavns+Kommune [Accessed 10 April

2013].

Erwin, P. (2001) Attitudes and Persuasion. East Sussex: Psychology Press.

Gass, R. H. and Seiter, J. S. (2011) Persuasion: Social Influence and Compliance Gaining, 4th edn.

Pearson.

of 47


Goldstein, J (2013) Appropriate Technocracies? Green Capitalist Discourses and Post Capitalist

Desires. Capitalism Nature Socialism 24(1), 26-34.

Haugsbakk, G. (2009) Technology and Teaching in Post-Modern Environments or Rhetoric

Negotiations of Education. TOJDE 10(3), 89-104.

Hausman, D. M. and Welch, B. (2010) Debate: To Nudge or Not to Nudge. The Journal of Political

Philosophy 18(1), 123-136.

Jaquelina, J. (2010) Managing your Carbon Footprint. Canadian Mining Journal 131(7), 10.

John, P., Cotterill, S., Moseley, A., Richardson, L., Smith, G., Stoker, G. and Wales, C. (2011)

Nudge, Nudge, Think, Think: Experimenting with Ways to Change Civic Behaviour. London:

Bloomsbury.

Kress and Van Leeuwen (2007) Reading Images: The Grammar of Visual Design, 2nd edn.

London: Routledge.

Lee, N. R. and Kotler, P. (2011) Social Marketing: Influencing Behaviours for Good, 4th edn.

London: Sage.

Logothetis, M., Athanasiou, G., Tsagkaris, K. and Demestichas, P. (2012) Green Footprints by

Cognitive Management of Opportunistic Networks. Available at:

http://arxiv.org/ftp/arxiv/papers/1207/1207.0162.pdf [Accessed 28 April 2013].

Longman Dictionary of Contemporary English. 5th edn. Longman.

Mangleburg, T. F. and Bristol, T. (1998) Socialization and Adolescents’ Skepticism toward

Advertising. Journal of Advertising 27(3), 11-21.

Messaris, P. (1997) Visual Persuasion: The Role of Images in Advertising. London: Sage.

Nightingale, D. J. and Cromby, J. (2002) Social Constructionism as Ontology: Exposition and

Example. Theory & Psychology 12(5), 701-713.

Obermiller, C. and Spangenberg, E. R. (2000) On the Origin and Distinctness of Skepticism toward

Advertising. Marketing Letters 11(4), 311-322.

Obermiller, C., Spangenberg, E. R. and MacLachlan, D. L. (2005) Ad Scepticism. Journal of

Advertising 34(3), 7-17.

Olson, M. A. and Kendrick, R. V. (2008) Origins of Attitudes. In Crano, W. D. and Prislin, R. (eds.)

Attitudes and Attitude Change. Hove: Psychology Press.

Oxford Advanced Learners Dictionary (2011). 8th edn. [online] Available at:

http://oald8.oxfordlearnersdictionaries.com/ [Accessed 2 April 2013].

of 47


Prothero, A., McDonagh, P. and Dobscha, S. (2010) Is Green the New Black? Reflections on a

Green Commodity Discourse. Journal of Macromarketing 30(2), 147-159.

Schultz, P. W., Tabanico, J. J. and Rendón, T. (2008) Normative Beliefs as Agents of Influence:

Basic Processes and Real-World Applications. In Crano, W. D. and Prislin, R. (eds.) Attitudes

and Attitude Change. Hove: Psychology Press.

Smith, J. R. and Hogg M. A. (2008) Social Identity and Attitudes. In Crano, W. D. and Prislin, R.

(eds.) Attitudes and Attitude Change. Hove: Psychology Press.

Soh, H., Reid, L. N. and King, K. W. (2007) Trust in Different Advertising Media. J&MC

Quarterly 84(3), 455-476.

Stillar, G. F. (1998) Analyzing Everyday Texts: Discourse, Rhetoric, and Social Perspectives.

London: Sage.

Terrén, E. (2002) Post-modern Attitudes: a Challenge to Democratic Education. European Journal

of Education 37(2), 161-177.

Windahl, S., Signitzer, B. and Olson, J. T. (2009) Using Communication Theory: An Introduction to

Planned Communication, 2nd edn. London: Sage.

of 47


Appendices

Appendix 1

Examples of CLEAN love for CPH campaign elements

of 47


Appendix 2

CLEAN love for CHP campaign element for analysis

of 47


Appendix 3

Various Examples of Visuals Drawing on the Green Discourse by use of the Colour Green

of 47

pure.au.dkpure.au.dk/portal/files/54010430/bachelor_s_thesis.docx · web viewthrough implicit...

Documents